The Social Exclusion of Gypsy/Traveller Children

Strathprints Institutional Repository Clark, Colin and Cemlyn, S. (2005) The social exclusion of gypsy and traveller children. In: At Greatest Risk: the children most likely to be poor. CPAG, London, UK, pp. 150-165. ISBN 1901698-78-5 Strathprints is designed to allow users to access the research output of the University of Strathclyde. Copyright c and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. You may not engage in further distribution of the material for any profitmaking activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute both the url (http:// strathprints.strath.ac.uk/) and the content of this paper for research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Any correspondence concerning this service should be sent to Strathprints administrator: mailto:[email protected] http://strathprints.strath.ac.uk/ Eleven The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children Sarah Cemlyn and Colin Clark Introduction This chapter examines the poverty and social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children in contemporary Britain. We set the scene by exploring who Gypsies and Travellers actually are and how poverty and social exclusion impacts on these minority communities. We examine the legal and policy context and illustrate the ways in which, in particular, Gypsies and Travellers often suffer from spatialised forms of poverty and can be rendered ‘invisible’ in policy areas where other ethnic minority groups are usually able to at least have their voices heard. We argue that the ‘poverty’ faced by Gypsy and Traveller children tends to reflect the group’s wider relationship with the dominant settled society and the discrimination and denial of human rights they endure across a range of aspects of day-today living. To illustrate these points we look at key policy areas and report on how Gypsies and Travellers are provided for in terms of accommodation, education, income/employment, health, family support, and political/community participation. Who are the Gypsies and Travellers of Britain? Despite the presence of Gypsy and Traveller groups in Britain for at least 500 years, much confusion surrounds who they are. The terms ‘Gypsy’ and ‘Traveller’ (and ‘Roma’) are not neutral and definitions are heavily contested, both within and outside the communities. We draw on the definitions employed by the Minority Rights Group.1 These refer to ‘Gypsies’ as ethnic groups formed by a diaspora of commercial and nomadic groups from India from the tenth century, and subsequent mixing with European The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children and other groups; to ‘Travellers’ as predominantly indigenous European ethnic groups whose culture is characterised by self-employment, occupational fluidity and nomadism; and to ‘Roma’ broadly as European Romani speaking groups. In Britain there are English Romani Gypsies and Travellers, Welsh Gypsies, Scottish Gypsy-Travellers and Irish Travellers; smaller groups of Roma from Central and Eastern Europe; and ‘New’ Travellers, now often in their third or fourth generation. Other groups of Travellers also facing discrimination and, potentially, poverty are Travelling Showpeople, Circus Travellers and barge dwelling Travellers. We use the terms ‘Gypsy’ and ‘Traveller’ in this chapter. How do we define ‘poverty’ in relation to Gypsies and Travellers? The definition of poverty employed in this book is highly relevant when examining the situation of Gypsy and Traveller children. Reference to ‘participat[ion] in the activities and hav[ing] the living conditions and amenities which are customary. . . in the societies in which they belong’2 serves as an apt but also ironic introduction. It is apt because the poverty experienced by some Gypsy and Traveller children involves the deprivation of customary activities (such as attending school), living conditions and basic amenities. It is ironic because to refer to Gypsies and Travellers as ‘belonging’ to societies is entirely correct but this ‘belonging’ is heavily debated, with high levels of antagonism and racism expressed publicly, including in the media. Successive public opinion surveys have shown that these minority groups experience the greatest levels of hostility across many different societies.3 This hostility interacts with the successive failure of governments to include Gypsies and Travellers in national anti-poverty social exclusion/inclusion agendas, and they also tend to be sidelined in local anti-poverty strategies.4 However, developments during 2003–04 have witnessed some positive moves including Social Exclusion Unit engagement with ‘frequent movers’, influential work on site provision by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR),5 and the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE)6 targeting anti-Gypsy and Traveller racism and discrimination as urgent priorities in equalities debates. It is clear that many Gypsy and Traveller children are ‘poor’ in mul- 147 148 At Greatest Risk tiple and different ways. Some are undeniably financially poor, but there are many dimensions to the ‘poverty’ such groups struggle with. We argue that the dimensions of ‘poverty’ need to be conceptualised more broadly, in particular regarding spatial poverty. This chapter outlines the extent of knowledge about poverty among Gypsy and Traveller families in the context of their exclusion within economic, social and political systems. Unfortunately, a severe lack of robust quantitative data about aspects of their situation reflects their general exclusion and ‘invisibility’ within these systems. One disturbing statistic that is often quoted in relation to health is the fact that according to one study only 10 per cent of Gypsies and Travellers in England and Wales are over the age of 40 and less than 1 per cent are over the age of 65.7 With regard to education, a recent Department for Education and Skills study showed that at least half of all Gypsy and Traveller children in England and Wales drop out of school between Key Stages 1 and 4. The same study also showed very high rates of exclusions.8 The legal and policy context It is important to state that different Gypsy and Traveller groups in Britain are regarded as ethnic minority groups. Both English Romani Gypsies (since 1988) and Irish Travellers (since 2000) are formally recognised as such and have protection under Race Relations legislation. Scottish Gypsy-Travellers, although accepted by the Scottish Parliament and Executive as an ethnic minority group, have no legal recognition as no test case has yet gone through the courts. Whatever their legal status, a significant aspect of the exclusion endured by Gypsies and Travellers is the substantive denial of ethnic minority status and corresponding rights. This takes many forms and operates on a day-to-day basis for many families: they are frequently perceived by service providers, the public and politicians as being social (rather than ethnic) ‘drop-outs’ or living within ‘deviant sub-cultures’ that actively reject sedentarist norms.9 The pathologisation of Gypsies and Travellers was perhaps most evident in Ireland where Irish Travellers in the 1970s were classified as belonging to a ‘sub-culture of poverty’. In these debates Traveller ‘subculture’ was primarily defined in terms of a (negative and ‘parasitic’) economic relationship with the state, leading to a succession of assimilationist policies that aimed to provide ‘solutions’ to Travellers’ ‘problems’ and The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children poverty.10 Such ‘solutions’ were, of course, resisted by Travellers and the theory was subsequently refuted by one of its advocates: ‘[Irish Traveller] culture exists in its own right and is in no way defined by its relationship with the settled society’.11 However, such popularised notions embed themselves into culture and still influence the thinking of many settled people within Eire and Britain. Underpinning the continued belief in sub-cultures of poverty within Gypsy and Traveller communities are misunderstandings by settled society of Traveller economies. These economies are largely characterised by family based self-employed activities, and are flexible, adaptable and opportunistic in relation to gaps and opportunities in mainstream economic markets.12 Similar preferences and patterns of self-employed work operate among New Travellers.13 While there has been a decline in traditional work opportunities for some Gypsy and Traveller groups (for example, farm work and scrapping), other new market opportunities are being taken advantage of (for example, car boot sales and market trading). The Gypsy and Traveller economy generates a wide range of economic levels. There are a number of wealthy Gypsies and Travellers who have achieved much success as general traders and in business. Income poverty is not a defining characteristic of Gypsy Traveller culture, although this is not to say it does not exist. Alongside concerns regarding financial poverty, a spatial element to social exclusion is, we would argue, key for many Gypsies and Travellers. This can involve a lack of secure accommodation, safety and access to services. Lack of safety in terms of racist vigilante attacks remains a tragically current issue, as the May 2003 murder of Irish Traveller Johnny Delaney in the Liverpool area illustrates.14 The social exclusion of Gypsies and Travellers from most settled people’s definition and understanding of terms such as ‘community’15 and ‘society’ is played out through public attitudes and behaviours, and institutional policies and service provision. Gypsies and Travellers are excluded from public space both geographically and culturally16 and this spatialised poverty is increasingly becoming a central feature of their lives. What do we know about poverty affecting Gypsy Traveller children? Gypsies and Travellers have been rendered ‘invisible’ in many policy 149 150 At Greatest Risk debates and, conversely, highly visible when their physical presence on an unauthorised site upsets the local settled community. Their exclusion as a separately categorised ethnic group from the Census and the ethnic monitoring systems of many public bodies reduces the availability of reliable information about their needs.17 In schools and colleges there is a more systematic collection of information, although problems and inconsistencies are still evident.18 Data relating to health has moved on with a recent Department of Health (DoH) study,19 but a British Medical Journal editorial20 pertinently revealed that there is much more medical research information on the Gypsy moth than Gypsy people. The omission of Gypsies and Travellers from mainstream data collection reflects and reinforces a lack of culturally appropriate provision and a failure to include Gypsies and Travellers in policy dialogues and partnerships. The problems faced by community representatives in such partnerships, such as marginalisation, exploitation and discrediting of representative status, are acute for many Gypsies and Travellers.21 However, their demands to be listened to by government are growing through the work of the Gypsy and Traveller Law Reform Coalition and its constituent groups (a Scottish equivalent started in March 2005).22 The ‘poverty’ faced by Gypsy and Traveller children reflects the group’s wider relationship with the dominant settled society and the discrimination and denial of human rights across a range of aspects of dayto-day living. The following sections are organised around key policy areas, including accommodation, education, income/employment, health, family support, and political/community participation. We can only offer a summary account of each in this chapter. Before doing this, however, we need to touch on the universal or specialist services debate. Clearly, there are advantages as well as disadvantages in mainstreaming and in specialist service provision. On one hand, the mainstreaming equalities agenda has allowed for more collective voices to emerge, it has questioned the pathologisation of Gypsy and Traveller culture within the specialist sector, and has enabled Gypsies and Travellers to claim their right to equality. On the other hand, Gypsy and Traveller items can be pushed to the back of the agenda and their voices drowned out in mainstreaming debates and conferences. We suggest there is a clear place for some specialist provision that bridges the distance between settled services and Gypsies/Travellers and promotes change, access and inclusion in the mainstream – as illustrated by the work of Traveller Education Services (TES) and (scattered) specialist health projects. The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children Accommodation Access to secure stopping places has always been an issue for many Gypsy and Traveller families. In England and Wales the 1968 Caravan Sites Act was implemented in a patchy way across the country and local authority inaction and public hostility led to many areas not having any site provision. The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (CJPOA) 1994 removed the obligation on local authorities to provide sites and led to a severe lack of site accommodation, leaving 25 per cent of the population homeless because they have nowhere legal to park a caravan.23 Gypsies and Travellers have had to fight through the courts to attempt to get land to locate their trailers. In Scotland there has been no equivalent legislation regarding sites; instead Scottish Gypsy-Travellers have had to rely on ‘toleration’ policies of local councils. The effective privatisation of site provision after the CJPOA has led to many families (who could afford to) turning their backs on local authority sites, only to face discrimination in the planning system followed by evictions, courts and hostile newspaper reporting. Examples of such negative reporting appeared during the 2005 election campaign (primarily in The Sun and The Daily Mail, March and April 2005). However, planning consultation is currently underway but this is accompanied by renewed threats, in the form of Office of the Deputy Prime Minister temporary stop notices,25 to prevent Gypsies and Travellers from setting up private sites: something they were persuaded to do by the 1990s Conservative Government. The implications for children of lack of authorised sites are multiple: dangerous and polluting conditions on unauthorised sites; lack of basic services such as water and sanitation; lack of safe play space; and pressure on parents, with resulting health issues.26 The trauma and psychological effects of eviction are something that many families experience, with threatening and intimidating treatment by bailiffs and police. Repeated eviction leads to lack of access to schools, health and other services.27 In addition to the heavy personal costs for Gypsies and Travellers, local authorities, police and other agencies have significant financial costs to meet.28 On many official sites there are also damaging implications of poor locations (often in areas deemed unfit for housing) and physical conditions. Some are remote from essential services. Unlike housing tenancies, site licence conditions do not give security of tenure, inhibiting local access and inclusion for children and families29 151 152 At Greatest Risk Many Gypsies and Travellers are effectively ‘pushed’ into housing despite this not being a culturally preferred option.30 They face similar issues to other population groups: poor conditions; overcrowding, often temporary housing; and also problems of stress because housing is culturally alien, leading to isolation from extended family, racism from neighbours, and worse health than Gypsies and Travellers on sites.31 These factors produce particular pressures on children.32 Education and training The history of Gypsies’ and Travellers’ experiences of school has often been negative, from not being admitted or welcomed to facing bullying and a non-inclusive, non-relevant curriculum.33 There are debates about an assimilationist agenda in the education system34 that can be perceived and experienced as a cultural threat to Gypsy and Traveller traditions and beliefs.35 There are continuing parental concerns about potentially damaging influences in secondary school in relation to drugs, sexual mores and sex education classes. However there is also increasing evidence of Gypsy and Traveller parents wanting school-based education for their children to develop the necessary skills to cope with changing employment patterns.36 Equality of access to education and achievement is therefore important to Gypsies’ and Travellers’ future economic well-being as well as their engagement in political and civic life. However, there are continuing inequalities of access and inclusion,37 in particular achievement for Gypsy and Traveller children of all ages. They have been seen as the ‘group most at risk in the education system’.38 Contributory factors include racist harassment or bullying and a failure of schools to address it effectively;39 excessive exclusions from school, sometimes arising out of Travellers’ responses to racist incidents;40 and self-exclusions that may be a response to hostility or other problems. It does seem that practices in some primary and secondary schools are improving, especially with support from TES, and there are some innovative developments and flexible approaches to post-16 education and vocational training.41 However, in other schools there is a continuing failure to provide an inclusive environment and an appropriate curriculum in which Gypsy and Traveller children’s experience, culture and family based education is validated and built on.42 In Scotland there is no equivalent to TES. The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children Income and employment Although some families are relatively wealthy, both practice knowledge and other studies make clear that some families have few financial resources, despite the paucity of robust data. The Department for Work and Pensions has no separate data on Gypsy and Traveller work patterns or unemployment rates, whereas it does gather such data for most other ethnic minority groups. Although Gypsies and Travellers continue to seek new activities and niche markets, there has been a decline in previous economic outlets, especially in crowed urban environments.43 Restrictions on travelling and on working activities on official sites have undermined aspects of the Traveller economy.44 Moreover, many find that simply being a Gypsy or Traveller, and lacking basic literacy skills, will prevent them accessing mainstream wage labour jobs or training. Those who are in waged labour work may face prejudice, hence a preference among some to ‘pass’ their ethnic identity. Because of a decline in some former Gypsy and Traveller occupations and lack of opportunity for training and jobs in other areas, access to benefits is important for some families. Again, in this area research has shown levels of discrimination and disadvantage in accessing the benefit system, especially for those who are frequently nomadic.45 Power46 has referred to specific surveillance directed towards Gypsies and Travellers on the assumption that they commit fraud. This can result in families being denied benefit where there is little, if any, evidence of actual fraud. Health Recent DoH research has found that Gypsies and Travellers had ‘significantly poorer health status and significantly more self-reported symptoms of ill-health’ than comparators matched for age, gender and economic status.47 There are clear links between income poverty and poor health across a number of different groups in society, although we argue that poor health in the case of Gypsies and Travellers can also be related to poor service provision. The study found that Travellers were much more likely to experience anxiety and, especially women, depression. Those in houses had significantly higher anxiety levels, something well known anecdotally. A pilot study indicated a detrimental effect on mental health of changes to travelling patterns.48 Gypsies and Travellers with long-term illness were more likely to be on a council site or in a house, and those 153 154 At Greatest Risk who rarely travelled had the worst health status, though causality cannot be determined here. Almost all the Gypsy and Traveller interviewees had lived a travelling lifestyle at some stage and many hoped they or their children and grandchildren would return to it.49 Most prior studies have been localised area or practitioner studies related to maternal and child health.50 These indicated higher morbidity levels for Gypsies and Travellers than the rest of the population.51 The DoH study found no significant reported differences with pregnancy or childbirth, but the report of The Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Deaths found that Travellers have ‘possibly the highest maternal death rate among all ethnic groups’ associated with substandard care. (Lewis and Drife 2001: 41 [please provide full reference details]) Smaller studies have found higher infant mortality and perinatal death rates, higher levels of children’s infectious diseases and of child accident rates.52 Despite clearly indicated patterns of health needs, Gypsies and Travellers have numerous problems accessing health care, particularly registering with a GP.53 The DoH study explored barriers including communication difficulties, lack of trust, and lack of cultural competence among medical and reception/front-line staff.54 However, specialist health visitors were highly rated and have facilitated access, as informal studies have illustrated.55 Overall, many Gypsy and Traveller children are denied rights to basic conditions for healthy development and may miss out on effective health care. Family support and social work Gypsy and Traveller culture is strongly family orientated and child-centred. For many it is strong family and extended family networks that offer support in times of trouble. There are limited numbers of research studies examining the relationship between social work and Gypsies and Travellers,56 and imprecise information about the nature and levels of contact because of lack of monitoring. Parry et al.57 concluded that Gypsies and Travellers had more contact with social workers than some other service-providing professionals, but other studies have indicated distance between them.58 What is identifiable is that practice with Gypsy and Traveller children and families is variable in quality and frequently fails to acknowledge cultural issues, especially of housed Travellers, while ‘race’ equality policies often ignore them altogether.59 Vulnerable Gypsy and Traveller children may be ignored because they do not fit mainstream sys- The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children tems,60 and there is little promotion of culturally relevant services such as fostering. The most vulnerable Gypsy and Traveller children may then be further marginalised and isolated. Sensitive outreach with Gypsy and Traveller communities in non-crisis situations, or at a minimum partnership with more knowledgeable organisations, could promote better communication and facilitate the kind of holistic approach to family support and child protection that is required by government policy. There are a handful of specialist approaches that can build contact and better mutual understanding61 but these rare posts are vulnerable to cuts. Community and political participation The one positive aspect to emerge in the last decade has been Gypsy and Traveller organisations engaging with more direct and sustained political activism. The Gypsy and Traveller Law Reform Coalition has brought together different organisations under a collective banner of campaigning for formal and substantive civil rights.62 The Coalition has attracted key partnerships with outside agencies, such as the IPPR and the CRE, and has had a significant role in shifting government thinking on planning, accommodation and broader social policy concerns. For this work the Coalition won the 2004 Liberty Human Rights Award. Prior to the Coalition, smaller groups like the Gypsy Council worked hard to get Gypsy and Traveller issues on the political agenda. The Coalition brings the advantages of shared resources and a stronger collective ‘voice’, challenging the traditional exclusion from civic and political engagement. Young people are also involved in activism and making their ‘voices’ heard.63 Some of the most passionate activists are young women. Conclusion Overall, what are the key policy and service delivery lessons? Secure and appropriate accommodation remains central. We suggest that active and energetic consultation with Gypsies and Travellers across key service areas is a priority. Serious thinking is needed on the ‘visibility’ of the Gypsy and Traveller presence in public policy vis-à-vis data collection methods in 155 156 At Greatest Risk relevant research projects and scoping exercises. Gypsies and Travellers should be included in ethnic monitoring systems, and in ‘race’ equality strategies. At the service level, training to promote more culturally sensitive responses, more accessible forms of communication, and outreach either directly or in partnership with more specialist services, have all been advocated. This is particularly true in relation to access to better information and advice regarding training and employment courses as well as social security services. The central message we hope to convey is that progress in the areas of accommodation, education, health, and ‘race’ equality will generate improvements in the way that Gypsy and Traveller children experience family life in Britain and minimise their chances of slipping into poverty and being socially excluded. Notes D Hawes and B Perez, The Gypsy and the State: the Ethnic Cleansing of British Society, 2nd edition, Policy Press, 1996 [where is this referenced in the text?] S Kendall, ‘Sites of resistance: places on the margin: the Traveller "homeplace" ‘, in T Acton (ed), Gypsy politics and Traveller identity, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1997, pp70–89 [where is this referenced in the text?] 1 J P Liégeois and N Gheorghe, Roma/Gypsies: A European Minority, Minority Rights Group, 1995, p6 2 ‘Individuals, families and groups in the population can be said to be in poverty when they lack the resources to obtain the types of diet, participate in the activities and have the living conditions and amenities which are customary, or are at least widely encouraged and approved, in the societies in which they belong’ (P Townsend, Poverty in the United Kingdom: a Survey of Household Resources and Standards of Living, Penguin, 1979, p31) 3 I Hancock, ‘Duty and beauty, possession and truth: lexical impoverishment as control’, in T Acton and G Mundy (eds), Romani Culture and Gypsy Identity, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1997, pp180–187; Stonewall, Profiles of Prejudice: The Nature of Prejudice in England, Stonewall/Citizenship 21 Project, 2003 4 Social Exclusion Unit, Minority Ethnic Issues in Social Exclusion and Neighbourhood Renewal, Cabinet Office, 2000 5 H Crawley, Moving Forward: the provision of accommodation for Travellers and Gypsies, Institute for Public Policy Research, 2004 6 CRE, Gypsies and Travellers. A Strategy for the CRE 2004–2007, Commission for Racial Equity, 2004 The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children 7 Judicial Studies Board, Equal Treatment Bench Book, Equality Before Courts and Tribunals, 2004, section 1.5.8, Roma and Travellers, www.jsboard.co.uk/ etac/etbb/benchbook/et_01/et_mf08.htm#158 8 DfES, Ethnicity and Education: the evidence on minority ethnic pupils January 2005, Department for Education and Skills, 2005,www.standards.dfes.gov.uk/ ethnicminorities/links_and_publications/EandE_RTP01_05/ 9 R McVeigh, ‘Theorising sedentarism: the roots of anti-nomadism’, in T Acton (ed), Gypsy Politics and Traveller Identity, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1997, pp7–25 10 M Collins, ‘The sub-culture of poverty: a response to McCarthy’, in M McCann, S O Siochain and J Ruane (eds), Irish Travellers: Culture and Ethnicity, Institute of Irish Studies, 1994, pp130–133; Dublin Traveller Education and Development Group, Reach Out: Report by the DTEDG on the Poverty 3 Programme 1990–1994, Pavee Point Publications, 1994 11 P McCarthy, ‘The sub-culture of poverty reconsidered’, in M McCann, S O Siochain and J Ruane (eds), Irish Travellers: Culture and Ethnicity, Institute of Irish Studies, 1994, p128 12 C Clark, ' ”Not just lucky white heather and clothes pegs”: putting European Gypsy and Traveller economic niches in context', in S Fenton and H Bradley (eds), Ethnicity and Economy: Race and Class Revisited, Palgrave, 2002; J Okely, The Traveller Gypsies, Cambridge University Press, 1983 13 L Webster and J Millar, Making a Living: Social Security, Social Exclusion and New Travellers, Joseph Rowntree Foundation/Policy Press, 2001 14 Kirby Times, ‘Justice for Johnny Delaney’, 2003, www.kirkbytimes.co.uk/ news_items/2003_news/justice_for_johnny_delaney.html 15 J Brent, ‘Community without unity’, in P Hoggett (ed.), Contested Communities: Experiences, struggles and policies, Policy Press, 1997 16 D Sibley, Outsiders in Urban Society, Palgrave, 1981; A Bancroft, ‘ “No Interest in Land”: Legal and Spatial Enclosure of Gypsy-Travellers in Britain’, Space and Polity, 4, 1, May 2000 17 R Morris, ‘The invisibility of Gypsies and other Travellers’, Journal of Social Welfare Law, 21 (4), 1999, pp397–404; P Niner, The Provision and Condition of Local Authority Gypsy/Traveller Sites in England, Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2002 18 K Bhopal, J Gundara, C Jones and C Owen, Working Towards Inclusive Education: Aspects of Good Practice for Gypsy Traveller Children, DfEE Research Report No 238, Department for Education and Employment, 2000 19 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 157 158 At Greatest Risk 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004 20 M McKee, ‘The health of Gypsies’, British Medical Journal, 315, 1997, pp1172–1173 21 S Cemlyn, Policy and Provision by Social Services for Traveller children and families: Report of research study, University of Bristol, 1998 22 Gypsy and Traveller Law Reform Coalition, 2005, www.travellerslaw.org.uk/ 23 CRE, Gypsies and Travellers: A Strategy for the CRE 2004–2007, Commission for Racial Equity, 2004 24 ODPM, Planning for Gypsy and Traveller Sites, Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2004, www.odpm.gov.uk/stellent/groups/odpm_planning/documents/ page/odpm_plan_033598.pdf 25 ODPM, Temporary stop notices, Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2004, www.planningportal.gov.uk/england/government/en/1110214696189.html 26 Chartered Institute of Environmental Health, Travellers and Gypsies: an Alternative Strategy, CIEH, 1995; L Hughes, My Dream Site, Children’s Society, Children’s Participation Project, 1998 27 D Kenrick and C Clark, Moving On: The Gypsies and Travellers of Britain, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1999; M Hyman, Sites for Travellers, London Race and Housing Research Unit, 1989; R Morris and L Clements (eds), Gaining Ground: Law Reform for Gypsies and Travellers, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1999 28 R Morris and L Clements, At What Cost? The economics of Gypsy and Traveller encampments, Policy Press, 2002 29 CRE, Gypsies and Travellers: A Strategy for the CRE 2004–2007, Commission for Racial Equity, 2004 30 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004; P A Thomas and S Campbell, Housing Gypsies, Cardiff Law School, 1992 31 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004 32 S Cemlyn, ‘Assimilation, control, mediation or advocacy? 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The Right to Education of Roma/Gypsy and Traveller Children, Save the Children Fund, 2001, pp206–301; S Lee, ‘Shirley Lee…telling her own story’, in P Saunders, J Clarke, S Kendall, A Lee, S Lee and F Matthews (eds), Gypsies and Travellers in their own words, Leeds Traveller Education Service, 2000, pp138–146; B Plowden, The Plowden Report: children and their primary schools, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1967; Swann 1985 [please provide full reference details] C Clark, ' ”Educational Space” in the European Union: Social Exclusion or Assimilation of Gypsy/Traveller Children?’, Social Work in Europe, 4, (3), 1997, pp27–33; B Jordan, ‘From Interdependence to Dependence and Independence: Home and school learning for Traveller children’, Childhood, 8(1), 2001, pp57–74; D Mayall, English Gypsies and State Policies, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1995; J Okely, ‘Non-territorial culture as the rationale for the assimilation of Gypsy children’, Childhood, 4, 1997, pp63–80 C Derrington and S Kendall, Gypsy Traveller Students in Secondary Schools: Culture, Identity and Achievement, Trentham Books, 2004; C O’Hanlon and P Holmes, The education of Gypsy and Traveller children: towards inclusion and educational achievement, Trentham Books, 2004 K Bhopal, ‘Gypsy Travellers and Education: Changing Needs and Changing Perceptions’, British Journal of Educational Studies, 52 (1), 2001, pp47–64; B Jordan, ‘From Interdependence to Dependence and Independence: Home and school learning for Traveller children’, Childhood, 8(1), 2001, pp57–74 Save the Children Fund, Denied a Future? 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The right to education of Roma/Gypsy and Traveller children, Save the Children Fund, 2001 C Power, Room to Roam: England’s Irish Travellers, Action Group for Irish Youth/Community Fund, 2004 C Kiddle, Traveller Children: a voice for themselves, Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1999 C Clark, 'Race, Ethnicity and Social Security: The Experience of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain', Journal of Social Security Law, 6(4), 1999, pp186-202; L Webster and J Millar, Making a Living: Social Security, Social Exclusion and New Travellers, Joseph Rowntree Foundation/Policy Press, 2001 C Power: Room to Roam. England’s Irish Travellers, Action Group for Irish Youth/Community Fund, 2004, p7 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Summary of Report to the Department of Health, University of Sheffield, 2004, p5 P Van Cleemput and G Parry, ‘Health Status of Gypsy Travellers’, Journal of Public Health Medicine, 23 (2), 2001, pp129–34 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004 For example E Anderson, ‘Health Concerns and Needs of Travellers’, Health Visitor (70), April, 1997, pp148–50; H Beach, Injury Rates in Gypsy-Traveller Children, MSc in Community Child Health Dissertation, University of Wales College of Medicine, 1999; J Pahl and M Vaile, Health and Health Care among Travellers, University of Kent, 1986 E Anderson, ‘Health Concerns and Needs of Travellers’, Health Visitor (70), April, 1997, pp148–50; J Pahl and M Vaile, Health and Health Care among Travellers, University of Kent, 1986; P Van Cleemput, ‘The Health Care Needs of Travellers’, Archives of Disease in Childhood, 82(1), 2000, pp32–37 H Beach, Injury Rates in Gypsy-Traveller Children, MSc in Community Child Health Dissertation, University of Wales College of Medicine, 1999; G Feder, Traveller Gypsies and primary health care in East London, PhD thesis, St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School, University of London, 1994; S Hajioff and M McKee, ‘The health of the Roma People: a review of the published literature’, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 54, 2000, pp864–869; M The social exclusion of Gypsy and Traveller children 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 Hennick, P Cooper and R Diamond, Primary Health Care Needs of Travelling People in Wessex, University of Southampton, 1993; R Morris and L Clements, Disability, Social Care, Health and Travelling People, Traveller Law Research Unit, 2001; J Pahl and M Vaile, Health and Health Care among Travellers, University of Kent, 1986 G Feder, ‘Traveller Gypsies and primary care’, Journal of the Royal College of General Practitioners, 39, 1989, pp425–429; G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004; D Hawes, Gypsies, Travellers and the Health Service, Policy Press, 1997; and reiterated by [reference missing?] P Van Cleemput, K Thomas, G Parry, J Peters, J Moore and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England: Report of Qualitative Findings, University of Sheffield, 2004 S Cemlyn, ‘Traveller Children and the State: Welfare or Neglect?’, Child Abuse Review, 4, 1995, pp278–290; R Morris and L Clements (eds), Gaining Ground: Law Reform for Gypsies and Travellers, University of Hertfordshire Press, 1999; R Morris and L Clements, Disability, Social Care, Health and Travelling People, Traveller Law Research Unit, 2001 Butler 1983 [please provide full reference details] ; S Cemlyn, Policy and Provision by Social Services for Traveller Children and Families: Report of research study, University of Bristol, 1998; D Morran, ‘Negotiating marginalized identities: Social workers and settled Travelling People in Scotland’, International Social Work, 45 (3), 2002, pp337–351 G Parry, P Van Cleemput, J Peters, J Moore, S Walters, K Thomas and C Cooper, The Health Status of Gypsies and Travellers in England, Report of Department of Health Inequalities in Health Research Initiative Project 121/7500, University of Sheffield, 2004 Butler 1983 [please provide full reference details] ; S Cemlyn, ‘From Neglect to Partnership? Challenges for Social Services in Promoting the Welfare of Traveller Children’, Child Abuse Review, 9, 2000, pp349–363 D Morran, ‘Negotiating marginalized identities: Social workers and settled Travelling People in Scotland’, International Social Work, 45 (3), 2002, pp337–351 C Power, Room to Roam: England’s Irish Travellers, Action Group for Irish Youth/Community Fund, 2004 S Cemlyn, ‘From Neglect to Partnership? Challenges for Social Services in Promoting the Welfare of Traveller Children’, Child Abuse Review, 9, 2000, pp349–363; C Power, Room to Roam: England’s Irish Travellers, Action Group 161 162 At Greatest Risk for Irish Youth/Community Fund, 2004 62 Gypsy and Traveller Law Reform Coalition, 2005, www.travellerslaw.org.uk/ 63 S Cemlyn, ‘Groupwork as a tool in the celebration, resourcing and development of Gypsy and Traveller culture’, in T Mistry and A Brown (eds), Race and Groupwork, Whiting and Birch, 1997, pp110-137; C Kiddle, Traveller Children: a voice for themselves, Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1999