Music and Art During Portuguese Colonisation in Angola, 1926-1974

Music and Art During Portuguese Colonisation in Angola 1926-1974 This watercolor by Capuchin friar Bernardino D’Asti depicts a Christian wedding ceremony in the kingdom of Kongo, circa 1750. Bernardino created an illustrated manuscript providing practical advice to future missionaries in the west-central African kingdom. (©Bibliotheca Civica Centrale, Turin). Introduction This paper comes as a result of my long interest and investigation of the history of Angolan music and art during the colonial era; at the time it is my contribution in the process of understanding how music and art was used in the operation of transformation. Angolan music and art made so much impacted during the colonial struggle and the fight for liberation and independence that not much has been researched and studied that narrates their artistic contributions and the works they made in the process. One of the key aspects that I will discuss is the artists in the Angolan culture and society during colonialization and the important role they played in making visible and express their experiences in a form of art, music, dance or poetry that influenced the people and collective imagination. The main objective of this paper as I investigate music and art as a creative procedure is to understand the impact these practices made in the revolution, based on the notions of traditional culture and how it influenced in the identity and ideas of nationalism. In this paper, I will begin by giving a brief history of the Portuguese presence in Angola. In here, I will deliberately focus on the years between 1926 and 1933 when the Portuguese colonial government in Lisbon led by the authoritarian Antonio de Oliveira Salazar implementation new laws, regulations, legislations and rules for the colony and it established the Estado Novo (New State), with the objective of the colonial administration to force the native and indigenous population to assimilate in a form of Luso-tropicalism. Moreover, I will elaborate with great details about the creole elite and assimilation process that native Angolans were subject to follow. The colonial empire implemented ideologies and principles in line with the Portuguese culture and identity, and I will write that because of their power and authoritarian regime black Africans practice assimilation in order to have better opportunities in life and job prospects. Further, I will also write that this colonial system created a bourgeoisie class of Angolan elite. However, I will highlight the fact that these elite groups were dominated by the Creole families and communities and mixed race from the islands of São Tomé and Principe and Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, which were also part of Portuguese colony. Special attention will be giving to the unfair advantage the Creole families and communities had in relation to the native population; because of their earlier migrated to Angola in the 17th century as Catholics with easier contact and access to Portuguese and acculturation. Furthermore, I will discuss why the colonial regime intensified its laws, legislations, regulations and rules from the 1950s with the arrival in masses of the new white immigrant settlers in Luanda, Benguela and major provinces. By the same token, I will highlight the fact that the reason the white settlers migrated to Angola was to look for economic opportunities and better life that Portugal and home country did not provide because of the economic instability affected by the Second World War. I will write about the Benguela railway that was constructed by the coloniser with the primary object of transport the extracted minerals of copper and cobalt. I will also highlight how the Benguela railway transformed the lives of the people and made transportation in the region accessible. Nevertheless, in this paper, I will outline on the origin of the Dundo museum under colonisation. Particularly, I will be focus on writing about the rich culture and art of the Chokwe ethnic group and the importance of their religion, oral tradition, music, dance, costume masquerade and ritual and power of the chiefs. I will point out the date the museum was built by the colonial administration and the diamond company (called Diamang) that helped to materialise with the financial capital. Especially, I will write about Jose Redinha the Portuguese colonial officer behind the initial idea and gathering of the art works for the creation of the museum and culture artefacts. Conversely, from the 1940s onwards poetry, literature and music made a tremendous contribution in the liberation struggle. I will highlight, the Creoles were very instrument in the creation and uplifting of the nationalist movement with intellectuals and artists, they were at the forefront of the revolution creating organisations and associations that were able to put together events and gather masses of people with music, dance and poetry. I will analyse in great depth why the Creoles created the concept of Angolanidade as a counter narrative to give a sense of identity to the general population. I will explain that, this was a revolutionary act against the dominant ideas and concepts of Portugalidade. In this context, I will highlight important names that played an crucial role in the fabrication and cementation of Angolanidade through music, dance, literature and poetry, such as: Agostinho Neto, Uanhenga Xitu, Artur dos Santos (Pepetela), Luandino Vieira, Liceu Vieira Dias, Maria de Lourdes Pereira dos Santos Van Dunem and José Adelino Barcelό de Carvalho. I will explore the influence of Ngola Ritmos in the dynamic nationalistic awareness that they created in their rhythms, ballads, songs and dances of semba and rebita. In addition, I will examine the carnival of victory as the conscious approach that mobilised the people in the street festivity with semba, rebita and kazukuta music and dance. Particularly, I will suggest in great details the carnival has cultural representations and aspects of life, identity and experiences of the Creole immigrant families and communities with origins in São Tomé and Principe and Cape Verde islands; this is expressed in the contemporary setting and construction of the carnival that dates back to the seventeenth century as part of a long tradition of the fisherman of Luanda, Christian church and their celebrations. Bonga Kwenda is briefly outlined as one of the most important transgressive musicians that created music during and after the colonial struggle; and because of prosecution was forced to migrate and live in exile. In this case, I will write about the first two albums he released that constitute a classic in the Angolan music history. What is more, I will articulate about the church, Christianity and resistance in the north and the coastal areas of the country where the colonial authorities had a greater control and initially found easier the spread of the Christian religion. I will explain how the Kongo kingdom was involved and gave access in the spread of Christianity in the country through the official baptising process. In this light, I will highlight the fact that this facilitated the dissemination of the Portuguese culture and names in the population in the colonial areas. I will also analyse Simão Toko religious movement, its trajectories and the contributions they made in the cultural identity of the people as one of the most important contemporary examples of faith and determination in the nation. Nonetheless, in writing and contributing with this paper my idea is to create awareness of the importance of the artists and the art works created during colonisation. In this respect, I will outline the art works of two prestigious Angolan artists and writers Albano Neves e Sousa and Vitor Manuel Teixeira (Viteix). In the same way, I will highlight that they are one of the most important artists that created paintings and drawing during colonial era, and they became established cultural producers and representation of visual ideas in poetic forms that revitalised the cultural tradition and roots of Angolanidade and historiography, in this I will provide particular illustrations of photographs of their works. To conclude this article, I will write about the 1974 and the end of the colonialism in Angola. Remarkable, I will write that this was the year when Portugal was under pressure from the colonies that created guerrilla war to overthrow the oppressive regime. I will notable write about the military coup Carnation revolution event in Lisbon that led to the outbreak of the Portuguese colonial government led by the prime minister Marcello José das Neves Alves Caetano, which subsequently resulted with the end of long decades of colonialization in Angola and the Portuguese migrate population were forced to leave and the country gain its independence. Brief History of Portuguese Presence in Angola In order, for me to discuss contemporary music and art in Angola, it is important to first review a brief history of Portuguese presence in Angola. The Portuguese arrived in Angola during the time that the country was part of the Kongo kingdom (1483), and then after few years of the arrival, the Portuguese declared Angola as a Portuguese colony (1575), and Angola became an annexed Portuguese territory (1655) and was incorporated as province of Portugal (1951). This strategic action gave the Portuguese power over the territory until the time when the country gained its independence (1975) and became sovereign nation (Hodges, 2004: 6). However, during this long Portuguese rule in Africa, the Portuguese had a smaller proposition of population throughout their African colonies, in Angola particularly during the 1900s the Portuguese white population accounted for less than one per cent comparing with the native people. However, in here I am not taking into consideration the fact that the Portuguese forcefully impregnated a series of Angolan women and reproduced a mulatto population that were automatically part of the society during this period. During this period the Portuguese state believe that the native population was obligated to the process of assimilation and acculturation into the their society; and habits and costumes. Indeed, this became more vivid during the start of the 20th century, with the establishment of new conceptions of citizenship, rights and levels of integrations that would curb previous processes of assimilation into the Portuguese dominant society and imperial power. What is more during the start of the 20th century in the first two decades the Portuguese deliberately passed new laws, legislations, regulations and rules requiring a certain level of education to hold specific government positions, however, this was introduced to effectively exclude the native and mixed race or mestiços population from accessing the jobs and positions. In this context, the colonial administration divided the civil service (1921) into branches with locations in Portuguese and Angola and appointed mestiços and the very few Angolans or Africans assimilated to the latter, and as a result of this, created and limited the chances for them to move up in the bureaucratic society and territory. This legal laws, legislations and regulations constructed infuriated and created a sense of disaffection amongst the mestiços, who up until then, had tended to identify with whites rather than with Africans (Peres, 1997: 90). Moreover, because Angola was considered a Portuguese province, Salazar authoritarian regime established Angola as the Estado Novo (New State), which was part of the broader plan of Luso-tropicalism Lusotropicalism or Luso-tropicalism was first used by the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre in 1930s to describe the distinctive character of Portuguese imperialism overseas, proposing that the Portuguese were better colonizers than other European nations (such as: England, France, Germany Spain or Netherland). and civilised mission (Moorman, 2008: 37). In this light, new legislations were passed between the years of 1926 and 1933, and conceived a new conception of Angola and Africa, during this time the most important law “…was the colonial act” according to Malyn Newitt (2007: 56). What is more, this was implemented with new norms to be met by the black Angolans in order to qualify for certain citizenship rights and opportunities. One of the purposes of these new laws, legislations, regulations and rules was to define and differentiate black Angolans and to separate the general population, which the general population was labelled as indigenous, less advance and uncivilization. Further, with these new laws, legislations, regulations and rules only those who learned to speak and write Portuguese, were allowed to take up qualified job positions in trade, commerce or industry, and who behaved as a Portuguese citizens were classified as assimilated into the Portuguese way of life. The term assimilated in the context of the Portuguese colonisation in Angola was used to describe the black or mixed race population and African descents who absorbed and integrated the concepts, ideas, values and behaviours or belief of the colonial society and culture in exchange of his/hers own. Assimilated is always a result of leaving or replacing one’s ancestral culture and tradition; on the other hand, in a positive sense it can be considered that assimilated individuals expand their existing culture repertoire (Birmingham, 2002: 148-9). I argue that the new legislations and rules was implemented to impose the white dominance and for the benefit of the colonial expansion and conquest of overseas territories, with the primary interests centred on the coloniser and its people as the predominant beneficiaries. Bernardino’s watercolor shows a Christian burial. The African mourners have placed offerings before the tomb, demonstrating a blending of Christian and local traditions. (©Biblioteca Civica Centrale, Turin) Creole Elite and Assimilation The Portuguese way of life together with the impressions of Luso-tropicalism was the driving force during colonisation and the creation of the Estado Novo (New State). Particularly, Luso-tropicalism was used to legitimatize the Portuguese claims in Angola and Africa, even though there were strong anti-colonial oppositions that pressured the empire. At the time, the Salazar regime and the Estado Novo (New State) interpreted Luso-tropicalism to justify the Portuguese colonial ideologies and principles; and this was the result of the practice of assimilating black Africans and by doing these creating a bourgeoisie Angolan elite. This elite groups were dominated by the Creole When I am referring about the Creole community, I am generally including black African descendent and mixed-race population born or with connections in the islands of São Tomé and Principe and Cape Verde. families and communities from the islands of São Tomé and Principe and Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau in the coast of west Africa. These Creole families and communities and mixed race particularly from the islands were formed through the initial contact with the “…Portuguese sailors, West African traders, and displaced Muslims and Jews migrating, by force and by choice...”, from out of Iberia and Mediterranean (Pardue, 2014: 72). According to David Birmingham, although the Creole families and communities of assimilated had certain degree of privilege over the indigenous population, they were still expected to follow the tradition and be below the white Portuguese coloniser, he writes: “Despite the windows of opportunity for a few assimilados, the colonial tradition expected whites to be managers and blacks to supply labor” (2007: 83). These Creole families and communities played a crucial role in the assimilation process and became elite in the country, because their unique geographical location of the islands situating in the middle of the Atlantic ocean, which gave them unfair advantage through the encounter with the Portuguese that brought with them new ways of life already practised in the western world. In this process, according to Derek Pardue, they were the first in contact with the Portuguese explorers, and as a result the Creole were the first “…inculcated into Catholicism, the Portuguese language, and basic, manual labor skills (2014: 61). Through this experience and the process of assimilation the Creole families and communities were formed as the elite in the country and acted as the middleman, the privilege they had made easier for them to obtain good jobs and move up in the society (Birmingham, 2006: 86). In other words, as a group of people they were easily adaptable to the Portuguese way of life, and this process was the foundation of the creation of division of class in the country based on the Portuguese values and life style, and this is greatly expressed in-depth by the works of the Angolan scholar and political figure Mario Coelho Pinto de Andrade (1958). I argue that, this division of class and privilege of the Creole, made the native population to belong as part of under classes and at the bottom of the society and without certain laws, legislations, regulations and rights necessary for their advancement during the 20th century. In the context of Angola, because of history there is the old and the Creole families and communities. The old Creole migrated to the country during the 17th century, they were primarily black Catholics, they originally arrived in the country during the slavery trade and became progressive in the society as the number of white immigrants increased (2006: 81). Further, they became part of the aristocratic society in Luanda during the 19th and 20th century, their family tree is closely link with the army regiment and school education. In the 1950s and 1960s they generally held leadership positions in the provincial government, even though they were, living and working in the provinces they never saw themselves connected with the indigenous population, and because of this they acted very distant and rather detached with a sense of superiority, they spoke Portuguese very well and only spoke Kimbundu (the native language of Luanda) to communicate with their servants in the kitchen and during interactions and giving instructions for house tasks (Birmingham, 2015: 65). Conversely, on the other hand the new Creole is a result of a more relatively new migration during the 19th and 20th century, this group have a very strong connection with the urban tradition and spoke very bad Portuguese, they managed to gain upper mobility through the acquisition of education, they dominated the job market because of their influence and became entrepreneurship investors, who also created their own institutions. When they were at home with family, they spoke Kimbundu, because their family roots in the rural areas and countryside. These group have a very strong connection with the Protestant mission school, who were the controllers and worshippers at the Methodist churches and chapels in the cities and provinces, these group acted very discreet and less obvious holding particular clubs and associations difficult to penetrate and participate for the native population (Moorman, 2008: 45). I agree that, in many ways they basically wanted their true origin and identity to be hidden from the public. In this respect, the Portuguese colonial empire wanted to control and destabilise the nation with the new laws, legislations regulations and rules; and with the tactic of divide and conquer, and they did this by segregating some, and assimilating others based on who follows their ideological principles and political manoeuvre, and this obviously was a colonial form to legitimise and guaranteed privilege against the colonised population, that resisted their authority. The Portuguese strategically implemented and maintained different levels of barriers in the lives of the assimilated and the non-assimilated populations, and this was a way of making sure that the colonial and political economy and power would not be disputed at any cost, securing the structure and development to serve the metropolis according to Patrick Chabal (2002: 108). During this period of colonisation there was an expansion of Portuguese migrating to Angola, and the white migrants were generally giving promotions by the government and elevated to a higher status. It is important to point out that, even though there were effects, but the colonial authority in line with the Estado Novo (New State) did very little to improve the infrastructure and policy of the nation during the 1950s and 1960s, Marlyn Newitt brilliantly writes that: “…Portuguese governments had as their central objective the creation of a modern state with an economy tuned to the needs of the mother country. However, agreement about this way to be achieved and the resources to bring it about were usually lacking” (2007: 47). Moreover, the Portuguese colonial administrators were very straight towards the native population and while implementing their agenda, through passing new laws, legislations, regulations and rules linked with mother country Portugal, and generating an economic system; and this was evident during the formation of the coastal urban cities and shanty towns of the country such as: Luanda, Benguela, Cuanza Sul and Namibe. Distinctively, in Luanda the capital city the process of assimilation was more prominent, when they urbanised the city the racial residential segregation was obvious with restrictions implemented. The resources provided differentiated and distinguished in favour of the assimilated population. The native and indigenous were excluded and racialised from the economic opportunities of the upward mobility offered at the time that had divisive characteristics (Chabal, 2002: 110). I argue that, during this period of colonisation the native population did not have much options and were forced to follow the coloniser way of life and labor, which through the Luso-tropicalism, assimilation was considered as superior civilisation and culture and integration was the order of the day (Chabal, 2007: 5). In addition, during this period the Portuguese colonial administrators settled and took control only in the coastal provinces of the country as mentioned above (Luanda, Benguela, Cuanza Sul and Namibe), By the 1960 Portuguese white urban population grew significantly in double figures particularly in the provinces and towns of Huambo, Benguela and Lobito, however, for an in-depth analysis and explanation see Malyn Newitt (2007: 65). and this left the inland areas controlled and dominated predominantly by the local and provincial chiefs and ‘tribal’ leaders. The areas of the interior of the country were left relatively untouched during the 1950s and 1960s by the Portuguese colonial rule, the Creole families and communities initially created contact in the interior and were able to manoeuvre in accordance and guidance with the local and provincial chiefs and ‘tribal’ leaders that dominated the territories, even though the Creoles attempted to conquer and colonise the interior, but were unsuccessfully according to Marlyn Newitt (2007: 36). However, during the 20th century and in the 1950s and 1960s; contrary to the previous centuries the Creole families and communities became powerful and influential and dominated more territories beyond the coastal areas of Luanda, such as Bengo, Ambriz, “Mbanza Kongo, Ambaka and Caconda” (Birmingham, 2006: 81), they had supremacy and dominated in commerce, industry and trade. Most of the areas in the interior of the country during colonisation were untouched by the Portuguese that did not have access to them, this was because of the lack of infrastructure, there was not adequate paved roads to travel and lights on the roads were practically non-existent, which raised questions of safety to navigate around the country, this forced the local and indigenous population to walk for long distances and for many days and hours in order to move between places, cities and municipalities, this made difficult for a rapid development, transformation and sustainability in the region (Oyebade, 2007: 8). 1950s and the Benguela Railway During the 1950s the colonial regime intensified its laws, legislations, regulations, rules and policies with a sense of authority and racism with the arrival in masses of the new white immigrant settlers, in many cases unskilled and convicted from Portugal to Luanda, Benguela and major provinces - by this time Angola was considered as overseas territory and no a colony at all, because of the new policies implemented by the government in Portugal - the white settlers were looking for a better opportunities in the territory, considered that Portugal was going through an economic instability and hardship that was a result of the Second World War; because of this Salazar regime was forced to generate alternative ways of imperial economy sustainable for Portugal; which wanted to use the territory as a resource to generate money and profit for its benefit. Based on his experiences on the context of France’s colonialism in Algeria, Frantz Fanon clarifies that the objective of the colonial system was to over-power the colonised people as inferior with aggressive strategies to plunge on their natural and mineral resources to serve on their own imperial interests (1963: 60). Benguela railway at Bela Vista, 1946 With the new wave of immigrants, the Salazar regime had the control of the economy of the country; which implemented several projects such as fixing the roads and agriculture; but according to David Birmingham the British and Robert Williams a Scotsman built the Benguela railway (1903), in the south, which became a key feature were few indigenous had the opportunity to work as a labours, servants and securities (Birmingham, 2015: 73). The Benguela railway which is located in port of Lobito in the Atlantic coast, was basically built to accommodate the diamond and copper industries transported to Europe and the Americas, Copper Belt is a geological and scientific term used for an area in the south central of Africa, which include the countries of Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zambia and Zimbabwe, these countries are rich in mineral resources with a larger production and manufacture of copper. it was also the central point from where the coloniser materialised the export of products such as: coffee and vegetable. For this reason, the railway was extended and crossed over all the way inland in the middle of the country to the town of Luau and Katanga near the border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia in the region called copper belt; where copper and cobalt are extracted (1929); the idea of the extension of the railway was to link with the existing railways of the copper belt corridor and interconnected the region, facilitating the movement of people and goods. This was to facilitate the financial interests and the extract of the minerals and resources by the coloniser in central Africa. I argue that although the construction of the railway had initial colonial interests; it also was a legacy that helped to improve the travel, transport and communication of the population within Angola at the time that the country needed development and travel facilities. Benguela railway, from Lobito to Katanga, Angola, 1931 With the construction of the railway, the Benguela railway became a transcontinental railway, which indirectly also connected with the rail system of South Africa. The Benguela railway and the surrounding towns became attractive and prospered hub and grew in size with population – with a diverse ideologies and political differences – and for this reason Benguela became the second most important modernised province in the country; and during the 1970s the railway was one of the larger employers in the country, because of the demand of movement of goods and minerals; the railway operated their trains entirely by steam locomotives, oil-fired and wood-fired that made possible the access in the interior of the country (Birmingham, 2006: 89). Dundo museum, The Indigenous or Honour Room, (Photo archive Dundo museum), 1949 Dundo Museum Under Colonization Moreover, with the creation of the railway the Portuguese coloniser began to have access and contact with the people in the interior, particularly in the province of Moxico and Lunda-Sul, with the Chokwe ‘tribe’ ethnic group located in the borders with DRC and Zambia. Through this initial contact the coloniser began to exploit the rich culture of the Chokwe presented on their religion, oral tradition with symbolic music and dance, ornamented carved and costume masquerade, domestic life and power of chiefs (Jordan, 2000: 105). The colonial administration together with a diamond company in 1936 created the Ethnological museum in the Lunda region to preserve and conserve the culture heritage of the Chokwe and related people, with artefacts in the indigenous and history rooms created to narrate their pre-colonial history. The diamond company used the creation of the museum in the locality as a strategic space that became a great repository of the chiefs’ power; with gifts and the creation of the distinctive gallery room that displayed portrait photographs of the chiefs in an exchange and exploitation of cheap labour and work personnel that the chiefs provided. In a way, the art objects representing culture and religion became important within the context of framed museum, as a distinctive “visual arts of ethnography” to use Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett terminology (1991: 386). Initially, the museum space was created as inaugural to host a large exhibition of the private collections of José Redinha, a Portuguese colonial officer who was assigned to work in the Dundo and Chitato areas, which during his stay he developed a relationship with the local people and collected art objects from the region. At the end of his colonial mission Redinha along other officers wanted to promote and honour the art works by put together an exhibition at museum in collaboration with the diamond company that provided the finance for the physical construction of the building and museum. For the exhibition Redinha handed over his personal objects that formed the initial collection in the museum. It is important to point out that the creation of the Dundo museum is the result from the officer of the colonial administrator that collected the works from the local people, other officers also collaborated and contributed with objects found in the diamond mining regions controlled by Diamang. Indeed, the local people were also generous and gave many important art objects and masks, which in a lot of cases had personal and family attached to them. In the first exhibition Redinha together with the museum made an effect to present works that portrayed the entirety of the history and culture of the indigenous people, with reference from pre-colonial times, but it is important to point out that some of art works were difficult to give specific dates. The local chiefs played a big part in putting together the museum collection and the exhibition; they were consulted in the selections process and acquisition of the art works and curation of the space, because of their knowledge of the significance and power carrying by certain art and objects and the link with the world of the ancestral spirit. According to John Mbiti, in the African religion and philosophy the spirit of the ancestors has a significant power and affects the world of the living relatives and they have the power to protect and guide (1991: 18). Contribution of Poetry, Literature and Music in the Liberation Struggle During the 1940s, in the period after the second world war the Creoles were very instrumental in the creation and uplifting of the nationalist movement in the fight against the Portuguese colonialism. They created on the ground practical programs to combat the Portuguese colonial supremacy. They made efforts to create programs that mobilised and organised the nationalists gathering together as a channel of unity to defend their rights, as clarified by Marissa Moorman they officiated the Anangola (Association of Natural-born Angolans) and the Liga Nacional Africana (National African League), which were clearly organizations formed and approved by the assimilated, who were elites that looked at the indigenous as inferior (2008: 44). A historian Christine Messiant, one of the most rewarding contributor to the modern and contemporary Angolan studies, in her writings she stresses the fact about the need to investigate inside Angola class and race relations and the emergency and the acts perpetuated by the assimilated and Creole group in the history of Angola. I argue that particular attention should be giving to the political leaders, aristocrats, bureaucrats, monarchs, and businessman, media moguls and magnates that are in the key leadership positions across the nation, benefiting from the Creole linage of power and influence that is rooted in centuries of ancestral connections and trade, commerce and industry (Henderson, 1979: 162). Nonetheless, the Creoles together with the members of the nationalist movement, particularly use poetry, literature and music as a creative medium of expression to raise awareness and as a voice to talk about the precarious condition of the people in the urban and shanty town areas (Lindfors, 1997: 135). This was particularly evident in the Bairro Operário (Workers Neighboured) a ghetto middle class area in the urban Luanda where a predominant Creole elite and intellectuals lived and made as their central hub and cultural activities, this became a popular area where nationalists organised meetings and gatherings; in a way Bairro Operário became the starting point of the nationalist revolutions according to Marissa Moorman (2008: 61). Notable intellectuals lived in Bairro Operário such as: Agostinho Neto (the first president of Angola), Beto Van Dunem, Alberto Jaime and the members of the Ngola Ritmo musical band, and many other intellectuals and artists, etc (Lauré, 1995: 43). Particularly, the lack of principal of human elements and basic social structure that the houses had neither electricity nor running water; and the people were subject to live under those bad conditions presented by the colonial regime. The neighborhood was practically in a state of running down with constant riots and abuse by the police that intimidated the population in a daily basis, together with the struggle to survive economically. The poetry and literature together with music became a weapon and instrument and culture practice that Creoles and nationalists envisioned for a better nation governed by the elite and intellectual patriots (Floyd, 1995: 15). In this context, the nationalists wanted to imagine an alternative nation that would move in and on the direction of their own terms and principles and away from the Portugalidade. As a result of the colonial oppression to assimilate and follow the Portuguese culture; during the 1950, the nationalists saw the need to rebel and proclaim the true meaning of African and Angolan identity. This was evident in the urban and shanty town areas whereby artists and musicians where encouraged to express the sense of Angolanidade through singing in ‘tribal’ traditional languages, wear an African piece of cloth wrapped or attire to accentuate the rural iconography and life style in opposition to colonialism. During colonisation Africans were forced to invent themselves and use textile cloth and dress as a visual and material signifier to connect with their identity and culture in a traditional mode of life necessary of their survival and strength appropriated for the time and circumstance (Mudimbe, 1988: 4). The Concept of Angolanidade in Context The metanarrative of the Angolan nationalism and Angolanidade, is a concept created by the Creoles and the political leaders of the movement to express the sense of identity for the Angolan population in general, with the primary focus on a broader notion of culture and history as a common identification, without much attention on the particulars of the physical locality of an individual or collective ‘tribe’ and community within the country. Angolanidade was created and coined as a mechanism to emancipate an African form of national consciousness, which was a well need counter action of cultural identity, patriotism and nationalism. In a way, it characterized a conscious effect to highlight an idealized vision for what is means to be an Angolan, against the Portuguese supremacy. Angolanidade grew as a need and to dominate ideas of Portugalidade as a concept used by the Portuguese coloniser to accentuate the notions of the Luso-tropicalism as the superior ideals of life and existence in the Estado Novo (New State) or overseas territory. To put it more simply, Angolanidade was a need to install a sense of identity very much rooted in the way of life of the Luanda metropolis, they used their experiences together with the ideals of the pre-colonial existence to forge Angolanidade as a characteristics and need that emerged and framed in the urban popular condition expressed in music, dance, poetry, literature and art, very much in line with the people forms of existentialism and the representation and articulation of a political society (Mudimbe, 1997: 3). What is more, Angolanidade emerged as a result of a particular period of the Angolan history as a result of the people wanting to differentiate themselves from the Portuguese white settlers from the 1930s onwards, they did this by reclaiming and proclaiming all the aspect of the African traditional culture as an essence of what meant to be an Angolan; and particularly artists were the champions to popularising and symbolise Angolanidade as a site of culture richness “… in a mix of local street smarts, international savvy, and African roots” (Moorman, 2008: 176). Nevertheless, in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s there was the need to reaffirm Angolanidade in the urban and the suburban areas and for this reason the Creole and nationalist leaders in a clandestine manner begun to use the recreation centers, bars, parties, clubs and public stages to galvanize the people and protest against colonial policies, laws and rules that created a disadvantage to the lives of the native and beset the social problems. These clandestine way of mobilize the population from the urban and rural areas got some important nationalists and political figures from all the three parties (MPLA, FNLA and UNITA) and musicians into trouble with the Portuguese coloniser arm force PIDE, that jailed, rested or prosecuted nationalists from the 1950s onwards, this dislocated and forced them to strategize and create cultural bases beyond Luanda; as a form of guerrilla bases in particular in the other provinces of the country, Europe and in the neighbouring African countries, such as: Congo, Brazzaville, where the MPLA also had a broadcast radio station connected with Luanda and Angola. The Congo, Brazzaville acted as a pivot of extension of the nationalist activities in exile and beyond borders, this made the Angolan nationalism struggle international and opened up continental geographical scenes, and this in turn made easier the nationalism to navigate between boundaries of countries and states. In addition, for further extension and for a better understanding of the role of PIDE in Angola, a consideration to look at the works of David Birmingham (2006) and Malyn Newitt (2007) which gives a broader analysis and insight about the PIDE and the Portuguese colonial government functions and operations in the country. Nevertheless, as mentioned earlier poetry and literature became an important tool of expression with writers that were very instrumental in the movement and found a rich source of validation of urban and popular culture, including: Agostinho Neto, Antόnio Jacinto, Viriato da Cruz, Costa Andrade, Domingos Van Dunem, Mario Antόnio, Antόnio Cardoso, Alda Lara, José Luandino Vieira, Lucio Lara, Uanhenga Xitu, Mario Pinto de Andrade, Artur Carlos Mauricio Pestana dos Santos (Pepetela) and Arnaldo Santos. These politicians and writers in their poetry and fictional writings, begun to use the language of the urban and shanty towns of Luanda at the center of their creativity as revolutionary voices of communication, this was a tool that gave strength to the expressions of unconventional originality. In this light, because of this, I suggest that this gave a new dynamic and captivated the attention and imagination of the collective population, the mixed of people that migrated to Luanda from all parts of the country opened up different possibilities and perspective to create and the artistic scene, they combined oral practice, African urban life, traditional language, idioms and rural gestures and speeches, in a way this amalgamation gave a spark of innovation to the Angolan consciousness. The Angolan consciousness was part of a larger revolutionary momentum that took place in Africa with influences from the African diaspora and pan-African movement with young radicals demanding freedom and liberation (Ansell, 2005: 144). In their revolutionary and literary works and activities they posed challenges to the Portuguese status quo, which through PIDE arrested a number of writers and intellectuals such as: Antonio Cardoso, Uanhenga Xitu, Luandino Vieira, Antonio Jacinto, Manuel dos Santos, Contreiras da Costa, Liceu Vieira Dias and Amadeu Amorim, they were sent off to the Tarrafal prison in the Cape Verde a sub-tropical and volcanic beautiful islands in the middle of the Atlantic ocean and part of Golf of the Guinea; which is situated about 460 kilometers off the coast of Senegal in Africa. After the arrests and trials, the writers and intellectuals were subjugated to the colonial process called ‘Processo de 50’ It was designated “Process of the 50” to a set of three political processes that started on March 29, 1959 with the arrests of several Angolan nationalists, ending on August 24, 1959 last arrest. This name is because, Joaquim Pinto de Andrade sent a leaflet denouncing the arrest of 50 nationalists to his brother who lived abroad, Mário Pinto de Andrade. The international denunciation of these prisons, made the world aware of what was happening in Angola, unmasking the true intentions of PIDE. . The prison was deliberately located in the island of Santiago in Cape Verde, remoted from the African mainland and they imposed severe punished and brutal torture to all the convicted and jailed coming from all the colonies. The Tarrafal prison also known as the camp of slow death was used by the Portuguese coloniser as the center to remove and isolate activists, political and prison leaders who were challenging and disrupting oppression and control in the mainland and colony. Also, Tarrafal prison was created as camp that exposed harsh and extreme conditions in order to send a message to the population and colonial opposition that the Portuguese Salazar’s authoritarian regime would not tolerate any kind of political dissent or counter-authority (Bayart, 1986: 109). Furthermore, in the recreation centers, bars, parties, public stages and clubs (particularly at club Maxinde, Gymnasium Football Club, Club Atlético de Luanda, Giro-Giro or Salão dos Anjos) the musicians and intellectuals made the biggest impact in the society, because they could gather large amount of people in the form of entertainment while emancipating the minds of the people into a consciousness and this set the trend of the popular urban Angolan traditional music and solidarity mixed with music of European tradition that created a new sound and dialectic of musical expressions. Artists utilized lamentation as an important aspect and vernacular of expression of the music during this era. Musicians that were instrumental in this transformation were José Adelino Barcelό de Carvalho (Bonga Kwenda), Belita Palma, Elias Dia Kimuezu, Maria de Lourdes Van Dunem, Filipe Mukenga, Teta Land, Voto Golçalves, Sofia Rosa, André Mingas, Mito Gaspar, Carlos Lamartine, Jorge Macedo, Mila Melo, Alba Clyngton, Conçeicão Legot, Sara Chaves, Celita Santos Conchinha de Mascarenhas Fernanda Ferreirinha, Dionisio Rocha, Olga Baltazar, Paulino Pinheiro, Carlitos Vieira Dias, Amadeu Amorim, Antonio Paulino, Artur Adriano, Manuel Faria, Dom Caetano, Jacinto Tchipa, Jose Manuel Pedrinho (Pedrito) Mário Rui Silva, Antonio Sebastião Vicente (Santocas) Santos Junior, Lily Tchiumba, Joãozinho Morgado, Artur Nunes, Urbano De Castro, David Zé, Carlos Burity Jomo Fortunato, Mestre Geraldo, Prado Paim, Ze do Pau, Dina Santos, Waldemar Bastos, Sam Mangwana, Nani, Zeca Junior, and Carlos do Aniceto Vieira Dias (Liceu). Music bands also played an explicit role in the national anticolonial politics, such as: Os Kiezos, Ngola Ritmos, Orquestra Os Jovens do Prenda, Duo Ouro Negro, Águias Reais, Garda and Her Band, Os Kutonoka, Os Kissanguela, Os Merengues, Bota Fogo, Negoleiros do Ritmo, Africa Ritmo, Kissueias do Ritmo, Banda Maravilha and Kimbandas do Ritmo. This musicians in Luanda came from all parts of the country, they brought with them different aspect of life experience as well as traditional African music and dance knowledge (Green, 1996: 13). In Luanda, they lived predominately in the urban and shanty towns areas of the city with the less privileged and poor; their houses were in a dilapidated state with less or no appropriated sanitation conditions offered. Their harsh life experiences were a motivation and inspiration to produce and create Angolan urban music to entertain and educate the masses. By the same token, at the time through music and interaction with the conscious artists the people felt a sense of liberated and inspired nationalism, because there was a connection and relation based on their common experiences of oppression, political and social easiness in the streets and towns. I argue that, through music and dance as a gathering and form of entertainment they were forced to make and transform the landscape Luanda into an Angolan space, within the parameters of multiplicity of convivial encounters and practice of life. This was evident in the recreation centers, clubs, parties, public stages and bars with music and dance, whereby these spaces became a production of culture with the struggle as a driving force for innovation and social and political liberation and signs of freedom. Through the struggle in the urban and shanty town a new renaissance and imaginary realities were possible and formed and manifested through music, dance, literature and poetry. In Angola the artistic practice of music, dance, literature and poetry was use as an “imagined continent” as noted by Sola Olorunyomi in his contribution to the dialogue and conversation about Afrobeat performance and popular culture in Africa (2003: 2-4). Ngola Ritmos Music Influence in the Nationalism During the Portuguese oppression and the increase rising of awareness by the nationalists, the native Angolans and Creole community were forced to work together for one cause and demise of the colonial power. For this reason, they used the recreation centers and cultural activities in clubs as a central point of consciousness, at the time in the quotidian Luanda city the MPLA political party was organizing meeting and gathering of its members and urban residents with rural roots, together with music, folklore and dance to attract large clouds and followers in the name of the nation and political stability. One of the important events that happened during this period in the Angolan history was the formation of Ngola Ritmos in 1947, that sang predominantly in Kimbundu and Umbundu music sung by bessangana women and used local instruments, such as guitar and small percussion and conga drum. The Ngola Ritmos original members were also nationalist militants and played an important role in the political affairs of the time; they were: Carlos do Aniceto Vieira Dias (Liceu), Domingos Van-Dúnem, Mário da Silva Araújo, Manuel dos Passos, Nino Ndongo, José Maria dos Santos, Amadeu Amorim, Euclides Fontes Pereira (Fontinhas), José Cordeira, Maria de Lourdes Pereira dos Santos Van Dunem and Belita Palma. Ngola Ritmos created and sang songs inspired by the life experiences and struggles, with melancholic and lamentations drawn from the daily chronicles, funeral and the loss of the loved ones attacked or brutalised by the Portuguese authorities also known as PIDE in urban and shanty towns areas (Weza, 2007: 79). What is more, Ngola Ritmos were born during a difficult period of Angolan history they were part of the people living in the urban areas and the Bairro Operário neighborhood an area associated with the Angolan nationalism; their music was a vehicle that helped to transform the minds of the people and inspired the collective imagination as part of the African and Angolan renaissance era, and through their representation of style in dress and hair that expressed a nationalist act of aesthetic agency, which were one of the major catalysts and proponents of the culture of Angolanidade in the streets, bars, clubs and parties. It is important to point out that, in the Angolan music history Ngola Ritmos are generally credited as the creators of the semba music genre an adaptation of the kazukuta rhythm an earlier music style in Angola, Ngola Ritmos is very much association with the ideas and principles of nationalism in the country. As explained by Marissa Moorman: “Ngola Ritmos symbolizes the link between music and politics because many of the band members were jailed in a crackdown on nationalist activity in 1959 and because these ban members used music as a cover for politics and as a way to wake up the masses to their situation” (2008: 60). In this respect, Ngola Ritmos were one of the music bands at the time that contextualised their music in relation with their experiences in the urban and shanty town as an assertation of an Angolan identity, giving birth and flourish Angolan music as a form of culture practice from an everyday quotidian life, in this light Ngola Ritmos brilliantly forged culture and nationalism and in the process created a style of music and dance that would inspire generations of musicians and dancers, nationally and internationally. One cannot deny the fact that Ngola Ritmos also combined international trends of popular music of that time like Latin-American and Caribbean rhythms with Angolan traditional songs and folklore. Moreover, in the 1960s and 1970s Ngola Ritmos was part of the Angolan cultural fabric, with their style of music and dance that derived from the popular tradition from the interior and rural area of the country preserved and with contact and influences from the Portuguese settler and coloniser. According to Christine Messiant Ngola Ritmos are part of the old generation of assimilated population that migrated to Luanda during the 19th century, which are connected with the political leaders of the MPLA, such as: Agostinho Neto, José Eduardo dos Santos, Fernando da Piedade Dias Dos Santos (Nandό), Higino Carneiro, Albina Assis and the Van-Dunem family and etc (Messiant, 2007: 93). At the time, the vocal voice they gain in the musical space as the revolutionary thinks contemplated their ideas openly in public arenas, and this was to do with the fact that some of their members were arrested and had trouble with the colonial authorities. They supported the guerrilla fighters with their songs and were very much in line with their solidarity and compassion. Ngola Ritmos music was based on patriotism, and their music commented and protested injustice and heroically they took private grief and performed it publicly and by doing this they made it collective as a form of ritual and sacrifice devoted to the Angolan tradition and ancestral spirit, and inscribing ideas of liberation and freedom to the people and generation of intellectuals alike. Antonio Ole an Angolan artist produced a film documentary “The Rhythms of Ngola Ritmos” (1978) that gives an in-depth and broader perspective and narrates the history and impact made by Ngola Ritmos music with very influential members that casted the principles of liberty and independence and were part of the national project of Angolanidade (Mixinge, 2009: 188). In the 1950s Ngola Ritmos had a massive prominence in the country music stages and together with carnival groups with the use of rebita and semba genres of music and dance, they disseminated ideas of identity and culture to the less educated people in the urban and shanty town. Rebita was originally created in the mid-eighteenth century, and was very popular amongst the population of the metropolis of Luanda during the 1930s with workers and middle class connecting with urban life, and very much adopted by the Creole community, which gave a localise style to it with possible traces and affiliations amongst the people of the island of Luanda. Rebita danced as a couple in a large circle with coordinated movements by the head of the wheel, and it is performed with gestures and the compass step called Massemba, a typical Angolan dance, movement and body gestures. Further, in Rebita the dress code reflects a mixed of influences, the women would dress typical traditional African clothes with distinctive attire and undergarments, and with four layers of cloths wrapped around their bodies and a small headwrap, and the men with smart suit European style and ties that emphasised the cosmopolitan and hybrid composition of life experiences and vicissitudes urban Luanda. Rebita is influenced by the contact with the Europeans, not just by the suits that the men wear, but also musical instruments are incorporated and gives the impression of language appropriation and “progressive acculturation” to use Marissa Moorman terminology (2008: 62). Rebita is one of the music and dance styles of Angola that married and combined Europe and Africa cultural practices and traditions in a form of harmony within the representation of salon dancing, language of dress and African cosmopolitan codes of conduct and behaviour with movement and gestures of the body. Rebita was very appropriated style of music and dance used at the carnival by Ngola Ritmos and other musical groups and bands of the time (Tenaille,2002: 55). Liceu Vieira Dias the leader of Ngola Ritmos in the 1960s and 1970s was one of the fundamental figures in the development of the modern Angolan music and rhythms, as it is credited by the Angolan ethnomusicologists. He was instrumental in translating songs of rural origin and made into a popular music that the general popular could appreciate and dance, his approach give new possibilities for Angolan urban popular music to have its particularities and inspired in the formation of the music and dance style called semba. Semba is the most important traditional rhythm in the contemporary Angolan music and dance styles, because it pronounces the culture and identity of the people, although semba have Angolan origins it also has European influences through the instruments incorporated, such as dikanza, hungu and guitar chords. Thus, because of the influence the members of the Ngola Ritmos were exposed, particularly with the access of foreign music on the radio, clubs and parties, their sounds and rhythms had multiple influences and characteristics, with significant impact from Cuban rumbas, Congolese rumbas, Brazilian music, rumbas and cha chas of the Latin American. Notable, Latin American and the Caribbean provided a strong influence with church music, sea shanties and calypsos (Daniel, 2005: 97). However, broader and diverse influences of music and dance from the African diaspora give them access to larger audience in Europe and the Americas as explained by Chris Stapleton and Chris May (1987: 7). Ngola Ritmos music was widely received particularly in the large gathering of the population during the festivals, street parties and the carnival. One cannot deny the fact that during the carnival Ngola Ritmos music faced rivalry and disputed with other localised music groups and sounds, as a result it made the artists to improve their style of song composition and dance choreography to please and attract large audience and partygoers in the urban and suburban areas of the city. The carnival became a stage of rivalry and artists and musical bands in their songs used lyrics to ridicule rival groups and artists in a form of an insult and creating tension and legitimize their presence in the stages, carnival and music scenes for superiority and dominance. For a broader understanding and an in-depth elaboration; the work of David Birmingham analyses the trajectory of the Angolan carnival with the aspects of community, religion and immigrant settlers (2006: 123). Luanda Carnival of Victory The carnival of victory in Angola was banned by the coloniser from 1961 to 1968, this was after the 1961 uprising took place in Luanda, because the colonial administration wanted to prevent the potential of escalation of riots and damage of the colonial establishments and institutions and encourage and inspire in the urban areas. However, when it restarted after 1968 it took an epic and explosive festivity with semba, rebita and kazukuta music for entertainment and dance; with the massive contribution of the population that came to the street carnival to show solidarity and at the same time creating localized cultural production with extravagant parade, people wore fantasy costumes and headwraps, masquerade and body adornments that expressed joy and happiness to celebrate Angolan culture. This was particularly a message that the intellectuals and activists wanted to portray to the colonial authorities, and they created links on the ground of traditional carnival and local politics (Pawson, 2014: 52). The carnival of Luanda in Angola as the modern street celebration under colonisation is one the vivid aspect where the life of Creole immigrant families and communities (with connected societies in São Tomé and Principe and Cape Verde islands) are represented and preserved as a symbol of identity, strength and power; this dates back with the creation and development of the city of Luanda in the seventeenth century, and the fisherman of Luanda with a long tradition and familiarity of making and orchestrating the carnival celebrations with cultural roots (Birmingham, 2006: 124). It is important to emphasise that, the carnival also had major influences from the Mbundu, and the Bakongo and Kikongo ethnic groups of Angola. The Mbundu people are originally from Luanda and the surrounding provinces such as: Bengo, Malanje, Cuanza-Norte and Cuanza-Sul (Maier, 2007: 152). Further, the carnival at the time was significantly part of the survival, tenacity and endurance of the Creole families in the shores of Luanda and Atlantic seaboard. The Creole families have a long of surviving obstacles from their historical insertion and presence in Luanda; the Creole families “…survived the social Darwinism of the early twentieth century, survived the mass influx of white Portuguese settlers during mid-century, survived wilderness at the ends of the earth during the guerrilla war”, survived the colonial and racial laws, regulations and rules during the creation of the Estado Novo (New State) early in the century (Birmingham, 2006: 126). The powerful fisherman behind the carnival are called the Muxiluanda, who are linked with the Luanda island and carnival dance and music groups derived from the local areas. It is important to point out that, the women hold power and influence and were as important and prominent in the fish community as men, and also sponsored carnival groups in the fish areas with high sums of money, gifts and carnival cloths and outfits. Mestre Geraldo and together with Mestre Firmino, Horácio Van-Dúnem and Carvalho Simões were instrumental people in the earlier days in the formation and practice of the carnival in the streets of Luanda (Weza, 2007: 24). The carnival in Luanda was generally celebrated in association with the Catholic calendar and the Christian church, which the Creole families were significantly part of, even though they had political affiliations against imperialism. In a way, together with the socialisation of the people with big orquestras, music and dance the postcolonial victory carnival was symbolised as a ceremony display in public and open spaces, to create pride amongst the population and mobilize grassroots support with the common men and women suffering understand the colonial oppression. In the 1960s and 1970s, for the wealth Creole families from the island of Luanda and associated with the fisherman; the carnival became a platform to dress and adorn their daughters and sons with beautiful bright costumes and dance to the rhythms and sounds of semba, rebita, kazukuta, conga drums and kabetula dance of the farmers at the carnival. The carnival of Luanda is closely associated with habits and customs of the fishing communities, brought with them from the islands of their origin, and has various levels of link with the modern and contemporary Angola society and Creole family and communities (Birmingham, 1995: 91). During the carnival tradition the groups always appointed a king who dresses with the most fine and beautiful costume, and wore a crown and a queen generally was a beautiful woman that dressed with elegant costumes that was represented and the image of the group and carried her duties and promoted the group during and after the carnival. The king and queen as a couple in the carnival symbolises and creates a ritual of signifier as a motivator with great dance skills and charisma. In a way, the idea of the king and queen at the carnival is to create a dramatic impersonation of the role king and queen played in the old tradition and existence of Africa, Angola (MacGaffey, 2000: 35). Before and after independence, the members and leaders of the MPLA political party and the Creole families were the ones running the carnival behind the scene and made things happened, from the organisation of the space, managing the bands and costumes of the local groups (from townships, shanty town and urban areas), the music and sound system, publicise in the radio and the media outlets to the procession in the central stage. The carnival was a melting pot that displaced a diverse form of identity and entertainment with a splendid image creation and represented that made it a very rich experience and pleasurable moments for the diverse audience. At the carnival the audience made the event rich, they actively participated and gave their contribution; they dressed up and sang in the rhythms of semba and rebita. In this context, I argue that, the carnival was a demonstration of black ritual of popular culture presented and celebrated in the streets (Hargreaves, 1991: 212). The carnival in the later 1960s and earlier 1970s, the best groups tireless competed with each other with rivalry on traditional dance and song, and in the procession to win the prize and status of the champion of the year. The Luanda carnival draws influences from Brazil, Cuba, New Orleans and the Afro-Caribbean, because of the link they had with the people of the Atlantic slave trade and the crossover of commerce, the influences were evident in the costumes, dance and musical and stringed instruments, drums, harlequins, elaborated paint designs, matching prints and ornaments. Carnival of Luanda was part of syncretism that the population was facing at the time, it mimicked the pagan ritual from the Mediterranean pantheon, the Christian rituals from the Iberian church, and the Mbundu, Kimbundu and Kongo rituals of the indigenous from the inlands origin, designed to give life, abundance and prosperity. The carnival during this period was also a representation and depiction to understand and challenge the disasters of colonial conquest and appropriation. The people always came out in masses at the carnival in the streets and were happy to display culture as ethnographic forms of popular blackness. It was done through their body, music and dance and at the same time mocking with satire the powers of the colonial regime and exorcise police authority, which always resulted on arrests. During the carnival before and after independence there was always tensions and confrontations between the police the enormous crowds of the people in the streets. Religion was an important part and contributor in the carnival with songs and dances that honoured the ancestral and the spiritual deities with ideas of witchcraft manipulated in songs, dances and masquerades (Hackett, 1999: 4). Some of the dances displayed at the carnival can be traced and connected with the Kikongo dance societies of central Africa and the Republic Democratic of Congo, which one would make associations because of the large heritage of population from the times of the Kongo kingdom. The Kimbanguist church of Kongo also at the carnival gave innovative cultural styles and techniques and their members also made substantial financial contributions and public gifts to the groups and its associates. This is because some of the members of the Kimbanguist church were part and associated with a wealthy family lineage from the Kongo kingdom as described by Théophile Obenga (1995: 16). It is important to point out that, José Adelino Barcelό de Carvalho (Bonga Kwenda) with Zairean father and Angolan mother, during the 1960s in Luanda he was part of the conscious movement of intellectuals and artists for the national liberation, at the time of the turbulent colonial war and struggle for independence, where music, poetry and literature played a pivotal role in the mobilisation and identification that informed the people. Bonga Kwenda was very active in Luanda and made music that constitute part of the repertoire of the Angolan anticolonial revolution. Particularly, he collaborated and participated on songs of important names of the Angolan music scene such as: Elias Dia Kimuezo, Lily Tchiumba, Eleutério Sanches, Eduardo Nascimento and Rui Mingas. In 1966, at the age of 23 Bonga Kwenda travels to Portugal, and while he continued with his nationalistic fight and became very outspoken about the colonial oppression at home in Angola and supports for independence. However, because of Bonga Kwenda involvement in the struggle his life was in danger and he had to move in clandestine with fear of arrest from the Portuguese authoritarian regime and the PIDE, that had targeted his actions and movements. In 1972 Bonga Kwenda was forced to migrate to Holland in exile, where he met many Cape Verdean artists and records his first album Angola 1972, a folklore album with semba and rebita sound and melody, an iconic track Mona Ki Ngi Xica in an album with political characteristic, where he sang about the reality of Angola under the colonial rule, the poverty life in the urban and shanty town areas; the album turned to be a classic and one of the most important in the Angolan music history. After the album he moved to Brussels and then to Paris, France, where he recorded Angola 74, an epic album with the special attention to the song Sodade that was an international hit, with later interpretation (1992) by Cape Verdean popular artist Cesaría Evora with the title Saúdade; however, Evora was able to interpret the song because of the proximity of cultures between Cape Verde and Angola in relation to the colonial history (Andrade, 2002: 264). Church, Christianity and Resistance In the north and coastal areas of the country the colonial authorities had a better control of the territories with much easier contact with the population. This easy access and contact greatly facilitated the authorities and administrations to spread Christianity religion amongst the Angolans, which certain people expressed interest; and saw it with the perspective of gaining new opportunities for work and money. Initially, it was in the north in today’s provinces of Mbanza Kongo, Uige and Malange, that Christianity was very prevalent, because in these areas was located the Kongo kingdom that controlled the regional trade, which made possible the initial contact with the Portuguese. The king did not have much knowledge about Portugal and was not aware about the trade conditions and implications made and created by the coloniser. After the contact, the Portuguese convinced the king to adopt Christianity; and the king was excited and curious and with conviction saw Christianity as an opportunity that would provide the expansion of trade, commerce and export products to a wider African market (Dillon-Malone, 1978: 2). Christianity in Angola became officially legal when the king finally accepted and was baptised. In these local towns, villages and provinces during colonisation the king, elders or sobas – the highest person with power and authority in the decision making of the lives of the people – created a structure that the people paid allegiance and respect to their rules as well as Christianity (Davidson, 1992: 157-8). Therefore, I argue that through Christianity and the baptising process was the beginning of the spread of the Portuguese names amongst the population in towns, villages, provinces and cities with the Creole elites and the converted; and also adopting and mimicking new habits of daily life; that dramatically changed the dynamic and course of their lives, sense of community and identity in the north and coastal areas with basis on church affiliations. Communities in local areas were affected and forced to move from traditional way of life and settlement to Christianity. In these local places the new identity was formed based on the Christian principles and ideals, which in a lot of cases merged or left behind their traditional roots and ancestral heritage connections to a more “…modern Western means of communication and social structure” (Henderson, 1979: 148). My point is that, these shift from the traditional oral culture to a modern lifestyle and believe created a severe damage and consequences in the psychic of the people difficult to repair, because of the traumatic discontinuity of their culture and identity. With the arrival of Christianity in these areas in many cases the population lost their traditional language and culture, which was alienated by Portuguese and their education system. This was evident when the colonial administration strictly prohibited the population of use; speak or publish native languages, violating this resulted in many deaths, arrests and prosecutions. On the other hand, with the arrival of Christianity and the baptising process it was an opportunity to create new structures with the emergency of new leaders and characters for the communities. Malyn Newitt explains that: “The leading members of the ruling royal lineages were baptised and Christianity was made the official religion of the country, with the capital renamed São Salvador. The kingdom of Kongo saw Christianity a powerful spirit cult, which they could control and which would give them important new spiritual sanctions to support their authority” (2007: 23). Hence, in the 1960s and 1970s the colonial administration continued the spread of Christianity in the north and south of the country amongst the population that was under their control, the Portuguese government gave financial support during this time and the Kongo kingdom was almost inexistent and did not possess as much power comparing with the previous centuries. The colonial regime built new churches for the new followers to practice Christianity and gain influence considered that Christianity and the regime were a powerful entity with home contacts in Portugal and Rome. The Christian priests in the churches in the north and the coastal areas were white man who managed all the services, and they were foreigners that came from either Portugal or other parts of Europe. In addition, the prosperity Christianity provided for upward mobility, it became the point of entre for the Creole families and community to gain power and status in the colonial society. The Creoles and their culture already had consolidated some power in the coastal region through trade and commerce and Christianity helped to expand and fortified (Newitt, 2007: 23-4). They began to take positions of leadership and affairs of the church and supporting the priests in the services and responsibilities, they were able to do that because of their assimilated status, affluence and the excellent level of education and communication with Portuguese language; made them to be able to work in close proximity with the colonial Christian mission. In a way the Creoles sense of acculturation put them in a better position in the society; and were instrumental in the Portuguese purpose of civilising the native population primarily in the north and coastal areas (Reader, 1998: 371). Simão Toko Religion Another important aspect is that, the north of Angola during the colonial oppression many people left as a refugee and exiled in city of Kinshasa in the neighbouring country of Belgium Kongo ( today Democratic Republic of the Congo), where at the time had the Simon Kimbanguist movement a Baptist congregation and church of believers that derived from the colonial Catholicism mission. It was initially in Belgium Kongo in the Baptist mission of Kibokolo in the north of Angola that Simao Gonçalves Toko from the Bakongo ethnic group, born in the commune of Maquela do Zombo in the province of Uige. Toko was a Sunday teacher, choir leader and follower of Simon Kimbangu when he found the Simao Toko Christian religion movement as an offshoot of Kimbanguism prophetic believe and an ecclesiastic under “Church of Our Lord Jesus Christ in the World”. Toko found the Tokoism religion movement after a miraculous event that took place on the 25 July 1949, it was the descent of the Holy Ghost before Toko and a group of his students, followers and sympathetics during a prayer vigil at his residence (159 de Mayenge street); at that moment according to those present, they felt a wind and began to tremble, performing miracles by invoking some biblical passages in the name of Jesus and the Holy Spirit. In their religion these moment and experience is taking by Tokoism as the moment when the Holy Spirit descended in Africa and the Christian church, which is remembered in order to resume the path of the original church of the time of the Apostles, because of this it is the foundation official date of the creation of Tokoism (Blanes, 2014: 3). After these experience Toko decided to create his reformist religious movement with the object to fight against the Europeans such as the Belgium and Portuguese political and spiritual colonisation and the brutal treatment of the Africans. However, because of Toko vision and ability of gathering large crowd and followers and together with the event of 1949, the Belgium authorities arrested Toko and his group of followers; and all of them were of Angolan origin, and for this reason expelled in 1950 to the south of Kongo at the border post of Nόqui (Zaire province) in Angola to the Portuguese colony authorities. After his return to Angola, the Toko religious movement and his followers played a significant role in the colonial struggle for liberation and independence. The Toko movement for decades suffered prosecutions, tortures and arrests from the Portuguese colonial police PIDE PIDE was Portuguese colonial secret and counter-intelligence police that defend, control and secure the Portuguese governmental interested in Angola during the liberation struggle for independence, they recorded, investigated and filed all the important actions made by the nationalist figures such as leaders and musicians that fought for independence (Birmingham, 2006: 105-7). (Policia International e de Defesa do Estado) an International Police for the Defence of the State, that suspected of him of potential contributing on the street manifests, attacks and public disorder throughout the country. The colonial authorities were considered Tokoism as a dangerous African group and sector of believers; because of this the colonial authorities wanted to end the movement by dividing and dispersing the group into different colonial settlement and camps throughout the colony and with the task of forced and intensive labour. Toko was deliberately sent to São Martinho dos Tigres in the province of Moçamedes in the south and subsequently to work as an assistant at a lighthouse in Ponta Albina in the same region. This action was a colonial attempt to disregard and control the power and influence of religion in the society. Those religious people in the Tokoism possessed an imaginative capacity to transcend the social environment with the power of the mind and believe and were determinate to the nationalistic cause with religion asserting meaning to the existence of human life in terms of individual and collective (Grosby, 2001: 98) In 1961 during the nationalists liberation campaigns in Luanda, the Portuguese colonial authorities, were aware and scared of the power of the prophet and his ability to mobilise and gathering large crowds of people, sent him to go to the province of Uige, a remoted rural and forest areas located in the border with the Kongo. In there Toko mobilises and gains thousands of new supporters, because of these the colonial authorities arrested and sent him to a second period of exile. In this exile Toko is sent outside the country to the Portuguese island of São Miguel, in the Azores, where Toko worked as a lighthouse keeper in the town of Ginetes. Toko stayed in this island for 11 years, doing intensive labour works, and during his absent his Tokoism movement still gained momentum and increased with followers and polarity, and during this period he exchanged thousands of letters with his followers in Angola as a form of resistance with political and religious activism; whom he eventually builds a national movement. In 1974, in the year when colonialism ended and the Portuguese departure from Angolan territory, Toko is finally allowed to return to his country, the returned took place on the August 31, in the year of independence; Toko had an official reception from the government in transition and the Portuguese colonial representant Admiral Rosa Coutinho and together with institutions recognised Simão Toko as a church, grating him finally to see the freedom of expression and worship of his own religious movement as he was longing for in his native nation. This experience that Toko had as a religious principal was also seeing throughout Africa where leaders were oppressed, locked out and sent to remote prisons. A good example is giving by Nelson Mandela in his autobiography “Long Walk to Freedom” (1995). Albano Neves e Sousa, (1921-1995) The Arts of Albano Neves e Sousa and Vitor Manuel Teixeira (Viteix) Albano Silvino Gama de Carvalho das Neves e Sousa born in Portugal and lived in Angola all his life; he is one of the most important and acclaimed Angolan visual artists working with painting, drawing and poetry. He was instrumental in influencing the artists to depict scenes, events and everyday life of the native in the rural areas of the country. His works are the best in portraying the beauty of the Angolan people and nature, he was able to do this because he wanted to record what he saw during his travel around the interior of the country and Africa, which gave him a vision to create a broader understanding of landscapes on his paintings and drawings. Sousa’s body of work is considered to stand out above all in the themes of African ethnography, particularly how he applied his colour and background with a sense of geometry, harmony and composition, presenting an unique symbolic portrayal image and illustration of Angola and its people in a form of rituals, ceremonies and celebrations. It is important to point out that some of Sousa’s paintings can be read as a stereotyped depiction of women semi-naked and bare breasted with jewellery and body ornaments, as a typically representation of savage and exotic. He also had an interest and painted the streets, murals and public spaces and buildings as well as the carnival of Luanda, which connected with the tension and agitation associated with the social and political circumstances of the time as a symbol of revolution and rebellion. In this image below Sousa in his paint captured the carnival gathering and celebration in the streets of Luanda in a colourful style of the tradition of the rural and urban areas, appropriated with the people sense of cultural representation and community (Kasfir, 1999: 9). Albano Neves e Sousa, carnival costume festivity Luanda (1921-1995) He played a crucial role in the dynamic of Angolan art, he was part of the revolutionary process in the urban areas, where artists expressed their creative ideas and experiences of struggle as a social, political and economic problem of the collective population. During the colonial struggle he had an art studio that he held shows and exhibitions, which was a way to galvanize and inspire the possibilities of new ideas and realities during the very sensitive time of colonization (Powell, 2002: 7). Metaphorically, his studio was transformed as an imaginary place where the mind was exposed in connection with ideas of art and nation that became a possibility. Sousa’s studio was generally frequented by young artists, which was instrumental in educating and training them about the value and function of art in a society that was facing its complex challenges of repression together with social and political instability with bad economic ramifications. His studio was an education place for the expressions of the African and Angolan art (Willett, 2002: 26). Albano Neves e Sousa, Mulata with the carnival dress, 1969 On the other hand, Vitor Manuel Teixeira (Viteix) born and raised in Luanda, he is one the Angolan artists that also made significant contributions in the fight against colonialism with painting and poetry as a weapon, he looked at the Chokwe cultural tradition as a reference and inspiration in order to construct and recuperate an identity and sense of the self with philosophical approaches rooted in the nation, ancestral practice and religious iconography. Viteix is considered as one of the transgressive artists that made art as revolution and influenced in the country’s gain of independence, his art spoke and impacted a larger audience because of his ability to capture nature and create parallel with figurative ideas and concepts relating to the cultural experiences of individual and collective Angolanidade; proposing his audience to rethink ideas about the past in line with the nationalist struggle and ideologies of the culture of art and politics, creating possibilities of applied technique and designed principles of engraving, drawing and abstract painting (Gumbe, 2003: 8). Vitor Manuel Teixeira (Viteix), Danse Batuki, Linogravúra, 1974 In 1973 Viteix travel to Portugal where he studied and subsequently went to Paris, France where he successfully completed his doctorate on the theory of the aesthetic of the traditional Angolan art. While in Paris Viteix took part in the pan-African and Négritude movements that were fighting for decolonisation in Africa and he alongside a group of black intellectuals such as: Aimé Césaire, Alioune Diop, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Cheikh Anta Diop, Richard Wright and Frantz Fanon, were prolific and made contributions to the publications of the literary magazine Presence Africaine. According to Elizabeth Harney, the Négritude movement was also supported and well received by a group of French liberal intellectuals that were unhappy with the post-World War II situation in Europe, the intellectuals were: Jean-Paul Sartre, André Breton, André Gide, Albert Camus, Paul Rivet, Théodore Monod, Michel Leiris and Georges Balandier (Harney, 2004: 43). Vitor Manuel Teixeira ‘Viteix’: Untitled, Estudo II, mixed media, 66x80cm, courtesy of Nuno de Lima Pimentel collection, 1992 1974 the End of the Colonial War By the 1974 Portugal was under pressure from the colonies in Africa (Angola, Mozambique Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde and St. Tomé and Principe), which Angola was the leading Lusophone country with strategies of nationalist consciousness and guerrilla warfare to overthrow the Portuguese system. The nationalist intellectuals together with musicians and artists were committed to implement the Marxist and Socialist system and as well continuing fight the colonial rule and press for liberation at all cost. The population particularly in the urban Luanda also contributed and took part in the many organised agitations and uprisings with firearms and weapons in the streets, which were generally responded with suppression by the Portuguese arm officials and PIDE. During the arm struggle and colonial war, the three nationalist political parties were instrumental in the fight, MPLA, FNLA and UNITA, with some of their members operating and contributing with strategies and intellectual tactics from outside in exile. However, to an extent the nationalists made a collective effect and worked together during the war of independence to bring down decades of oppression; but because of the ethnic and regional division and political ideologies and differences existed amongst the nationalists; together with the fact that nationalists had less sophisticated military technology and equipment; which resulted on many Angolans lost their lives during the military confrontations (Hutchinson, 2001: 75). The collective effect made in the guerrilla war for independence and the nationalist struggle in Angola and other Lusophone colonies played a significant part and influenced on the Portuguese Armed Forces (MFA) to manufacture a coup in Liston in 1974. The Portuguese Armed Forces (which had created a clandestine group of officers inside the army) that were not happy with the system and wanted to overthrow the authoritarian Estado Novo (New State) government of Portugal’s prime minister Marcello Caetano. The military officials in Lisbon were discontent with the new military laws enforced by the government, the material and the logistic cost of running an empire in the African colonies, and the fact that simultaneously Portugal was involved in several wars (Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau) which was impossible to cope, this made the Portuguese arm to substantially lose ground and personnel in the fight with the guerrilla, this forced the army in Lisbon to question the nature, validity and objective of the war in the overseas territories. With the organisation of the top military personnel and officers of the MFA , who operated in clandestine and opposed the regime, on 25 April 1974 the military overthrew the dictatorship in the coup called Carnation Revolution, this forced Caetano to resign and subsequently put in prison. Interestingly, in the revolution almost no shots were fired, it was very peaceful organised and carnations (which is a red flower) were offered to the soldiers by the people that were happy with the new era in the country’s history; and others with the excitement in the streets of Lisbon placed carnations in the muzzles of guns and on the soldiers uniforms. The population were represented in masses in the street revolution and were celebrating the end of the Estado Novo (New State) and the colonial wars in Africa. This gave rise to the creation of the second republic and the start of the democratic system in Portugal (Henderson,1979: 240). Months after the Carnation Revolution the Portuguese government started to negotiate with the three Angolan political parties for the end of the colonial arms and consolidation of independence. However, at the same time during this period Angolan artists were producing and recording the best music, which is considered the golden era of Angolan music history; with the best names of the Angolan music of the time; under the help of the radio stations and record labels such as: Fadiang, Companhia de Discos de Angola (CDA), Estúdios Norte with Sebastião Coelho that was part owner of the business, Luis Montês was cultural promoter with connections and affiliations in Portugal and Valentim de Carvalho; this individuals and record labels helped in the expansion and publicity of national musical value and talent; which facilitated the possibility for the artists to record music and release albums: David Zé, Urbano de Castro, Artur Nunes, Sofia Rosa, Artur Adriano, Elias Dia Kimuezu, Lourdes Van Dunem and Ngola Ritmos, etc (Trillo, 1994: 412). 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