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Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2013
Charter 08 is the most important proposal for a liberal Chinese constitution. This excellent book, based on Hong Kong University Law Faculty conferences, treats the charter and its co-author, Nobelist Liu Xiaobo, in diverse ways that complement each other neatly. Four initial chapters (by Jean-Philippe Béja, Joshua Rosenzweig, Liu's legal defense team, and Cui Weiping) profile the laws and trial by which Liu was imprisoned for "subversion." Four more (by Pitman Potter and Sophia Woodman, Feng Chongyi, Karen Lee, and Michaela Kotyzova) ask about the charter as a factor in China's potential democratization. The final five (by Fu Hualing, Michael Dowdle, Eva Pils, Willy Lam, and Teng Biao) explore the liberal movement's links to current politics. Liu Xiaobo has two different aims: "Living in truth" is a personal commitment to reject the lies and repressions that are endemic in an authoritarian state. His second commitment is more social, less personal; it is the hope of creating a tolerant democracy in China. These goals interact, and overall the book is stronger in describing and criticizing current Chinese laws than in suggesting the political mechanisms by which censorship may be reduced. One law prescribes punishment for "spreading rumors or slanders. .. to subvert the state power or overthrow the socialist system," and such vague words encourage judges to be arbitrary. What has reduced government capriciousness in other countries? The answer is political struggle. Some such conflicts have been nonviolent but tense, when leaders such as Gandhi provoked state violence in order to raise public consciousness of their causes, or leaders such as Mandela withstood government force while reserving the right to respond in kind without actually doing so. China's new class of cadres in medium-size jurisdictions will not readily give up local violence that they have used to repress speech against their corruptions. Charter 08 rejects revolutionary violence; China has been there and done that. Liu Xiaobo is "a bookish man" who says he has "no enemies," but he wants changes that powerful conservatives in the many-layered Chinese state fear. He is willing to be a jailbird, but not a patsy. Expressing liberal ideals may not by itself create liberal democracy. What else is needed? The "political science literature" shows more consensus than might be expected. Social pluralism correlates with liberalism, especially above levels of GDP/capita that China is fast approaching. The mechanism by which it does so depends on the incentives of ruling elites to allow legitimate dissent. In poor countries, militaries have often terminated established democracies; but as socioeconomic indices rise, elites allow elections they imagine they can win. Illiberal politicians (Hitler, Marcos, Thaksin) have been legitimated by elections. A populist demagogue, such as a latter-day Bo Xilai, might attract voters too-but over time, pre-election open debate becomes normalized along with liberal uncertainty about who will win. Some historical periods have seen advances of democracy (or autocracy) internationally.
2010
China is a rare example of a Leninist partystate left over in the wake of the collapse of communism in the late twentieth century. Its remarkable economic growth for three decades has recently triggered enthusiasm home and abroad for the “Beijing Consensus” or the “Chinese Model”, a loose conceptualization of the Chinese experience in achieving economic growth and capitalist development at the expense of human rights under Leninist autocracy. Contrary to the perception that human rights and social justice are dispensable in order to achieve economic efficiency and create wealth, contemporary Chinese society shows signs of strong striving for human rights, constitutional democracy, social justice and equitable distribution, as embodied by the monumental document Charter 08 and recent waves of social protest.
Pacific Affairs
This essay addresses China's Nobel Peace Prize-winning and now imprisoned dissident, Liu Xiaobo, and his movement-launching manifesto, Charter 08, as test cases of the fate of democracy in China. By examining how the Chinese Communist Party attacked Liu and how international nongovernmental organizations and political allies rallied to his cause, the essay probes the limits of human rights discourse in an age of globalization, wherein transnational ideals of justice crash into nation states committed to local rather than global forms of governance. Such rhetorical concerns are tempered by China's increasing dominance of global markets, meaning this essay also studies the complicated relationships among local activists, international justice movements, and neoliberal capitalism. The essay therefore maps how China marshals the rhetoric of globalization to enter new markets even as it deploys the rhetoric of nationalism to block foreign influence. Nonetheless, Charter 08's prophetic rhetoric and Liu's heroic charisma have struck a chord internationally, thus opening a new chapter in the movement to call upon globalizing human rights in the name of building democracy in China.
China Perspectives, 11, 1997
Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, 2018
Just as historian Alan Wood said in his “Preface” to Limits to autocracy (1995), “… while I recognize the dangers to truth of relating scholarship to life, I also believe that we who live by the pen bear some measure of obligation, however tenuous, to those who die by the sword”, this special focus issue of Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal dedicated to Liu Xiaobo at the first anniversary of his passing, we believe, could be seen as doing a part in fulfilling such an obligation to contribute to the world some understanding, however modest the effort, of the significance of the life and death of Liu Xiaobo. <http://rpb115.nsysu.edu.tw/var/file/131/1131/img/2374/182042942.pdf> <https://www.dropbox.com/s/rv300hvmvqknqok/CCPS-V4N2-foreword-yeoh.pdf>
Dissent, Political Freedom, Civil Liberties and the Struggle for Democracy: Essays in Honour of Liu Xiaobo, 2018
Joseph Yu-shek Cheng and Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh (focus issue editors) (2018), Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal (CCPS), Vol. 4, No. 2, July/August 2018 (Focus – Dissent, Political Freedom, Civil Liberties and the Struggle for Democracy: Essays in Honour of Liu Xiaobo), pp. 283-764 (482 pp. + xiii). [Scopus] <http://rpb115.nsysu.edu.tw/p/404-1131-192155.php?Lang=en> <http://icaps.nsysu.edu.tw/var/file/131/1131/img/2375/462206506.pdf> <https://www.dropbox.com/s/0n08xkg54tz98ai/CCPS-V4N2-full-issue.pdf>
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