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2019, Mintpress
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Mintpress, May 29, 2019 https://www.mintpressnews.com/lee-camp18-ways-julian-assange-wikileaks-changed-the-world/258790/ Julian Assange and WikiLeaks revealed the American military’s war crimes, the American government’s corruption and the American corporate media’s pathetic servile flattery to the power elite.
Constitutional, criminal, and administrative laws regulating government transparency, and the theories that support them, rest on the assumption that the disclosure of information has transformative effects: disclosure can inform, enlighten, and energize the public, or it can create great harm and stymie government operations. To resolve disputes over difficult cases, transparency laws and theories typically balance disclosure's beneficial effects against its harmful ones—what I have described as transparency's balance. WikiLeaks and its vigilante approach to massive document leaks challenge the underlying assumption about disclosure's effects in two ways. First, WikiLeaks' ability to receive and distribute leaked information cheaply, quickly, and seemingly unstoppably enables it to bypass the legal framework that would otherwise allow courts and officials to consider and balance disclosure's effects. For this reason, WikiLeaks threatens to make transparency's balance irrelevant. Second, its recent massive disclosures of U.S. military and diplomatic documents allow us to reconsider and test the assumption that disclosure produces certain effects that can serve as the basis for judicial and administrative prediction, calculation, and balancing. For this reason, WikiLeaks threatens transparency's balance by disproving its assumption that disclosure necessarily has predictable, identifiable consequences that can be estimated ex ante or even ex post. This Article studies WikiLeaks in order to test prevailing laws and theories of transparency that build on the assumption that disclosure's effects are predictable, calculable, and capable of serving as the basis for adjudicating difficult cases. Tracing WikiLeaks' development, operations, theories, and effects, it demonstrates the incoherence and conceptual poverty of an effects model for evaluating and understanding transparency.
As a result of Wikileaks' cooperation with traditional media, the line between journalism and activism was blurred and investigative journalism was encouraged. Robert Rosenthal, who leads the Centre for Investigative Reporting (CIR), said about his project: "you can point people to information, guide people to take action… Getting people to come together around problems is something the media can do more and more." (The Economist) Examples of activist groups involved with Wikileaks would be hackers, Internet users and free speech advocates. The groups called Anonymous and Operation Payback tried to defend Wikileaks by attacking its opponents. They carried a distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks and made the targeted websites (Amazon, PayPal, MasterCard, Visa, Postfinance) temporarily unavailable. Nonetheless, some journalists argue, "DDoS may lead to a crackdown on Internet freedom, as governments seek to establish tighter control over cyberspace" (Slate). Some called the attacks to be vandalism and civil disobedience. After the attacks, Twitter and Facebook suspended the Anonymous accounts. Another example of activism related to Wikileaks would be hundreds of mirror websites that started to appear on the Internet after the original Wikileaks websites was taken down.
This essay updates (to early 2019) earlier work on the WikiLeaks story in order to consider what more recent developments reveal about the theoretical promise that Assange articulated at the time of the website’s emergence. Assange has characterized secrecy as both a form and symptom of corruption, and ultimately as the foundation of a “conspiracy” of governance that states like the U.S. inflict on their subjects and the world. He advocates a non-political, vigilante form of transparency in which WikiLeaks serves as a neutral entity that will save the public and free the world with information. He predicted that corrupt political orders would fall as the threat of exposure forces the collapse of their conspiratorial communication networks. But WikiLeaks has failed not only to save the world but to save itself from politics—and in the process has itself become a bit player in the larger geo-political drama that it had hoped to disrupt. Assange’s theory of information disclosure, as well as his assumptions about the state and governing institutions, have proven far too descriptively and normatively simple. More prominent, less radical theories of transparency should take note of these failures to the extent that they share many of his assumptions.
Drawing on the concepts of paradigm repair and professional boundary work, this study examined the way the New York Times and the Guardian portrayed the whistle-blowing group WikiLeaks as being beyond the bounds of professional journalism. Through a textual analysis of Times and Guardian content about WikiLeaks during 2010 and early 2011, the study found that the Times depicted WikiLeaks as outside journalism’s professional norms regarding institutionality, source-based reporting routines, and objectivity, while the Guardian did so only with institutionality. That value thus emerged as a supranational journalistic norm, while source-based reporting routines and objectivity were bound within national contexts.
This paper combines theory and empirical analysis to explore recent systemic change in the nature of political communication. Drawing on evidence from Britain and the United States on the changing relationships among politicians, media, and publics, I argue for the concept of the hybrid media system. This system is built upon interactions among old and new media and their associated technologies, genres, norms, behaviors, and organizations. Actors in the hybrid media system are articulated by complex and evolving power relations based upon adaptation and interdependence. We now require a holistic approach to the role of information and communication in politics-one that does not exclusively focus on new or old media, but instead empirically maps where the distinctions between new and old matter, and where they do not. The focus of my attention in this article is news. First, I outline an ontology of hybridity. Next, I discuss assemblages of hybridized news making. Then I examine the phenomenon of WikiLeaks as an example of power and interdependence in the construction of news. This paper combines theory and empirical analysis to explore recent systemic change in the nature of political communication. Drawing on evidence from Britain and the United States on the changing relationships among politicians, media, and publics, I argue for the concept of the hybrid media system. This system is built upon interactions among old and new media and their associated technologies, genres, norms, behaviors, and organizations. Actors in the hybrid media system are articulated by complex and evolving power relations based upon adaptation and interdependence. We now require a holistic approach to the role of information and communication in politics-one that does not exclusively focus on new or old media, but instead empirically maps where the distinctions between new and old matter, and where they do not. This is a cross-sectional slice of an ongoing project (Chadwick, forthcoming). The focus of my attention in this article is news. I proceed as follows. First, I outline an ontology of hybridity. Next I discuss the assemblages of hybridized news making in the "political information cycle." Then I examine the phenomenon of WikiLeaks as an example of power and interdependence in the construction of news.
2012
This paper outlines how providing accessible transparency to information controlled by institutions of power and suppressed from public view, is both similar in purpose to, as well as an essential component of the pedagogical processes promoted by Paulo Freire, which are necessary for the establishment of a truly just and non-oppressive society. It asserts fundamental philosophical, instrumental, and ethical connections between organizations such as WikiLeaks, and Freire’s program of dialogic education towards undermining the foundations of societal-based ignorance, upon which the maintenance of structures of oppression are dependent.
2011
The global release of 250,000 US Embassy diplomatic cables to selected media sites worldwide through the WikiLeaks website, was arguably the major global media event of 2010. As well as the implications of the content of the cables for international politics and diplomacy, the actions of WikiLeaks and its controversial editor-in-chief, the Australian Julian Assange, bring together a range of arguments about how the media, news and journalism are being transformed in the 21st century. This paper will focus on the reactions of Australian online news media sites to the release of the diplomatic cables by WikiLeaks, including both the online sites of established news outlets such as The Australian, Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, the ABC's The Drum site, and online-only sites such as Crikey, New Matilda and On Line Opinion.
In another daily a short write up on the arrest of Julian Assuge is published. Its implications of the freedom of the press is being dealt with.
This chapter explores the following questions: To what extent does technology shape the social—perhaps most helpfully understood as “soft determinism” —and to what extent do we as agents (individually or collectively) shape technology? How do we most productively study this relationship within the context of radically changing media landscapes of the “mediapolis,” the spaces in which media and people co-exist and mutually define one another? How do social-media practices redefine fundamental conceptions of “politics” and reflect radical interventions in the “police order”?
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