A Mesopotamian Timeline Volume -IV

A Mesopotamian Timeline Volume - IV by John Davis Pilkey and Ross S Marshall A Study in Genesis-10-11, whereby an attempt is made to determine the origin and histories of our ancient ancestors. “When a person is honestly mistaken and hears the truth, they will either quit being mistaken, or they will cease to be honest.” A Mesopotamian Timeline Volume - IV Second Edition, 2018 ISBN-13: 978-1721108374 ISBN-10: 1721108378 By John D Pilkey Co-Authored, Edited, and Published by Ross S Marshall 2018 © R. S. Marshall, Weirdvideos.com GUNDESTRUP CALDRON PANEL PHOTOGRAPHY OBTAINED BY DR. JOHN D PILKEY AND USED BY PERMISION OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM, COPENHAGEN PERMISSION © 1984 All rights reserved. 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Please contact Weirdvideos Distribution: Tel: (360) 421-7195; or visit www.Weirdvideos.com Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations About the Author John Davis Pilkey was Associate Professor of English at Los Angeles Baptist College (now Master’s College) in Newhall, California. He obtained his B.A. degree from Tufts University in 1964 and his M.A. degree in English at the University of Missouri at Kansas City in 1969. He acquired his Ph.D. in the same subject at the University of Kansas in 1974. The following year he completed a Th.M. program with Dallas Theological Seminary. He now lives in retirement in Kansas with his wife Marilyn. Since 1963, Dr. Pilkey has devoted much of his time to the study of the origin of the nations from Noah’s family. His studies in Victorian literature have shown the interplay between the rise of Darwinism and the decline of the Christian euhemerist movement. For more than four decades, he has sought to establish the pre-Darwinian concept of Gentile origins. To date, John has produced six masterful works dealing with preAbrahamic history, the study of the mono-mythological traditions of the Gentiles and the origin of the races from the family of Noah. His works to date consist of: “Origin of Nations,” “Kingship At Its Source,” “Noah’s Family Speaks,” “A Designed World,” and “A Continuous Narrative of Post-Diluvian History.” 3 FRONT COVER ART Rectangular, baked clay relief panel; modelled in relief on the front depicting a nude female figure - "Burney Relief" the "Queen of Night Relief", which dates to the Old Babylonian Period and may represent either Ereshkigal, Ishtar, or possibly Lilith - with tapering feathered wings and talons, standing with her legs together; shown full frontal, wearing a headdress consisting of four pairs of horns topped by a disc; wearing an elaborate necklace and bracelets on each wrist; holding her hands to the level of her shoulders with a rod and ring in each; figure supported by a pair of addorsed lions above a scale-pattern representing mountains or hilly ground, and flanked by a pair of standing owls. Size Height: 49.5 centimetres Width: 37 centimetres Thickness: 4.8 centimetres Location G56/MES1/23 Licensing Creative Commons CC-Zero This file is made available under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations CONTENTS Chronologically Arranged Topics Kingship at Its Source is arranged thematically rather than chronologically. The strategy of the opening chapters is to call attention to the central importance of the Uruk-Aratta war and to feature its aftermath in the punitive exile of defeated populations to the coasts of Arabia and from there to the ends of the earth. This new composition of 2008, attempts to create a stricter chronological sequence from the Flood forward. Its successive topics are as follows. Forward The Nomadic Age. 2518-2368 Intervening Events The Tower of Babel Era. 2368-2338 The First Kish Order. 2338-2308 The Full Ethnology of the First Kish Order Kings of First Kish Colony No.1 Etana-Noah Colony No.2 Balih-Shem Colony No.3 Enmenunna-Sidon Colony No.4 Barsalnunna-Shelah 2326-2322 Colony No.5 Samug-Eber 2322-2318 Colony No.6 Atab-Japheth 2318-2314 Colony No.7 Tizkar-Joktan 2318-2314 Colony No.8 Mashda (Ataba)-Madai 2314-2410 Colony No.9 Subartu Colony No.10 Aratta Colony No.11 Utu-Japheth. 2308-2304 The Eanna Era. 2308-2278 The Uruk-Aratta War. 2302-2296 Colonization of Pre-dynastic Egypt. 2308-2188 Sargon’s Rise to Power 2244 Climax of the Uruk-Aratta War. 2300-2396 Kings of the Eanna Dynasty after Enmerkar. 2298-2278 Four Additional Domains. 2302-2286 Capture of the Western Fugitives in Asia Minor. 2290-2288 5 9 23 25 26 31 44 55 56 56 58 60 63 66 67 67 68 69 71 71 76 81 86 88 111 114 122 Ur Nanshe and the Arabian Penal Colonies. 2278-2248 Domains in India. 2278-2248 Redefinition of the Domain System The Arabian ‘Prison Break.’ 2252-2248 Lugalzaggesi and Sargon. 2248-2244 Chronologically Arranged Topics- Song of Kumarbi The Aegean War. 2244-2222 Olympian System of Shem’s Indo-European Alliance 2244-2233 Two Theories of the Argonautic Voyage 2216-2188 The Olympian Domains and Theocratic Structure of Genesis 10:5 Design of a European-Anatolian Empire. 2222-2218 The Phenomenon of Iazyges Metanastae The Arabian War. 2209-2188 Manishtushu, Naram Sin and Egypt The Egyptian War. 2181 The Colonization of Africa. 2181-2158 The Celtic War. Battle of the Orontes. 2178 The Clan System of Genesis 10: Ten Semitic Cities The “Three Strides of Vishnu”- Colonizing Activities of Ashkenaz The Phoenician Clan in Sumer 2308-2272 The Comprehensive Noahic Colonization Scheme 2368-2128 The Song of Ullikummi. 2302-2296 Proto-Dynastic Egypt: the Constellation of Scorpius. 2191-2177 Dynastic Egypt. 2187-2188 (2188-2128) Index of Genesis 10 and Egyptian Old Kingdom 2178-2118 Colonization of the Americas. 2158-2128: North American Branch Colonization of the Americas. 2136-2118: Middle and Southern Branches Seven Japhethite Domains in Western and Northern Europe. 2158-2148 The Colonization of Europe. 2122-2068 Two Great Circles: The Completion of the Postdiluvian World Inhabitants of Coastal Europe Between 2035 and 500 BCE 125 131 139 148 154 156 162 179 192 202 209 213 223 237 251 258 263 283 296 307 310 338 346 349 378 383 400 418 447 470 485 Advertising: Other Books by Dr. John Pilkey 487 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations FORWARD The historical record of humankind in the third millennium before Christ bears the stamp of Noah's family and of the events and structures outlined in Genesis 9-11. The purpose of monogenetic study is to consolidate the Biblical explanation of human origins by generating a historical science based on the family of Noah. The goal is to create a coherent Christian synthesis of the disjointed data of antiquarian study. This goal was pursued by a variety of authors between 1650 and 1820: Samuel Bochart, Paul Pezron, William Stukeley, Jacob Bryant, Sir William Jones, George Faber, and others. My logic resembles theirs. The difference between my work and theirs lies in the data furnished by archaeology since the discovery of the Sumerians around 1880. The challenge of my work is to combine their logic with the essential information unavailable to them. An obvious question is why this work has not been done by others. There are several answers. The most basic is that Biblical monogenesis has been unpopular in historical science since the 1880's, largely through the influence of Darwinism. Another reason concerns the issue of eccentricity. Bryant, Pezron, and others were often perceived as eccentric. Biblical monogenesis tends to breed eccentricity because of its extraordinarily daring implications. For example, a selfevident feature of any monogenetic scheme is the role of incest, inasmuch as all males and females are members of the same universal family; but incest is just one of a series of bizarre logical consequences of Biblical monogenesis. 1The most important of these concerns the degree and type of political authority to be found in Noah's postdiluvian family. The political factor distinguishes my viewpoint, first from the Darwinian anthropologists, but ultimately from the whole tenor of empirical scholarship in the modern democratic era. To the conservatives, Noah is the passive recipient of divine instruction and of a salvation experience but is not an agent of charismatic political power. In other words, Noah has been conceived as a pious but hapless old man in a bathrobe. Whether or not the gradualist approach to antiquity compromises with Darwinism, it strikes me as unworthy of a Bible, which stresses dispensational revolutions and displays of power. Noah survived the Flood in order to build a world; and worlds are not built without the intervention of great political and creative power. Noah's family were the human building blocks of the nations and were the most powerful ruling house in the history of humankind, prototypes of the Emperors of Agade and the Pharaohs of Egypt. In fact, this understates the case. Noah's family was a kind of solar nucleus to all the primary linguistic stocks of humankind. These stocks are to Noah what the twelve tribes of Israel were to Jacob, 7 except that Noah's postdiluvian longevity of 350 years enabled him to witness their growth from individual families to large tribes or nations, each capable of generating its own independent civilization. The Sumerian King list refers to the descent of "Namlugal" or "kingship" out of Heaven at the outset of the postdiluvian era. This document attests to the historical reality of the dispensation of human government. By defining the earliest origin of "kingship," one also defines the principle of charismatic despotism, which will one day characterize the millennial reign of Jesus Christ, the "monos-despotes" of the Book of Jude. This phrase "monos -despotes" is especially significant for the apocalyptic link between Christ and the Noahic world. Aside from naming a divine despotism, it also highlights the monistic character of basic Christianity: the belief that all truth is summed in one person. Monism is the key attitude distinguishing Jacob Bryant or myself (Dr. John Pilkey) from the empirical scholars who have dominated historical science since the mid-nineteenth century. Now eccentric ideas are a dime a dozen. By "eccentric ideas,” I mean facile speculative work lacking the refinement of approved methods of verification. Interpretive monism always means facility, the quick easy answer based on favorite doctrines. Empiricism implies solid scientific labor, even if that labor is "ever learning and never coming to a knowledge of the truth." We all admire hard work and tend to despise mere opinion. Respect for observational labor should not cloud the issue of when and how interpretations should be rendered. The descent of the nations from Noah is an interpretive crux intimately related to the evangelical Gospel. A creedal focal point of evangelicalism is the proposition of John 3:16, that "God so loved the world." The word "world" in this verse has an equivocal value relative to the "love of the world" which is enmity with God (1 John 2:15). These two radically different uses of the word "world" depend precisely on the issue raised by monogenetic study. The evil "world" of 1 John is the Gentile scheme of things in its status quo, abstracted from Noah and from any knowledge of Noah. The "world" of John 3:16 is the whole body of humankind, descendants of the survivors of the Flood, persons who owe their very existence to the fact that Noah "found grace in the eyes of the Lord." To trace the nations concretely from Noah is to consolidate the usage of John 3:16 and to picture humankind as former recipients of salvation fit for the evangelical mystery of regeneration. Without completing this task, we leave the "world" in the anonymous, profane condition through which Satan controls the lives of lost souls. In the field of history, we concede the battle to the enemy. In the final analysis, the Genesis-10 study is an attempt to advance the cause of holiness at the expense of profanity by countering the view that the world of humankind is the anonymous result of natural causes. The goal of monogenetic study is to consolidate, in scientific terms, the Biblical view that this world owes its existence to the sacred history of Noah. My sense of authority to interpret what archaeologists observe is the immediate result of my sense of the authority of the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Gospel to save souls. I would describe my work and any other persons' work in this area, not as a strategy to win souls, but as a neglected dimension of evangelical Christian testimony. It is no coincidence that Bryant's work, as eccentric, (or unsuccessful) as it may appear, was highly prized by the definitive evangelical John Wesley. If you look through standard Bible atlases for maps describing the contents of Genesis 10 and think about what you find, you will notice something very strange. Genesis 10 follows the account of Noah’s Flood in 6-9 and carries the names of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japheth over into the start of the chapter. However, what you find in the atlases is a set of nations who lived relatively nearby Israel. Both Genesis and a verse in I Peter claim that the Flood reduced the population of the human race to only eight persons— a point of vast historical importance. That tiny family of eight once inhabited a single part of the earth; and the story of the Tower of Babel implies that, even when the population of this family grew sizeable, it was still living in the single location of Mesopotamia (Iraq). If all the nationalities of mankind descend from a family living at one time in Mesopotamia, why do the Bible atlases concentrate only on nations surrounding Israel while neglecting the people of interior Europe, Siberia, the Far East, Polynesia, the Americas and interior Africa? We all agree that Israelites in biblical times possessed no knowledge of those distant lands. However, knowledge of those distant lands is not at issue. Since the ancestors of all nationalities were once located in Mesopotamia, why does the text confine itself only to those nations familiar to Israel? The Bible atlases are really claiming that Genesis 10 differs radically from 6-9. After telling the story of the single family who survived the Flood, the text of Genesis is supposed to say nothing more about that family except to sample the descendants of Shem, Ham, and Japheth living in proximity to Israel. We learn nothing about the history of Noah’s family except that a remote relationship exists between Noah’s sons and nations familiar to Israel. This reading of Genesis 10 has made an unfortunate impression on modern scholars of ancient times. It makes it appear that Moses has combined a story about a Flood with an entirely different, almost unrelated body of knowledge. Secular scholars draw the unfortunate conclusion that the Flood story is an isolated myth brought forward only in a vague attempt to explain where nations known to Israel came from. Christians may content themselves that the nations in Genesis 10 accurately reflect the bloodlines of Noah’s three sons. That belief, however, has little bearing on the general impression that Genesis 10 contains a less than universal account of nations with a Flood story put in front of it. This unfortunate state of affairs is the result of a fundamental mistake made by an influential Christian writer 1700 years ago. That writer was St. Augustine. In commenting on Genesis 10 he wrote, “Gentes, non homines,” “Races, not men.” This 9 opinion means that, when we read of seven sons of Japheth in 10:2, we are supposed to understand that these were not seven men in Noah’s second generation but seven nations known to Israel personified in seven imaginary “eponymous” ancestors. Japheth must have actually begotten sons; but whoever they were, they lived in total oblivion long before their descendants became a race called the Gimmerai, Medes, Mushki and so forth. For forty-five years I have studied how wrong Augustine was, how mistaken the dominant opinions arising from his opinion are and how misleading the Bible atlases have become in suggesting that the nations they display exhaust the historical value of Genesis 10. The contents of Genesis 10 have a completely different meaning. They are a historical record of the political disposition of Noah’s earliest descendants and not just Shem, Ham and Japheth. Although the text contains some 77 names, I have found that they refer to 54 persons. That is because each of the clan groupings such as the sons of Cush in 10:7 is a record of a political group combining feudal sons or vassals like the ones described in Genesis 14:1-6. Because the clans combine immediate offspring with more distantly related vassals, some of the 54 persons are duplicated once or twice under different names in different clans. An extreme example is Riphath of Genesis 10:3 in the Japhethite third of the text. This person appears in all three sub-clans of the Hamite third as “Seba” in the Cushite section, “the Pathrusite” in the Mizraim (Egyptian) section and “the Amorite” in the Canaanite section. In reality Genesis 10 consists of “homines, non gentes,” “men, not races”— the reverse of what Augustine believed. These men, in turn, begot a variety of nations including the ones appearing in the Bible atlases but by no means confined to them. Genesis 10 is the Hebrew record of a body of human beings known by various names to all the most ancient cultures of Mankind. None of them was an Israelite because Jacob-Israel had not yet been born. Only a fraction of them ever spoke Semitic akin to Hebrew. In that sense that are barely “biblical characters” at all. It is a major mistake to treat Noah as a proto-Isaelite because he found grace with God to survive the Flood. Noah and his family were fathers of the Gentiles and Gentiles themselves. The Flood resulted in the origin of the Gentile world. In many cases, the persons named in Genesis 10 were better known to Gentile tradition than to the Hebrews or to Moses. Take, for example, the four wives of the Ark. To all appearances, the Bible never names these women; but appearances can deceive. The diluvian wives receive names tucked away at the very end of the Genesis 10 list and treated as “sons” of Joktan. They are legitimately termed “sons” because females are fully capable, in the Gentile world, of holding great power and becoming political vassals. In a Sumerian record, Ku-Bau is an explicit female “king.” Obviously, no reader of the Bible alone would ever guess that the Hebrew names Ophir, Sheba, Havilah, and Jobab were women and survivors of the Flood. The Bible does not intend to convey that information to us. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The only way I could discover these female identities is to get the right perspective on Hebrew tradition. The Hebrew people are West Semites, one of four divisions of the Semitic linguistic stock. As such, they shared directly in the Flood tradition along with all other primary nations. No two traditions, however, are quite alike. Moses was a strict monotheist and he had no use for “gods” and especially not for “goddesses.” Among most other nations Noah’s community of elite children and descendants were known as gods and goddesses like those named as such in Psalm 82 and John 10. They were rulers of almost inconceivably high status. Moses himself was enough like them as a nation-builder that the Lord told him, “You will be a god before Pharaoh and Aaron will be your prophet.” The phrase “before Pharaoh” conveys the reality that human “gods” and “goddesses” pertained to the early Gentile world to which Egypt and its pharaonic institution belonged. East Indian tradition is loaded with gods and goddesses and does the best job of rendering the four wives of the Ark. The advantage of this tradition is that it accurately identifies the four wives as multi-racial: black Kali, white Uma, yellow Durga, and implicitly red Mahadevi, mother of Ham and Noah’s diluvian wife. The chief task of the four females who survived the Flood was to reproduce the four races that originated in Adam’s family. Noah’s sons could not accomplish this task because they were all sons of one father. The version of India that first arose in the Indus Valley (modern Pakistan) was one of the three earliest civilizations to arise after the Flood. The other two— Sumer (in Mesopotamia) and Egyptian— were more important. Most important of all was the Sumerian since Genesis 11 places Noah’s family in Mesopotamia at an important early turning point in human history. The Sumerian language and civilization were discovered during the course of the 19th century through study of ancient cuneiform script. This discovery gave scholars a unique opportunity to place ancient history on a firm, biblical foundation. The failure of European, British, and American scholars to do by the opening of the 21st century is one of the great tragedies in the history of human thought. This failure has resulted from two contrasting causes conspiring to the same result. Non- and antiChristian scholars are hopelessly prejudiced against the Bible in respect to fundamental matters of origin. Christian scholars, on the other hand, have clung to the belief that Noah and his family must have been Semites (rather than Proto-Sumerians) because the Old Testament is written in a Semitic language. They have resisted giving full weight to the Sumerians because they react against the secular attempt to explain biblical origins away as a borrowing from Sumerian mythology. I began to sense the extent of this tragedy 45 years ago in 1963. So far, my efforts to call attention to it and supply a reconstructive history of Noah’s family have barely scratched the surface of public awareness. Like the tragedy itself, this failure has resulted from two causes. The academic world is largely under the control of a credentialing process in which reputations outweigh logic. It is simply impossible, in many cases, to get a hearing. Rhetorical and political skills needed to summon the 11 attention of academic leaders in the relevant fields are largely beyond my capacity. This incapacity, in turn, is influenced by certain fashions in learning. It was not for nothing that a Christian scholar at Biola University once referred to my work as an “archaic study.” It is archaic in two senses. Many Christian scholars have given up the task of placing the Bible at the concrete foundation of world origins. More important, they adhere to practical beliefs about fact gathering and verification foreign to the subject of origins. They have lost interest in the subject because they sense that it involves a mode of reasoning out of step with modern thought. Ancient man did not possess the same worldview as modern man. Ancient texts from Sumer and elsewhere exhibit a mythological habit of thought wedded to religious rituals. In fact, a Sumerian text such as Inanna and the God of Wisdom conveys an impression of a society shaped as much by ritual as by practical trial and error. The tragic modern error concerning origins results from a breakdown in respect for ritual motivation based on a low view of the authority of symbols. Modern thought since the 18th century has been obsessed with the opposition of fact and fiction. This obsession arose from the contemporaneous development of empirical science and literary fiction beginning around 1740 in both cases. Fact and fiction have played a symbiotic role in modern thought based on their opposition. Of course, a distinction between fact and fiction really exists. The word “fact” derives from a Latin participle of the verb facere meaning to do or accomplish (as in our word “factory”). A “fact” originally meant a deed occurring at a particular place in time and space and involving cause-effect mechanisms. These deeds or happenings have either occurred or not. There should be no blurring of the difference between events faithfully witnessed and events evoked more remotely by plausible fictions. Our capacity to recognize the difference may be limited; but scientists and historians do well to pursue pure fact as an ideal. Whenever I introduce new scenarios into my study and test them for how well they harmonize with known fact, I often state them as fact in order not to clutter up my already overloaded text with qualifiers. I hope that my readers will recognize that I am working hypothetically and recognize different degrees of certitude achieved in this way. If not, I lay myself open to the charge of plausible fiction. That charge can always be leveled at attempts at historical reconstruction. I view my attempts as an act of faith in such solid biblical truth as we possess. In all others matters certitude is a relativistic affair even though I am deeply convinced of the truth of what I offer here. John Milton’s biblical epic 'Paradise Lost' contains plausible fiction but was praised by Joseph Addison for the strength of its analogy to biblical facts and truths. My goal is less literary than Milton’s and aims at a higher level of factual integrity than Milton’s poetic license allowed him. However, I cannot deny the debt I owe to Milton in a course taught at Tufts University in the 1962-1963 school year just prior to my earliest attempts at Noahic reconstruction. Clearly, I was attempting to do for the Noahic world after the Flood what Milton sought to accomplish for Adam and Eve at the fall. The difference is that I worked with Sumerology and took a different approach to Gentile mythology Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations than anything Milton intended. From the outset, I sought to establish historical fact— so much so that my text sometimes resembles little more than a commentary on the Sumerian King List or a summary of world ethnography. The Sumerian texts and mythological systems of other ancient nations are partly factual and fictional. The factual part is more extensive than commonly supposed. Take for example the “Libyan” family of the Hellenic god Poseidon. Conventional mythologists such as Robert Graves dismiss this family and other structures like it as fabrications gotten up out of Greek knowledge of other nations such as Phoenicia. I have discovered that one Hellenic family group— the Titan line of Hellen— has been fabricated out of two or three parts for thematic reasons. The “Libyan” family, in contrast, is historically flawless except for the rather artificial character of Poseidon’s wife “Libya” (“Africa”). The tradition claims to present a father, two sons and a set of grandsons; and that is exactly what it does. In the process, it yields Hellenic names for the four “sons” (vassals or political sons) of the Japhethite Javan in Genesis 10:4— “Agenor” for Elishah, “Phoenix” for Tarshish, “Cadmus” for Kitt(im) and “Danaus” for Rodan(im) (or Dodanim). Only two of these four matching names are cognates (terms of common origin); but a variety of converging evidences confirm the relationship so thoroughly that I am convinced of its basis in fact in the early postdiluvian period when Noah was still alive. In fact, the application of the term “myth” to these names is misleading. They are a form of historical record. William Hallo states the opinion that the Sumerian Flood is nothing but a rationalization of Sumerian ideas of prehistory. Everything beyond the scope of their records, he thinks, is treated by them as occurring before the Flood. This demeaning opinion reflects more on Hallo than on the Sumerians. It reflects a systematic error in modern thought so deeply engrained that it can only be explained in theological terms. It arises from a standard modern theme of “science” versus “superstition” rooted in an exaggerated emphasis on the contrast between fact and fiction. Dual systems or oppositions like this have a way of breaking down under scrutiny from a third angle. Consider what the Bible is calling on us to do at the outset of the “apologetic” verse in I Peter 3:15: “But sanctify the Lord God in your hearts.” What does it mean to “sanctify” the Lord as a spiritual exercise within our power? The meaning is to confer on the Lord the highest degree of importance, which we can possibly muster. Probably no two of us are alike concerning how much importance we can confer on anything; but we are to reserve the highest degree for the Lord. That practice of conferring importance is precisely what goes on in the development of ritual mythology. The only reason why Gentile priests called on their followers to perform symbolic rituals is that these acts were intended to confer sanctity or the highest level of importance— even when the names of gods introduced by these priests were unworthy of such devotion. 13 Hallo realized that the Sumerian Flood was connected in some way with the biblical Flood. He knew that Christians confer a high level of importance on the biblical Flood. From his opinion on the Sumerian use of the Flood tradition, I am forced to conclude that the high importance Christians confer on the Flood offends him intellectually and in other ways. We know from II Peter 3:1-7 that the Flood is a spiritually “hot topic.” Something about it seems wrong to an unbeliever. It carries implications. In the mind of a secular scholar, the Flood must be reduced to a harmless “folkway,” a whimsical vagary of ancient thought. Otherwise, it poses a threat to the entire modern, secular worldview. One wonders what was going through the mind and heart of the professor at Biola University, in spring 1985, when he referred to my work as an “archaic study.” At the risk of appearing self-defensive, I call attention to the emotion which taking Noah’s Flood seriously can evoke in some circles. The study embodied in this postdiluvian timeline takes the Flood as seriously as it can be taken. Instead of reasoning about the Flood, it reasons from the Flood. That is what faith does. It “sanctifies” subjects by conferring on them the value of presuppositions rather than debate topics. I do not engage in debates about the Flood. I put the Flood to work by deducing the whole of ancient world history from it. Logically I cannot do otherwise. If the Flood happened and reduced the human race to four men and four women, it holds the key to every scrap of evidence deriving from human existence in the second half of the third millennium BCE. [Editor: All images and pictures are removed to reduce page numbers, and can be found from the remaining “links” and from John Pilkey’s other books. Gundestrup Caldron panel images may be referred to in Volume-2, “Noah’s Family Speaks.”] The ideal goal of Genesis 10 study is to destroy secularism. Secularists believe that they possess a logically coherent worldview proving that the Bible cannot be comprehensively true concerning origins. They worked out this consensus in the 19th and 20th centuries through a constant pressure of rebellion vigilant to select and interpret data seemingly inconsistent with the Bible. Several key components go to make up their belief system: the traditional chronology of the Egyptian Old Kingdom, a critical use of “eponym ancestry,” anthropological and psychological assumptions about mythology and, in contrast, certain misconceptions among Biblicists such as the belief that linguistic and racial diversity did not exist prior to the Tower of Babel. At the root of modern secularism lies the 18th century trend known as the “Enlightenment.” This movement derived from the desire by Europeans to put an end to the religious strife of the previous two centuries. Thinkers in the 18th century searched for and found a common ground between Protestants and Catholics in a general avoidance of religious themes by a re-focus on natural philosophy or “science.” This re-focus gained rapid recognition through the practical benefits of scientific study. Theological insight began to appear abstract and impractical. Religious faith seemed to have caused more harm than good. Even devoted Christians Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations began to adopt an ideal of the Brotherhood of Man, at odds with religious sectarianism. The two dominant cultures that existed before and after 1740 were adversarial in many ways. Theology was not the only issue. The earlier, Renaissance culture emphasized social, political, and intellectual eminence. After the time of Voltaire, the “enlightened” culture came to mean egalitarian democracy. Both sides in this conflict of values were ill equipped to appreciate the biblical account of origins. The Renaissance culture was crippled by racism and contempt for the masses. The enlightened culture, as it developed in the 19th and 20th centuries, was prejudiced against the central element in postdiluvian times— kingship built from the monogenetic top down. When the crucial science of Sumerology became known, the Sumerian assertion that “kingship descended from heaven after the Flood” could no longer be appreciated as a foundational truth. In their embittered rivalry, the Renaissance and Enlightened viewpoints both crippled the modern capacity to appreciate biblical origins. Latter-day Renaissance types like L. A. Waddell in the 1920s understood that radical kingship held a key to origins but centered their concept of eminence in an anti-Semitic bias in favor of ancient Indo-Europeans. Waddell despised the Bible as a Semitic document. He found the Renaissance principle of eminence in a set of ancient, exclusively Indo-European rulers of universal, imperial scope. He could not imagine that the rulers he admired derived from a multi-racial and polyglot elite at the core of Noah’s expanding family. Neither he nor other secular scholars could reckon with the high longevities, which made this elite a practical reality. Another type of Renaissance mindset, loyal to the Bible, reacted inappropriately toward Semitism in a way that failed to appreciate the Sumerians and other non-Semites. These Biblicists reacted to the opposite extreme and were offended to discover that neither the Sumerians nor Elamites— the latter assigned to Shem’s family in Genesis10:22— were Semitic speakers. They kept looking for Semites as though Noah himself were a Semite. Meanwhile the ardently democratic, mainstream culture processed antiquity in a plausible but equally false manner. On the Christian side, the central emphasis on the Brotherhood of Man seemed to make common cause with biblical monogenesis: the unity of human origins in Adam and Noah. This stress on radical unity came to rest, however, in the mistaken assumption that humanity was united in race and language throughout history prior to the Tower of Babel event. As early as the Christian fifth century, St. Augustine laid a false foundation for the “enlightened” view with two mistaken beliefs about Genesis 10-11. First, that humankind was strictly unified in race and language before Babel, and secondly, that the names in Genesis 10 refer to “races not men,.” and that these names, taken as persons, must be viewed only as eponymous ancestors without concrete historical reality. Augustine and other early Christians added the equally mistaken assumption that polytheism is 15 the same thing as idolatry. They neglected the form of polytheism affirmed in Psalm 82. The secular worldview can be shattered at its foundation by a number of perceptions based on a harmony between the biblical account of origins and observed data: racial fixity of type; the module value of thirty-year periods in Genesis 11; the recognition that linguistic unity of language was the sin under judgment in the Tower of Babel event; a reinterpretation of eponym ancestry; evidence of both euhemerism (the equation of men and gods) and a theology of diversity of the names of God in the polytheism of the earliest nations; and the steady emphasis on kingship in the earliest records of Sumer, Egypt and India. An accurate understanding of biblical monogenesis must be built, not on generalities, but on specific identifications of ancient names with a core of elite human beings listed in the text of Genesis 10-11. The Table of Nations in Genesis 10 refers to ‘races’ and ‘men’ according to a pattern of interlocking feudal relationships. A systematic study of these lists by means of comparison with selected historical and mythological names results in certain surprises. Twelve of the names refer to women: three scattered through the Mizraim clan, four at the close of the Canaanite clan and five at the end of the Joktanite clan. At the time of the Flood, the four female survivors gained high importance as genetic carriers of the Adamic heritage of four races. For thematic reasons the Bible practices tact by refusing to acknowledge these female identities. To do so would have meant dealing with racial diversity explicitly. The Bible diverts attention from race to realities that all men and women share in common. Race remains implicit and so does the female presence in Genesis 10. Compiled by Moses by the time of the Exodus, the Book of Genesis is in some ways an anti-Egyptian document. Hebrews of Moses’ time were fully aware of the great goddesses of the Egyptian pantheon and preferred an account of origins purged of such persons. There was no room for a “goddess” in the Hebraic worldview. To specify female members of the community of names in Genesis 10 would have simultaneously promoted a distractive knowledge of racial diversity and brought to light the “Mahadevi tetrad” of the East Indians: the four female survivors of the Flood conceived as a four-in-one sect of women under the label “Mahadevi,” “Great Goddess.” Another peculiarity of Genesis 10 is that it combines a minority of physical paternities with a majority of feudal sonships by oaths of loyalty. The Japhethite section is typical. Only the first three names in 10:2 refer to physical sons of Japheth. The fourth name refers to a grandson. The remaining three are vassals of Japheth recruited from the family of Shem. The three vassals of Gomer in 10:3 were all postdiluvian sons of Noah; and the four vassals of Javan in 10:4 combined one son and three grandsons of Sidon, son of Canaan son of Ham. Although the text places emphasis on Noah’s three antediluvian sons, the full body of persons referred to throughout the text reveals an intertexture of genetic and political relationships. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations These conclusions have relatively little to do with biblical exegesis. The study recorded in this book lays hold of all relevant data from high antiquity under guidelines furnished by Genesis 10-11.When I name the patriarch Ashkenaz of Genesis 10:3, for example, I am simultaneously referring to Wakan-Tanka of the Dakotas, Skan of the Sioux, Kanati of the Iroquois, Yarlaganda of the Gutians and Yarilo of the Slavs. Each name in Genesis 10 draws to focus light gathered from the ends of the earth. This exercise in reconstructive history depends so heavily on hypotheses concerning the cross-cultural transmission of proper names that it is always subject to criticism by conventional skepticism based on academic linguistics. This sort of criticism is deeply entrenched in academia because it reflects the time, effort, and social prestige involved in the mastery of ancient languages. It reasons from fine nuances of phonetic habit and preference in specific languages as well as grammatical, syntactic, and idiomatic practices. Despite its usefulness in some cases, this critical method is fundamentally illogical in dealing with cross-cultural transmission of “foreign” names such as Persian “Ashkenaz” or “Arphaxad” in the Hebrew Bible. False assumptions are made about the closed character of linguistic cultures; and these in turn are based on popular, nationalistic or “Nativist” views of human origins as opposed to the imperial-international view developed in this study. The replication pattern shown in Appendix V and VI furnishes positive proof of the validity of our method and basic premise. Thirteen contiguous tribes in Ptolemy’s chart of ancient Germany tell an unambiguous story. As named and located, they display an ancestral memorial of the early postdiluvian heartland from Lydia in the northwest to eastern Arabia in the southeast and including Akkad and Sumer. “Nativist” assumptions about the origin of such tribes are quite false. Humankind once belonged to a vast, worldwide empire shaped by an elite set of fiftyfour persons whose lives extended over the second half of the third millennium BCE. “Nativism” is democratic sentiment misapplied to ancient history. The opposed term “Diffusionism” is inadequate to convey the precise and explicit nature of man’s imperial origin. For believers in the Bible, there is no reason to study mythology to identify a few more instances of the Flood tradition. The purpose of the present study is to expand and develop knowledge of the early postdiluvian world community. This society was so extraordinary that knowledge of it constitutes prophetic insight. Awareness of the early postdiluvian period can reshape worldview. To appreciate, for example, what the Sumerian Myth of Zu means by “theft of the Enlilship” involves theocratic logic of a specifically prophetic type contrary to mainstream democratic thought. Since the eighteenth century, democratic society has painted world history in its own image. In that century, Europeans sought to put an end to the fierce conflict 17 between Protestants and Roman Catholics. They found a solution in the minimalist approach to religion suggested by Baron Montesquieu’s Persian Letters. Thinkers like Benjamin Franklin turned to natural science as a means of being useful rather than wasting time on theological speculation and debate. Because the Protestant-Catholic war had been waged by rival authorities, an inevitable step was to strip religious authority of political power and reduce religion to a moral influence. Theocracy perished and was replaced by secular democracy through the pressure of a common desire for peace and security grounded in spiritual neutrality. We give this neutrality various names such as “separation of Church and State,” “consent of the governed,” “freedom,” “the rule of law,” “objectivity,” “evolution,” or “pluralism”— but it all amounts to the same thing— the lack of theologically explicit leadership. The eight persons who survived the Flood lived and breathed theocracy. Efforts to interpret these persons from a modern, democratic perspective have been ludicrous. In fact, the democratic mind despairs of ever understanding them and translates that despair into denial. Modern man doubts the Book of Genesis because he cannot cope with its political implications. The early postdiluvian lived in a context where gods, heroes, kings, and priests were given. “Kingship descended from heaven,” reports the Sumerian King-List. Secularists have done their best to suppress this reality. They instinctively shun conflict based on the rivalry of theocratic power. Much of the narrative content of this study concerns such conflict. The West Semitic myth of Baal and Anath makes the struggle seem petty as all conflicts appear from an irresponsible distance. In his character as Mummu, Aliyan Bal, Lugalzaggesi and Teutates, the patriarch Shem may appear to have been a petty tyrant struggling against other petty tyrants. However, nothing about the early postdiluvian world was petty. During the 350 years that remained to Noah after the Flood, his family created a political universe as evidenced by the systematic appearance of Sumerian city-states and the voluminous Sumerian King-List. We still live in the outer precincts of that universe. – Noah’s Family Speaks, Vol-II. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations A Mesopotamian Timeline The purpose of this composition is to narrate the history of Noah’s family in chronological order. The Nomadic Age - 2518-2368 Noah’s Flood occurred in 2518. His family spent the next 150 years after the Flood in constant migration at a time when their population remained too small to colonize fixed locations representative of a world already familiar to them from antediluvian times. Their purpose in migration was to encompass that world in a giant circle beginning in Syria and proceeding southeastward through Mesopotamia to Elam and Persia before crossing the Persian Gulf to Arabia and then westward through Hadramaut and Yemen across the Red Sea to Ethiopia and northward through Egypt and Canaan back to Syria. In completing this circuit, fifteen members of the family established domains as the basis for settlement and political authority. The specific lands the fifteen claimed appear in two complementary documents: an inscription listing eight lands under the control of Sumerian ruler Lugalannemundu and seven figures in the Braided Goddess panel of the Celtic Gundestrup Caldron found in Denmark in the early 1890s. The fifteen claimants were the eight survivors of the Flood and seven postdiluvian children of Noah appearing as three vassals of Gomer in Genesis 10:3 and four of Canaan in 10:17-18. Each of the fifteen stages of this migration consumed a module of ten years making up a total of 150 years from 2518 to 2368. Because the standard Noahic era was a module of thirty years, the fifteen domains should be grouped in five sets of three as follows: 2518-2508. 2508-2498. 2498-2488. 2488-2478. 2478-2468. 2468-2458. 2458-2448 2448-2438 Noah “Subir” (Upper Tigris) Japheth “Marhashi” (Syria-Amanus) Ham “Martu” (Syria-Jordan) Shem “Uri” (Akkad-Central Mesopotamia) Uma: “Eanna” (Sumer-Lower Mesopotamia) Wife of Ham and Caucasoid mother of Shem and Japheth Mahadevi: “Gutium” (Iranian Media) Wife of Noah and Amerindian mother of Ham Kali: “Lumma” (Iranian Elam) Wife of Japheth and Negroid (Adamic) matriarch Durga: “Cedar Mountain” (Iranian Persia) 19 2438-2428 2428-2418 2418-2408 2408-2398 2398-2488 2388-2378 2378-2368 Wife of Shem and mother of Shem’s first heir Arphaxad ZemarOman (Eastern Arabia) Daughter of Noah and Mahadevi TogarmahHadramaut (Southern Arabia) Son of Noah and Mahadevi AshkenazSabaea (Yemen-Southwestern Arabia) Son of Noah and Uma ArvadMeluhha (Ethiopia) Daughter of Noah and Kali Riphath Magan (Egypt) Son of Noah and Kali SinCanaan Daughter of Noah and Durga HamathMartu Daughter of Noah and Uma The names placed in quotation marks are transliterations and/or translations (“Cedar Mountain”) from the Sumerian inscription of Lugalannemundu. The domains in Arabia, Africa, Canaan, and Martu are from the Braided Goddess panel shown here: See Braided Goddess Panel: Gundestrup Caldron scanned from Ole Klindt-Jensen’s Gundestrupkedelen (Danish National Museum, Copenhagen, 1961) The design of the panel is a rough cartographic depiction of Arabia, Ethiopia and Egypt in north-top order. The Braided Goddess is Noah’s wife Mahadevi, pictured as Empress of Arabia, her antediluvian homeland of Havilah. Both she and her son Ham appear in Genesis 10 clan systems under the name Havilah. The spreadeagles in the upper corners are less cartographic than the other figures and represent the East and West Semites reserved for Akkad and Martu after the close of the Nomadic Age. In respect to the Nomadic Age, they represent Shem’s claim over Akkad and the domain of Martu alienated from Ham by an event occurring in Hadramaut to be recounted below. Aside from the northeastern spread-eagle registering Shem’s Akkad, the figures read as follows in keeping with the clockwise itinerary encompassing Arabia: Braiding Attendant - Mahadevi’s daughter Zemar- (Indian Ganga, Egyptian Neith) Prone Corpse - Mahadevi’s son Togarmah (Egyptian Sokar, god of the dead) Fallen Boar - Uma’s son Ashkenaz (supreme Indian god Vishnu) Negroid Woman - Kali’s daughter Arvad- (Indian Parvati, Egyptian Isis) Lion in line with the Nile - Kali’s son Riphath (Indian Shiva, Egyptian Osiris) Bird in Mahadevi’s palm - Durga’s daughter Sin- (Indian Lakshmi, wife of Vishnu, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Egyptian Amentet) Northwestern Spread-Eagle - Uma’s daughter Hamath- (Indian Saraswati, Egyptian Nephthys, Syrian Anath, sister-wife of Shem, the Indian Brahma, Egyptian Seth and Syrian Aliyan Bal) Intervening Events Two major events took place during the 150-year Nomadic Age. The sin of Ham and curse on Canaan occurred while Noah’s family was in Hadramaut between 2428 and 2418. Two sources for this event are the biblical narrative of Genesis 9:2027 and the first 77 lines of the Akkadian Marduk Epic. Ham’s family practiced homosexuality. When Noah became aware of this practice through an insult imposed on him, he decided at first to assassinate Ham and his family. Noah’s wife and Ham’s mother Mahadevi pleaded for their lives. Noah relented to the extent of passing a curse of servitude on Ham’s son and heir Canaan, a half brother of Shem and Japheth though his mother Uma. As part of the curse, Noah blessed the Yahweh Elohim— “Lord God”— of Shem, transferring the priesthood of Elohim from Ham to Shem, who already worshipped God as Yahweh. That transfer of priesthood took effect in a second event that revolutionized the subsequent history of world ethnology and politics. During the decade while the world family was in Canaan, 2188-2178, Shem succeeded in gaining control of the Semitic linguistic stock created by Ham. When I refer to a progenitor’s “creating” a linguistic stock, I mean begetting a family, endowing it with a particular language and teaching it theocratic lore associated with a particular name of God. Thus, the postdiluvian Semitic stock began with the birth of Canaan and his siblings, who were taught the Semitic language and educated in the “Elohist” tradition reflected in the first chapter of Genesis. Prior to 2188, Shem did the same for the Indo-European stock, begetting the core of the Satem Aryan group of India, Iran and Russia, teaching it the language type spoken in the Kurgan region north of the Caspian Sea prior to the Flood and introducing to his family the lore of Yahweh, the God of just judgment as handed down by the first overt criminal of world history, Cain, father of the Caucasoid race. Owing to his conviction as a murderer, Cain developed a keen sense of guilt. This psychology translated into a culture that combined vengeance (Genesis 4:24) with strict morality (Genesis 9:23) and religious iconoclasm such as ShemLugalzaggesi’s destruction of the cultus of Ningirsu at Lagash. In other words, Shem thought and acted like a Puritan. Shem’s acquisition of the Semitic stock after 2188 meant that he controlled two stocks, Indo-Europeans and Semites, in a temporary arrangement celebrated in his depiction in the “Stag Nature” panel of the Gundestrup Caldron: 21 [See Stag Nature Panel: Gundestrup Caldron scanned from Ole Klindt-Jensen’s Gundestrupkedelen (Danish National Museum, Copenhagen, 1961)] This simple design has no cartographic value and records only Shem’s dual possession of the Ishkurship and Enlilship— control of the Indo-European and Semitic linguistic stocks. The linguistic revolution following 2188, however, did not stop here. In compensation for his loss of the Semites, Ham gained nominal control of the “Hamites” created by Japheth and destined for Egypt. In a third step in this process, Japheth eventually gained control of the Satem Indo-Europeans, who served him well in defense of the Eanna regime of his city Uruk (biblical Erech) against the hostile forces of Aratta. The Tower of Babel Era - 2368-2338 By the time Noah’s family completed a circuit of the world of the Middle East, it had generated a high enough population to begin colonizing fixed localities. It began by founding eight cities in Sumer and Akkad: Eridu (a former antediluvian city), Ur, Uruk, Lagash, Umma, Nippur, Kish and Sippar (also a former antediluvian city). All did not go smoothly. As a result of an error in colonizing Eridu, Noah lay himself open to a loss of theocratic power as founder of the postdiluvian world. His appearance in the Flood narrative of the Epic of Gilgamesh fails to hint he was the father or founder of anything. That text, like other Sumerian texts, owed its origin to Noah’s arch-enemy Sidon, son of the cursed patriarch Canaan.. Owing to a disastrous development in the year 2359, Noah yielded supreme theocratic power to Sidon, the mastermind, designer and king-maker of the subsequent gentile cosmos. Steeped in rebellion to this extent, the world founded by Noah and usurped by Sidon is invariably treated as an embodiment of evil in Hebraic, biblical tradition. Noah’s overthrow appears in two traditions, the Marduk Epic and the Hurrian myth of Alalu and Anu. The first of these texts is clearer in theme but the second more circumstantial, enabling us to date the catastrophe in 2359. Neither of these traditions explains how the disaster related to the colonization process of 2368-2338 or the building of the Tower of Babel. Additional sources of insight into the whole picture include a variety of other traditions: a Hebrew Talmudic claim that the Mizraim (Egyptian Hamites) built the Tower of Babel, a Hellenic story concerning Hermes’ interpreting languages (source of our word “hermeneutics”), the existence of eight major Sumerian cities and their cult centers and, of course, the biblical narrative in Genesis 11:1-9. On the basis of this data, we can reconstruct the main outline of events. Noah’s family divided the era according to a module of four years for the founding of each successive city. The scheme worked from south to north according to declining seniority with one exception— Japheth’s founding Uruk out of order in respect to his age by making it the third city from the south. The scheme called for Noah to re- Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations found the southernmost city Eridu between 2368 and 2364. A central feature of each city was to be a religious cult center based on a temple. Noah’s Eridu called for the Abzu sea temple, accounting for his name Apsu in the Marduk Epic. As a result of his overthrow after nine years— according to the Hurrian myth naming him Alalu— the Abzu temple fell into the hands of his arch-enemy Sidon, who is identified in Sumerian tradition as the god of Eridu, Enki, “Lord of the Land.” The Hurrian myth does not explain the basis of Alalu’s overthrow except to say that he was cast out of heaven into the earth by the heaven god Anu. In order to give full value to the Hurrian narrative, we must interpret the “Anship” or cultus of the heaven God El Elyon. The narrative in Genesis 11:4 on building a tower “whose top is in heaven” corresponds to the preoccupation with the Anship in the Hurrian myth and in two other traditions. The original people of the Anship were and are the Uralo-Altaics created by Noah. Members of this stock are known to have worshipped the heaven god under the same name An as the Sumerians, who are a virtual branch of the Uralo-Altaics. Another people deeply involved in the events of this era were ancestors of the Austronesians, Kali’s proper stock. The chief god of the Maoris Rangi, is a heaven god, who declares, “I must be lifted up.” Rangi is clearly a version of Ham through the identity of his sons with the ones listed in Genesis 10:6. But the identity of An does not quite stabilize in Ham. The Marduk Epic names Ham as Anshar, a name which may or may not incorporate An. However, the epic clearly identifies Anu as Anshar’s son, the cursed patriarch Canaan as father of NudimmudSidon and grandfather of Marduk-Shelah. The whole point of Noah’s downfall was to throw his curse back in his face, vindicate Canaan as An-Anu and wrest control over Noah’s Uralo-Altaic people into Canaan’s hands. The narrative of Genesis 11 is perennially misinterpreted by a failure to recognize that the sin under judgment is linguistic unity as a rebellious repudiation of the principle of linguistic diversity favored by Noah. Despite a powerfully entrenched tradition to the contrary, linguistic diversity existed prior to the Tower of Babel incident just as racial diversity existed from the time of Adam and Eve. Ham sought to wrest power from Noah by an audacious scheme to unify the world by teaching Hamitic— Ham’s new language taken over from Japheth— as a lingua franca requirement to serve as part of the taskforce needed to build the eight cities of Sumer. When Noah cursed Canaan to servitude, he placed him in a worker caste like the Dravidian outcastes of India. Canaan now used that form of humiliation to his advantage by reserving to himself power to form architectural taskforces. When Canaan’s son Heth came to power as Ur Nanshe in 2278, he had himself depicted carrying a basket of bricks to build his own temple at Lagash, the city founded by his mother Mahadevi in the Tower of Babel era. That depiction clearly represents a tradition of direct participation by the Noahic elite in building their own temples along with the rest of the taskforce. The Ur Nanshe Plaque, at the Louvre in Paris, testifies to the caste distinction that Ur Nanshe’s father Canaan 23 (Lagashite Gunidu) used in the plot against Noah. However the commitment of all the elite to formal due process meant that the plot would never have worked if Noah had not been tricked into a ritual error. That error depended on an equivocation between Noah’s claim to Subir on the Upper Tigris, his control of the Uralo-Altaics of the Anship and the specifications of a sea temple at Eridu. Once Noah agreed to work northwestward by declining seniority, he was trapped. If he decided to place Uralo-Altaics at Eridu, he would muddle the distinction between the Anship and contrasting Enkiship needed for the Abzu temple. He must have thought that he could get away with this equivocation because the Sumerian language of the Enkiship, assigned to Uma, was similar to Uralo-Altaic. If he decided to colonize Eridu with Sumerians, he would rob her of the privilege of introducing that linguistic stock at her city of Umma. If he attempted a compromise by colonizing Eridu with Austronesians, he would similarly rob Kali of her privilege to introduce them at her city Nippur. As it turned out, Noah colonized Eridu with Uralo-Altaics and then saw them forced out of that city by Austronesians. Noah’s enemies bided their time until after Durga founded Ur for her SinoTibetans and Japheth began to found Uruk, either for his original people the Hamites or his acquired people the Satem Indo-Europeans. Even without the plot against Noah, the scheme to colonize eight cities was fraught with difficulty because of the confusion of origins arising after 2388. Shem, Ham and Japheth were all faced with equivocal decisions such as the one that Japheth faced over to whether to seed Uruk with his original Hamitic people. When Japheth’s vassal Meshech came to power at Uruk in 2308, he claimed to be a son of the son god Utu, the solar principle proper to the Hamites. On the other hand, the Hamites actually colonized Utu’s cult center of Sippar in Akkad. This instability of definition shook the foundation of the scheme and added to Noah’s woe when his equivocal treatment of Eridu came to light. The conspirators sprang their trap in 2359 one year into the period allotted for the foundation of Uruk. Trouble began with the fact that Japheth, despite being Noah’s eldest son, was necessarily younger that his mother Uma, founder of Umma north of Uruk. One clue to why Japheth built his city earlier than his age called for is the mysterious way that Genesis 10 names both him and Durga “Sheba” in the Cushite and Joktanite lists. The two Havilahs of those lists are clearly mother and son, Mahadevi and Ham. It would appear that Japheth was reckoned Durga’s adoptive son but why? The original scheme called, not for strict seniority, but for a combination of seniority with mother-son sequences. Durga and Kali were the two matriarchs who entered the Ark without offspring. Hence Noah’s eldest son Japheth was assigned to the eldest matriarch Durga as her adoptive son. Their cities, Ur and Uruk, were built in south-north succession. If all had gone according to plan, Mahadevi’s city of Lagash would have been followed by a city of Ham’s. Unfortunately, nature did not oblige because Ham was Noah’s youngest antediluvian son and did not match up in sequence with his mother’s relative age. The next two cities north of Lagash, Umma Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations and Nippur, were founded by the matriarchs Uma and Kali according to their ages, higher than those of Shem and Ham. There is reason to believe, however, that the mother-son principle would have been pursued throughout the system if it were not for the disaster of 2359. Thus, the sequence of Durga’s Ur and Japheth’s Uruk was the remnant of an order that would have characterized the whole process. For some reason the conspirators waited for Japheth to begin building Uruk. Once this mother-son concept went into effect, they found an ideal opportunity to challenge Noah’s handling of Eridu. To be consistent the mother-son process would have required Noah to pose as an adoptive “son” to one of the matriarchs without diluvian children.. If the adoptive relationship of Durga and Japheth was already established, Noah could only have become a “son” to Kali. If she was the youngest of the Mahadevi tetrad, he would become the eighth and last builder at some site in the north. As it turned out that eighth city was begun as Babel north of Kish. If Noah had not chosen to rebuild Eridu, the sequence would have begun with Durga’s Ur; and at the north end, both Babel and Sippar would have been needed to complete the set of eight. The cities of Ur, Uruk and Lagash would all have been founded in the same south-to-north sequence they exhibit. The next city north of Lagash, however, would have been assigned to Mahadevi’s son Ham; the next two would have been founded by Uma and her son Shem; and the final two, by Kali and her adoptive “son” Noah. Because Noah’s domain of Subir was the northernmost of the nomadic claims, such a northern city would have made good sense as an appropriate place for the UraloAltaics to settle within the scope of Sumer. A fixed point for interpreting what happened to Noah is that the Austronesians settled in Eridu by the First Kish epoch in 2338. The Austronesians were Kali’s linguistic stock. The implication is that she felt aggrieved after being slighted by Noah in failing to conform to the mother-son process by pairing off with her. She and Noah were the parents of the mighty patriarch Riphath-Seba— Egyptian Osiris, Indian Shiva and Hellenic Dionysus. The conspirators somehow managed to mislead Noah into failing to take the mother-son process seriously. Once that process went into effect at Japheth’s Uruk, the conspirators could argue from accomplished fact to indict Noah of violating a decision of the Noahic Council. Noah was so devoted to settling his Uralo-Altaics at Eridu that he expected the Council to come around to his view and follow a process of strict seniority rather than mothers and sons. He could continue to indulge a hope in that possibility when Durga built Ur because she was second in seniority to him. Once the Council authorized Japheth to build Uruk according to the mother-son principle, Noah authority collapsed. Once Canaan gained control of the Anship and became the explicit Anu of the Marduk Epic and Hurrian myth, Ham’s pan-Hamitic scheme went into effect. Canaan was in a position to command the Uralo-Altaics at Eridu to learn the Hamitic lingua franca and join the taskforce for points north. The narrative of Genesis 11 suggests a specific reason why Ham sought to unify the world family by means of the Hamitic 25 tongue. The builders at Babel sought to make a name for themselves in order to avoid being dispersed over the earth. Of the eight primary linguistic stocks, the Hamites became the least widely dispersed. They were mainly confined to Egypt together with Berbers to the west and peoples such as the Masai, Hausas and Somalis scattered more widely but without challenging the Bantus, Sudanics, Nilotes and Khoisans for most of Africa. Clinging to the Nile, the Egyptians posed a contrast to colonizing nations such as Phoenicians and Hellenes. Something in the Hamitic Utuship (solar principle) implied exemption from distant exile. If Ham had succeeded in reducing the world to a single Hamitic nation in Mesopotamia, he could have claimed this Hamitic privilege and refused to follow out Noah’s original mandate to overspread the world with a plenitude of linguistic stocks. That is why discrediting and deposing Noah was so essential to the Babel scheme. Both Egyptian religious culture and the climax of the Marduk Epic reveal enough about the solar principle to explain what the builders of the Tower of Babel were seeking. The myth of Osiris’ resurrection and corresponding ritual of raising the Zed pole demonstrate that the sun represents resurrection glory. The same is true of New Testament symbolism where resurrected believers “shine like the sun.” The Zed pole represents Osiris’ spine in resurrection. In the Akkadian epic, Marduk becomes “sun god of the gods” after defeating and executing Kingu in order to create mankind by the effusion of his blood. The “blood of Kingu” means the defeated population of Aratta spread abroad to the ends of the earth. In contrast Marduk’s Akkadians inherited Akkad, the capital zone of the human race and the land where the Tower of Babel had been attempted and failed. To become a “sun god” meant to become a conqueror and imperial head of the world, sending others into colonial exile but remaining at the geographis center of power. The sun god Marduk “made a name for himself” by winning the Uruk Aratta war, functioning as Shem’s second imperial heir, inheriting Shem’s claim land of Akkad and witnessing the people he defeated at Aratta scattered over the face of the earth. Resurrection glory implies illustriousness and stable immortality as in the Babylonian salutation, “O King, live forever.” Marduk’s great victory did not come until after 2302. When the Tower of Babel judgment occurred in 2340, the general dispersion of mankind did not immediately begin. The biblical text is brief and elliptical, simply assuring us that general dispersion resulted from the failure of Ham’s illicit attempt to reduce the world to a single nation. The narrative statement that mankind would do whatever they wished if left in a unified state proves that diversity had always been beneficial by creating rival cultures as ethical checks and balances. That is what happened when Shem and Japheth offered Noah an alternative to Ham’s sexual misconduct. The difference was more than merely ethical. It was cultural and rooted in a difference between the Yahwist culture of Shem and Elohist culture of Ham. The dominant Augustinian tradition that mankind had always been unified in language before Babel completely misses the point. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The First Kish Era - 2338-2308 The chief documents for the First Kish period are the First Kish dynasty of the Sumerian Kinglist and the Cernunnus panel of the Gundestrup Caldron. In passing immediately from an antediluvian dynasty to First Kish, the Kinglist skips over both the Nomadic Age and Tower of Babel era. Some such gap in time is readily apparent because the First Kish dynasty presupposes the existence of Kish in Akkad as though this city arose spontaneously from the waters of the Flood. The gap arises from the same propagandistic motive as in the treatment of Noah as Ziusudra in the Epic of Gilgamesh. In both instances all knowledge of Noah’s work in regenerating mankind after the Flood is totally suppressed. If this period were acknowledged, two things would occur contrary to the Sumerian mastermind Sidon’s view of the world. The gods would be revealed as concrete human beings and descendants of Noah; and there would have to be an explicit account of how Noah’s authority was overthrown. The First Kish dynasty consists of some twenty-one rulers in addition to a few more whom William Hallo transfers from the First Kish to the subsequent Eanna dynasty on the basis of contemporary reigns. Hallo refers to First Kish rulers as “legendary” and interprets some of the names as allegorical. He begins inauspiciously by dismissing the Flood as nothing but a Sumerian way of rationalizing prehistory— that great bottomless pit of the modern Darwinist mind. I make use for Hallo’s chronological charts but have no use for his overall viewpoint. The first step in making use of the charts is to recognize that prior to the 22 nd century neither the Sumerian nor Hallo’s reconstructive time spans can be taken at face value. The terms given to rulers in the early part of the Kinglist are preposterously long. The first king Gaur is said to have reigned for 1200 years. The whole dynasty is summed up in twenty-three kings reigning for a total of 24, 510 years. Hallo rejects these inflated terms but attributes too much time to them in his own way. To each of three charts showing three stages of early Sumerian history, he assigns eight generations. If we take a generation to be thirty years, this means that he expands Sumerian chronology by a factor of eight. The total time elapsed would in this case would be 8 x 30 x 3 or 720 years extending back from the rise of Sargon— given as about 2300— to 3020 BCE. That date bears an ironic relationship to the chronology I adopt. Given my Flood date of 2518, Noah was born 600 years earlier in 3118. If Hallo’s standard worldview is adopted and the high longevities of the Bible thrown out, Noah would already be dead at seventy or with two more years to live at 100 in 3020 when Hallo’s version of the First Kish dynasty begins. Abraham would be dead and gone by the mid-3rd millennium, vagueness would surround the “chronological question” of the sequence from Abraham to Moses; and the result would be the vague status quo that operates in conventional Christian interpretations of Adam, Noah and his sons as “biblical characters” in safe-and-sane abstraction from the specifics of extra-biblical history. 27 Hallo’s three charts possess real historical value but not in the way he intends. Each of these charts covers just one Noahic generation of thirty years. Thus the three charts cover a period of only ninety years. It happens that those particular ninety years correspond to the ninety assigned explicitly to the ruler Lugalannemundu in the Kinglist. Those ninety years should be taken literally. They cover the years 2338-2248 down to a point four years prior to the rise of Sargon. They are the seventh, eighth and ninth generations of postdiluvian history. They represent only a fraction of Lugalannemundu’s lifetime since this Sumerian emperor is the patriarch Peleg with a typical (though somewhat shortened) lifespan of centuries. Thus Hallo adopts too high an overall chronology but too low an estimate of the life spans of the rulers he is dealing with. Although these rulers were hardly immortal, they invariably outlived the brief spans of time in which they reigned. They enjoyed multiple careers by reigning in various locations, among different ethnic groups and over wide intervals of time. They were imperialists possessed of the superhuman life spans stated in Genesis. The world family of Noah was an expanding empire turned explicit in the eyes of historians in the case of Sargon, Shem’s fifth heir Reu, named elsewhere in Genesis 10 “Nimrod,” a son of Ham’s son Cush by Peleg’s twin sister and thus a nephew of his predecessor Peleg. To refute my view, one needs only to show that the great majority of rulers I name as members of the Noahic family died at the close of their reigns. I defy the learned world to show such evidence. Violent death became a factor among the Noahic elite in the year 2181. The pyramid tombs of Egypt testify to the natural deaths of some elite in the same century. Noah died naturally or otherwise in the year 2168. Before that century, none or nearly none of the elite were dying anywhere. To establish his standard, uniformitarian view of the history of man in the third millennium, Hallo needs a series of royal graves with evidence that each ruler died at the close of his reign after living for something like seventy years. No such evidence exists nor does Hallo breathe a hint of it. He takes these royal graves on faith— a standard, academically orthodox faith in the falsehood of the Bible as historical record. The reigns outlined in Hallo’s charts conformed to the same four-year module as the one that operated throughout the Tower of Babel era. It is no meaningless coincidence that Hallo has concluded that each of the dynastic periods included just eight “generations.” Those eight chronological periods are a direct reflection of the eight survivors of the Flood, whose task it was to found the eight postdiluvian cities of Sumer. Hallo and I agree on the eight-fold nature of chronology operative in each of the three dynastic periods he names. The difference lies in the overall span of each period. Because I assign only thirty years to each of these periods, the individual reigns must not exceed an average of four years. By converting that average into an isochronic module like our presidential terms of four years, I follow a central conviction about formal symmetries revealed in the thirty-year generations of Genesis 11. It was more difficult to fit natural Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations generations into a thirty-year matrix than for rulers to confine their reigns to four years. Consequently, the generation spans of Shem’s genealogy in Genesis usually deviate from thirty by a few years. The terms of six generations from Arphaxad to Terah run specifically 35, 30, 34, 30, 32, 30 and 29 years. The widest deviation— separating the births of Arphaxad and Shelah— conceal an anomaly I refer to as the “Inanna Succession” according to which those 35 years included two generations instead of one. The extra generation is stated plainly in Luke 3:36 as a borrowing from the Septuagint Greek translation of the Old Testament. The Cernunnus Panel depicting the First Kish order shifts focus from time to space by presenting cartography rather than chronology. The principle of the panel’s design is much the same as in Genesis 49 where Jacob predicts the destinies of the twelve tribes of Israel by making use of animal symbols such as the lion of Judah, deer of Naphtali or serpent of Dan. The Cernunnus panel is more consistently committed to such symbols. Its tribes are linguistic divisions of the entire human race as it existed in and around Mesopotamia in 2338-2308. Although I have often dealt with the Cernunnus scheme in two books and an essay on “The Teutons,” I will attempt to generate more of a narrative here by suggesting in what order the various protoplasts moved into the locations depicted in the panel after the collapse of the Tower of Babel scheme in 2340. Such a narrative requires an attempt to identify the pictorial scheme with the explicit rulers of First Kish. In handling this subject before now, I have ignored the twenty-one (or twentythree) rulers and have concentrated on the fact that the panel contains eleven figures. I have matched these eleven with eleven members of the Canaanite clan in Genesis 10 and with eleven divisions of the Indo-European linguistic stock in Albert Baugh’s History of the English Language. Not that the reference of the panel is confined to Indo-Europeans. Far from it. The panel contains symbols of all the major linguistic stocks of mankind including Sino-Tibetans, Uralo-Altaics and Austronesians. Although the Celts who crafted the Gundestrup Caldron were Indo-Europeans located in Europe, the tradition recorded in this amazing artifact transcended the IndoEuropean tradition root and branch. The reason for bringing the eleven IndoEuropeans divisions to bear on a reading of the panel has nothing to do with a Celtic bias but everything to do with Mesoptamian facts in 2338 BCE. The eleven locations depicted symbolically in the Cernunnus panel derived from the eight primary linguistic stocks that had been built up over 180 years following the Flood. Those stocks were now divided up in different ways. Prolonged study has continued to develop my understanding of who inhabited the eleven locations. Division was the rule, not the exception. The “scattering” named in Genesis 11:8 was neither as immediate nor as chaotic as some conceive; but the First Kish order was complex. This complexity has resulted, in my case, in a variety of perceptions which have yet to be fully coordinated. A smooth narrative of the First Kish narrative is not possible until all the relevant systematic facts have been 29 accounted for. As for narrative material at the source, the Kinglist states that one of the rulers, Etana, “ascended to heaven and made foreign lands faithful.” The dominant ruler of the First Kish order was Shem’s fourth heir Peleg, whose name appropriately means “division” in Hebrew. Peleg is the dominant figure of the panel, Cernunnus, the “Horned One,” seated cross-legged, wearing stag antlers, holding a serpent and surrounded by a field of animals. Scholars have noted the resemblance between this design and cylinder seal designs discovered in Dravidian India, showing Shiva-Pashupati, “Lord of Creatures,” sitting cross-legged, wearing horns and surrounded by animals. Scholars have been intrigued by this cross-cultural analogy; but my task is not to be intrigued but enlightened. As Noah’s black son and father of the Dravidians, Riphath is not to be confused with Peleg; so the duplication of design conceals some common theme and, in all likelihood, a form of cooperation. A South American tradition of the Amazon groups Riphath together with Ham under the respective names Tamula and Tamusi, i. e. “Tamil” and “Tammuz.” That couipling probably relates to the Indian replication of the Cernunnus design. On the other hand, the First Kish order was so important to ancestors of all ancient peoples that such replication might be considerated truistic. The Dravidians remembered their experience of First Kish. The only question is why they cast their patriarch Riphath in the same pictorial role as Peleg. The Cernunnus Panel and seal of Shiva-Pashupati are shown below. In this case we are gazing at the world from which we all come at a stage when ritual designs governed the affairs of men through an imperial despotism of the Noahic elite. (See Cernunnus Panel of the Gundestrup Caldron. Scanned from Ole Klindt-Jensen’s Gundestrupkedelen (Danish National Museum, Copenhagen, 1961) and (Harappan Seal of Shiva Pashupati, “Lord of Beasts.” www.flickr.com copied July 15, 2008) The smaller design from the Indus shows a tiger to the left and an ox to the right. Above the ox is a creature that appears to be a rhinoceros; and above the tiger, what appears to be an elephant. A human stick figure stands between the tiger and elephant. Shiva-Pashupati’s legs are elongated and the naked feet crossed with one inverted on top of the other. An inscription in pictographs appears at the top. Other images are difficult to make out; but one of these may be an antelope at the bottom beneath Shiva’s feet. L. A. Waddell makes much of his ability to decipher these pictographs. He shows photos of as many as seventy Indus seals; but not the one of Shiva-Pashupati and none with human figures. Most of them depict single animals with pictographs at the top. Waddell reads them as inscriptions by imperial Mesopotamian rulers beginning with Ur Nanshe’s son and successor Akurgal, whom he names Amadgal to bring the name into agreement with an Indian king list name Mogalla. Ur Nanshe’s reign began in 2278, thirty years after the end of the First Kish dynasty. Waddell seeks to show that some of the Indus seals deriving from the Akkadian Empire allude to Egypt as well as Mesopotamia and India, thus tying together the earliest three civilizations commonly recognized by conventional historians. The Akkadian dynasty Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations began in the year 2244. The most we can say for the Shiva-Pashupati image is that it derived from the same world order that existed in a single part of the earth in the 24 th century and expanded into other lands in the 23rd. The resemblance between the seal and the Celtic artifact testifies to the existence of a master civilization derived from Noah’s family. Waddell tries in vain to restrict this master civilization to the idol of Nordic Supremacy. Geographically I read the eleven locations of the First Kish order as the eight Sumerian cities founded in the previous era combined with three of the domains outside Mesopotamia: Japheth’s Syria, Ham’s Martu and Mahadevi’s Gutium. By the start of the First Kish period, additional migrations took place from Mesopotamia to Kali’s domain of Elam since hostilities with Elam are attributed to the ruler Enmebaraggesi, who “smote the weapon of the land Elam” according to the text of the Kinglist. Enmebaraggesi happens to be one of two rulers whom Hallo moves from the First Kish period into the subsequent Eanna period, reducing the actual rulers of the First Kish period from the stated twenty-three to twenty-one. Because Kali was Japheth’s diluvian wife and Japheth appears in Genesis 14 as a ruler of Elam, the early trouble with Elam seems connected with the removal of part of the Noahic world community into Japheth’s Syrian domain in forming the system of the Cernunnus panel. To interpret the First Kish order historically we must explain why the three domains outside Mesopotamia were chosen to expand the eight terms into eleven. As creator of the Hamitic linguistic stock, Japheth was furious over the misuse of his special language in Ham’s Tower of Babel scheme. We have seen that another of the exterior domains, Martu, had been alienated from Ham to Shem. In that sense, the peoples living in Syria-Phoenicia and Martu— west of Mesoptamia— could be viewed as a result of the alliance between Shem and Japheth suggested by Genesis 9:27. To confirm that view, the domain of Gutium, on the opposite, eastern side of Mesopotamia belonged to Ham’s indulgent mother Mahadevi. Thus, the three domains brought into the system of First Kish testify to continued hostility between the factions of Shem and Japheth on one side and Ham and his mother on the other. As for Mesopotamia under Peleg, it could claim neutrality in that Peleg was both Shem’s fourth political heir and Ham’s fifth male-line physical heir through Canaan, Sidon, Shelah and Eber. That male line derivation was owing to the Inanna Succession in which Shem’s son and first heir Arphaxad gave birth to a daughter Inanna (“Cainan” of Luke 3:36) who united as a teenager with Canaan’s teenage son Sidon and bore Shem’s second heir Shelah. Thus, the First Kish order was created in part to establish a temporary truce between the otherwise hostile factions of Shem and Ham. In doing so, the domains of Syria-Phoenicia and Gutium became counterweights. Ironically these two domains in the First Kish period were inhabited by halves of the same Satem-Indo-European people. The inhabitants of Syria-Phoenicia eventually became the Aryans of East 31 India. They left their mark on Phoenicia in the form of historical Phoenician kings with Indo-Aryan names. The other Satem Aryan group, inhabiting Gutium-Media in the east, became the historic Iranian “Medes and Persians” of Bible times. In the Cernunnus panel shown above, these two halves of the Satem Aryan stock appear as an innocent-looking pair of docile antelopes in the upper corners. Appropriately they both face to the east (right) because these two peoples were destined to fill out the great land mass extending eastward from Mesopotamia through all of Iran, Pakistan (the Indus), India (the Ganges) and Bangladesh— in effect from Iraq to Myanmar. In confirmation that the Iranian colony at Gutium was considered Ham’s counterweight to colonies in the west, Iranian tradition gives the highest importance to Ham as their favorite legendary king Yima Kshaêta or “Jemshid.” The same tradition identifies Peleg as a legendary first king and tyrant Zohak. This negative conception of Peleg may reflect his role in leading the Aratta Schism of the next era. It is just as likely, however, that it reflects Iranian resentment at the way Peleg divided up the Indo-European stock into eleven parts. These eleven were subjected to the eleven members of a clan headed politically by Canaan, the big winner in the overthrow of Noah in 2359. Like many of these groups in Genesis 10, this clan was minimally genetic and mainly political. It contains only two actual sons of Canaan, Sidon and Heth, at the head of the clan. With two exceptions, the others all derived from the elite company of fifteen claimants of domains in the Nomadic Age. The two exceptions were the powerful Peleg, who appears in the Canaanite clan as the “Hivite,” and Shem’s son Gether, who appears at the start of the First Kish dynasty as Gaur and in the Canaanite clan as the “Arkite.” The remaining seven members of the clan were Shem as the “Jebusite”; Noah’s son Riphath as the “Amorite”; Ham as the “Girgashite”; and Noah’s four postdiluvian daughters as noted previously— Lakshmi as the “Sinite,” Parvati as the “Arvadite,” Ganga as the “Zemarite” and Saraswati as the “Hamathite,” Shem’s sister-wife Anath. The catholicity of this group is readily apparent as is its relevance to the First Kish order. The selection of Shem’s son Gether as a member of the clan may seem strange until we consider that Gether is singled out by Sumerian tradition as the first ruler of Sumerian history. Like his three brothers Gether is listed in Genesis 10:23 as a vassal of Shem’s vassal Aram in 10:22. The other intruder into the clan, Peleg, is the general emperor of the entire First Kish order, named in the Kinglist “He Who Rules Them All.” Instead of reigning at Kish, eleven members of the Canaanite clan ruled over divisions of Mankind at the eleven locations spelled out in the Cernunnus Panel. The figure of Cernunnus represents the capital city of Kish in Akkad. The stag to the viewer’s right of him represents Martu south of the antelope representing the East Indians in the Syrian-Phoenician colony. The lion at the top center has the same value as the lion in representing the Hamitic stock bound for Egypt but located here at the northern cult center of the Hamitic solar principle at Sippar. The symbolic equation of lions with the sun exists in other cultures. The wolf below the lion represents Nippur Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations southeast of Kish. Farther to the southeast, the two lions in the lower left corner of the panel stand for Umma and Lagash. The serpent in Cernunnus’ grasp stands for the Lower Euphrates. The serpent of the Lower Euphrates represents the continuum of Eridu, Ur and Uruk— the first three cities to be founded after 2368. The fish and rider must be placed somewhere between Sippar in the west and Gutium in the east. The composite nature of this double structure suggests a single location incorporating two different Indo-European stocks such as the Hellenes and Illyrian-Albanians destined to live northwest of them in historic times. As for a Mesopotamian location of this composite, it can only be an early version of Agade, the city that became Sargon’s capital in 2244. The location of Agade is so uncertain that Hallo gives it slightly different positions relative to Kish in two different maps. In both, it lies north of Kish but slightly to the west in one and slightly to the east in the other. The best way to align the fish and rider is to notice that it lies to the left and above the wolf of Nippur and to the left and below the lion of Sippar. Agade can, in fact, be placed north of Nippur and southeast of Sippar. With these values in mind we can label the figures of the Cernunnus panel as follows: Cernunnus of Kish, Stag of Martu, Antelope of Syria, Antelope of Gutium, Lion of Sippar, Fish and Rider of Agade, Wolf of Nippur, Lion of Umma, Lion of Lagash and Serpent of Sumer with the understanding that by “Sumer,” in this case we mean the southernmost cities of Uruk, Ur, and Eridu as following the continuous line of the Lower Euphrates. Because the Indo-Europeans are the most systematic part of the scheme, we can begin the ethnological analysis of the First Kish order with them: at the Cernunnus of Kish, Thraco-Phrygians; at the Stag of Martu, Hittites; at the Antelope of Syria, East Indians: at the Antelope of Gutium, Iranians; at the Fish and Rider of Agade, Illyrian-Albanians and Hellenes; at the Lion of Sippar, Celts; at the Wolf of Nippur, Italics; at the Lion of Umma, Balto-Slavs; at the Lion of Lagash, Teutons; and at the Serpent of Sumer, Tocharians. The larger task is to determine how the rest of mankind was divided among these eleven locations. It is impossible to narrate the history of the First Kish period without elaborating a system in detail because the chief events of the period consisted of little more than elaborating the system I seek to describe. If anyone is skeptical about the early postdiluvian zeal for building systems, I can remind him of Noah’s Ark, the Indian Mahadevi tetrad, the system of urban cults in Sumer or the system of mes in Inanna and the God of Wisdom where Enki’s gifts to Inanna include such properties as “godship,” “the black garment,” “the colorful garment,” “the art of forthright speech,” “the art of slanderous speech,” “the plundering of cities,” “the art of kindness,” “travel,” “the craft of the reed worker” and many others, all formalized and ritualized under the concept of the me like our concept of chemical elements and compounds. 33 The more one studies the linguistic subdivisions of the world’s languages, the more an eye for system recognizes that the eight primary linguistic stocks were divided according to a plan of quotas. At the opposite extreme from the eleven divisions of the Indo-Europeans, the Semites exhibit a remarkable unity of language and can be divided into no more than four divisions: East Semites (Akkadians), West Semites (Canaanites and Amorites), North Semites (Aramaeans) and South Semites of Arabia and Amharic Ethiopia. One source reports that the Uralo-Altaics fall into five main groups. The Austronesians can be viewed as seven-fold within the main subdivisions of Indonesians (including the Polynesians by derivation), Melanesians and continental Austroasitics considered by many to be a completely independent linguistic stock but recognized by others as a relative of Austronesian. The SinoTibetans or Indo-Chinese group is generally reduced to the Sino-Thai and TibetoBurman groups but these become eight when the Sino-Thais are divided into Sinitic (Chinese) and three divisions of Tai with the Tibeto-Burmans divisible into four groups. As for the Sumerians, they remained undispersed except for their city states which remained eight in number by 2338 but were soon supplemented by a ninth city Akshak. This scale of divisional orders suggests that, immediately after the Tower of Babel fiasco, leaders of the eight stocks cast lots to determine how many divisions they would have to accept. Because the world order had to expand from eight to eleven colonies, one of the eight stocks had to accept a maximum division into eleven branches in order to maintain a sense of overall coordination. That lot fell to the IndoEuropeans. At the other extreme, one stock was permitted a minimum of four divisions to achieve a semblance of centrality. Once judgment fell on Babel, the leaders understood that they could only hope to please God with a balance between unity and division. Because the leadership was still in the hands of Canaan and Sidon, they sought to maintain peace by surrendering power for the era to Canaan’s and Shem’s fourth heir Peleg. Instead of depending on lots, they may have left the scale at Peleg’s discretion. Whatever the method of determination, the Semites were ordered to divide into four branches; Uralo-Altaics into five; Hamites and Niger-Congo race of Africa into six; Austronesians into seven; Sino-Tibetans into eight; the Sumerians into nine; Amerindians into ten; and the Indo-Europeans into eleven. The Indo-Europeans, under the eleven vassals of Canaan, took the lead in defining all eleven colonies. In one case, the Semites were allowed to join a single colony, Martu. But even there they had to accept division into sub-colonies at four corners— Tidnum in the northeast, Edom in the southwest, Syria in the northwest and Kedar in the southeast. The leader of the Martu colony was Canaan’s “red” son Heth, who added to the colony an Indo-European branch destined to become Hittites. To these were added the Turko-Tataric branch of the Uralo-Altaics as witnessed by a link between the family of Edom and Turks in later times. The Amerindians added ancestors of the warlike and masterful Dakotan stock, whose root name Kota is probably cognate with Heth’s χet. Like Martu each of the colonies displays a polyglot Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations complexity consistent with traditional ideas of the “confusion of Babel” but still under a high degree of control and order. Every time I revisit the topic of the First Kish order, I re-study it rather than merely reporting what I have already learned. This subject is the inner sanctum of our English origins as a people speaking a Teutonic language and sharing in various degrees of influence by Hebrews, Babylonians, Egyptians and Romans. Some persons are curious about the mystery of bloodlines, the “endless genealogies and fables” of antiquity in possible relation to themselves. None of that interests me. If I were to know my entire bloodline back to Adam, it would be a momentary curiosity soon forgotten except for a major point or two. What concerns me is a sense of membership in a human community shaped in a certain way and possessed of a certain character and potential. That shape and character hangs on every detail of the First Kish order both as a static design and as premise for events occurring after the First Kish period came to a close. In a sense those events happened to all of us. The complete population of each of the First Kish colonies is an on-going challenge to work out and discover. The Indo-European locations and their leaders of the Canaanite clan are much easier to determine. As Enki, “Lord of the Land” of Sumer, Sidon took command of the Serpent of Sumer, consisting of the three southernmost cities including his own cult center of the Abzu Temple at Eridu. We have reason to believe that the Indo-European branch proper to that colony was the exotic Tocharians, destined to inhabit Sinkiang province in western China. In Ptolemy’s Chart XXIII of Serica-China (origin our word “silk”) that part of the world was once inhabited by a people labeled “Issedones Magnum Genus.” This important tribe bears a name apparently cognate to the Hebrew name Sidon. In Sumer the central city of the southern three, Ur, had been founded by Durga, mother of the SinoTibetan stock. Her son by Shem, Arphaxad I, appears at Ur as the moon god Nanna and is the “Jade Emperor,” proper patriarch of the Chinese race. The local association of Issedones and Tocharians at the western end of China reinforces our belief about southern Sumer. At the capital city of Kish Peleg-Cernunnus ruled over Thraco-Phrygians, whose member race the Phrygians took their name directly from “Peleg” in an r variant named by the Hellenes “Phrixus” and by Teutons the god Fricco or Frey (source of our word “Friday”). The Phrygians were the people who built and inhabited Troy. Phrygia lay in Asia Minor (Turkey) north of Lydia, a land whose people took their name from Lud, Peleg’s name as a vassal of Shem in Genesis 10:2. The Lydians spoke a variety of Indo-European akin to that of the Hittites rather than to the ThracoPhrygians. But that is no surprise in view of the Cernunnus design where the figure of Cernunnus with his stag antlers pairs off with a stag representing Heth’s Martu— First Kish colony of the Hittites. In Greco-Roman times Phrygia and Lydia lay at the west end of what had been the Hittite empire of Hatti a millennium earlier. In fact both Lydia and Phrygia were known to leaders of the Assyrian Empire founded 35 around 1100 BCE by Tiglath-Pileser I. The two lands lay beyond the western border of the empire and represented a place where the Indo-European and Semitic worlds met. The two stocks, Indo-European and Semitic, are the same two united in the design of Shem’s “Stag Nature” Panel. The complementary relationship never quite died out and took the form of successive Hittite and Assyrian Empires in Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia. Within the Canaanite list, Shem and his son Gether form a subsection under the names “Jebusite” and “Arkite” respectively. The best evidence is that they took possession of the colony of the Fish and Rider at proto-Agade. Ethnographically the Fish and Rider represent two Indo-European peoples, the Illyrian-Albanians and Hellenes, in the same north-south order eventually adopted by them in southeastern Europe. There are two reasons for associating the Illyrian-Albanians with the leadership of Shem. The name “Illyroi” suggests Shem’s son Hul, known to the Hellenes as Hyllos and the Teutons as Hullr. The most striking fact about the Albanians is that three of their provincial or tribal names— Zadrima, Puka and Fan— perfectly reproduce the first three heirs of Shem in an Italic tradition of the Latins— Saturnus (biblical Arphaxad I as Joktan’s vassal Hadoram), Picus (Shelah) and Faunus (Eber). As for the “Arkite” and the Hellenes, Shem-Zeus’s son Arcas serves as the eponym of the land of Arcadia in Greece. The Italics were located at the Wolf of Nippur southeast of Kish, which lay south of proto-Agade. Shem founded Kish in Akkad just before Ham made his attempt at Babel. The identical traditions at Italic Nippur and Albanian proto-Agade suggest a three-city continuum of tradition at Nippur, Kish and proto-Agade like the one in the three southernmost cities of Sumer. Nippur had been built by the black matriarch Kali, whose son Hul gave his name to the Illyrians. Negritude was also a factor in the three-deep genealogy of the Italics and Albanians because Faunus, the “faun,” represents Eber, Shelah’s son by Kali. Hul and Eber were two of the most important black Noahic elite, one a son of Shem and the other Shem’s third heir. As capstone of these relationships Albania and Latium are located at analgous places on the east coasts of the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas. The Roman-Latin tradition of Romulus and Remus as suckled by a wolf derives from the Italic colony at Nippur, the Wolf City. We have not yet identified the vassal of Canaan who took command at Nippur. Like Ur, Lagash, and Umma, Nippur was founded by one of the Mahadevi tetrad, the three wives of the Ark. It is now apparent why their four daughters by Noah were enrolled as vassals of Canaan. These daughters served as rulers of the First Kish colonies of those four cities. Thus the ruler of Nippur was Kali’s daughter, known to the Hellenes as Aphrodite, to the Indians as Parvati and to the Egyptians as Isis. The Romans identified Hellenic Aphrodite with their goddess Venus. Their strange adoption of Isis worship at Rome suggests that an Egyptian tradition concerning Isis connected her with the Italic people. Romans may well have learned of this tradition in adopting the Isis cult. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Isis’s sibling husband Shiva-Riphath reigned over the East Indians at the northwestern colony in Syria-Phoenicia at the sign of the northwestern Antelope. This son of Kali and Noah had placed his claim to the domain of Egypt in the Nomadic Age. He chose Syria-Phoenicia for his colony because that land had been the domain first chosen by Japheth, father of the Egyptian race, the “Hamitic” linguistic stock. Thus, Osiris of Egypt took on his character as Shiva, one of the supreme Hindu Trimurti, in the First Kish period at the head of the entire East Indian race in the Phoenician colony. That colony included, not only fair-skinned Indo-Europeans, but Riphath’s own physical offspring, the Dravidians who take the name Tamils from his identity as Tamula of one of the Amerindian traditions. The Amerindian tenth given to this northwestern colony was just that— the North American stock who inhabit the northwestern corner of North America as the Tillamook, Klallam and other such tribes. Thus one part of the Native American “Indian” race once shared colonial space with actual Indians. We can picture the rulers of Nippur and the northwestern colony as lovers in familiar statuettes of Shiva and Parvati. One of these is a familiar feature of the collection at the Art Institute of Chicago. Another shows the marriage of Shiva and Parvati. Its idealized eroticism is highly representative of a culture founded on politically ambitious eugenics. East Indian statuary art may scandalize our humble, justly shamefast Christian culture but represents the unmistakable “jet set” glamour of the early postdiluvians: a. The Marriage of Shiva and Parvati. www.asianart.com copied July 27, 2008. b. Osiris Enthroned. www.phoenician.com copied July 16, 2008 This image reaches the heart of whether Christians will ever conceptualize Noah’s family as actual human beings. There is no question that one part of Noah’s family differed from another. The Egyptian approach to the same couple as Osiris and Isis differs radically in tone from the Indian. By painting Osiris green, the Egyptians come closer to the truth that Riphath and his sister-wife were black. Egyptian formality is closer to one aspect of postdiluvian times than the the sort of dynamic glamour that the Indians gave to this son of Noah. To relieve any skepticism about the cogency of placing Riphath-Osiris-Shiva at the head of a colony in Phoenicia, the website that furnishes this image recounts that, “The Phoenicians and Egyptians had such a close and warm relationship that the venerable Isis and Osiris legend included a trip by their queen to Byblos in Lebanon to seek help in time of need.” This “close and warm relationship” was established when Seba-Osiris chose Phoenician Lebanon for his East Indian colony after having 37 made Egypt his domain. The “queen” mentioned here is the goddess Isis, ruler of the Italic colony at Nippur. These relationships are the matrix of a world later manifested as historic Egypt, India, Phoenicia and Rome. Riphath-Seba appears in the list of Canaan’s vassals as the “Amorite,” named for the ancient nation of Semitic Amurru living in Martu southeast of Phoenicia. Eventually Riphath served as the Amorite king Adamu, the black neo-Adam of the Amorite king list. The Egyptians portrayed the Amorites as men running around naked, with sloping foreheads and beards. A profile of such an Amorite shows an aquiline nose and low cheekbones, the classic “red” or “Semitic” type of Mahadevi. She was known to the Canaanites as the goddess Adum. There is no suggestion of any Negro influence depite my assertion in Kingship at Its Source that Riphath-Seba was the physical ancestor of the Amorites. The website source of the image shown below explains that the Egyptians applied the term “Amorite” loosely to anyone living in Palestine. The profile may just as well have depicted a Hebrew in this case. On the other hand, Riphath may have married into the family of red Mahadevi and generated a more charteristically “Semitic” looking stock.He ranked so high in the Hamite view of things that he appears at the head of the Cushite clan under the name Seba where he shares company with Peleg as Sabtechah his son by Parvati Ganesha as Sabtah and all four diluvian males. [See Egyptian Portrait of an Amorite. www.britam.org copied July 16, 2008] All of the diluvian males mated with the Mahadevi tetrad in order to generate a plenitude of racial types within each family. Riphath’s union with Noah’s black daughter Arvad-Parvati-Isis resulted in Sabtah-Ganesha as one of the Noahic elite. It is quite conceivable that he mated with the other three daughters of Noah in order to generate a racial tetrad of his own. For example a union with Noah’s white daughter Anath-Hamath-Saraswati (Egyptian Nephthys) would result in the classic Satem Aryan race of India. A union with Noah’s daughter Sin-Lakshmi might well account for the yellow or yellow-black element among the Austronesians. A union of Riphath with Mahadevi’s red-aquiline daughter Ganga-Zemar could have had two effects on world ethnology. The offspring of that union in the black Austronesian sphere would account for the Melano-Papuans with their curiously aquiline noses. The same union in a subsequently white context could explain the Amorites with their aquiline noses. Finally the race resulting from the marriage with Parvati would make the elephant god Ganesha-Sabtah especially black and the proper patriarch of the Dravidians in the Indian-Austronesian sphere. Kingship at Its Source suggests that Sabtah fathered the black Bantu in the contrasting western sphere of Africa. This hypothesis making Riphath-Seba one of the chief progenitors of mankind suffers only from the fact that white, red and yellow sons of his find no place in Genesis 10. We can argue, however, that Riphath appears four times in Genesis 10— as Riphath, Seba, Pathrus- and Amor— precisely to underscore this fourfold role as progenitor. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The “Amorite,” in effect, becomes whatever unnamed son of Riphath and red Zemar-Neith-Ganga generated the Amurru race. By the same logic the first relatively fair-skinned Hindu Indian was some unnamed son of Riphath as Seba-Shiva and Hamath-Saraswati. The primary Austronesian was an unnamed son of Riphath-Olifat and yellow Sin-Lakshmi. Whenever we speak of the Austronesian linguistic stock, we are referring to a race arising from Kali through her son Riphath in union with Durga’s daughter Sin-Lakshmi, hence the yellow-black polarity of this race. Riphath and Kali are so closely related in the Sumerian pantheon that they bear the same name Dumuzi-abzu. Thus the Amorites, Hindus, Dravidians and Austronesians all owe their origins to a single patriarch in union with Noah’s red, white, black and yellow daughters. In summary the biblical name “Riphath” (Olifat) signifies Noah son as father of the yellow-black Austronesians; “Seba” (Shiva), as the progenitor of the fairer-skinned East Indians; “Pathrus” as ancestor of both the Dravidians under own name Tamula and the Niger-Congo people through his son Sabtah; and “Amor” as father of the red-aquiline Amurru. These races make up a high percentage of the human race and none of them descends in the male line from Shem, Ham or Japheth. The Lion of the solar cult center of Sippar represents the solar Egyptian Hamites under the control of Noah’s yellow daughter Sin-Lakshmi, known to the Egyptians as the belligerent goddess Hat-hor or Sekhmet. This goddess plays a central role in the Egyptian myth of “The Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction” translated in James B. Pritchard’s Ancient Near East (Princeton University Press, 1958). According to this story, the sun god Re (Japheth) has been offended against the sins of mankind. He takes counsel with his father Nun (Noah) about what to do with them. The myth refers to the Uruk-Aratta war of the next, Eanna period (2308-2278) when Japheth, founder of Uruk, was offended by a rebellion against the regime centered there. The myth should be partly interpreted here to shed light on the role of the Egyptian race when they were still living in Greater Mesopotamia with the rest of mankind. Re declares that rebellious mankind has come into existence from his Eye, conceived as an independent part of his body. Nun replies by declaring, “The fear of thee is great when the Eye is directed against them who scheme against thee” (Pritchard, 4). Knowledge of the myth depends on a decisive interpretation of the Eye. In the context of the Eanna period, the Eye refers to a reconnaissance team sent out from Uruk and consisting of eight heroes named as such in the Sumerian text Lugalbanda in the Wilderness. The team is made up of Japheth’s seven vassals of Genesis 10:2 under the leadership of Shem’s second heir Shelah, named by the Sumerians Lugalbanda, “Younger King,” in contrast to Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I, the “older king.” In the Egyptian myth the other gods advise Re that the Eye can be expected to catch the rebels but is too small a force to “smite” them until it “goes down as Hat39 hor.” The eight heroes can report on the rebels at Aratta but cannot make war on them until they recruit a larger force made up of Hat-hor’s Hamites at Sippar. As it turned out, Aratta was defeated by the combined forces of Hamites and Semites from Sippar and Martu depicted in the Taranis and Medb Panels of the Gundestrup Caldron as griffins— lion-birds combining the lion image of Hamites with the bird image of Semites. We have noted that the colony at Sippar was shared by Celts who crafted the Gundestrup Caldron. The Taranis Panel they displays an Erechite force located in Padan-Aram under the leadership of both Japheth (Celtic Lugh) and the dominant god Taranis, Hat-hor’s half brother Arphaxad I, the “older king.” Re’s eye is said to have to have created rebellious mankind for an equally cogent reason. The Eye refers, not just to the reconnaissance team, but to its leader Shelah and to all of the heirs of Shem as imperial leaders. These heirs are termed the Eye of the sun because imperial rule is equivalent to solar deity. That is why Shelah, as Akkadian Marduk, is titled “sun god of the gods.” These heirs are regarded as detached parts of Re because of the term atum or “totality” applied to his full name Atum Re. The term refers to the strict unity and totality of Noah’s world family as embodied in his eldest son Japheth as creator of the solar Hamitic stock. The rebels of Aratta were led by Shem’s fourth heir Peleg, part of Re’s imperial eye just as his grandfather Shelah-Marduk was. In ruling over the entire world community in the First Kish period Peleg-Cernunnus qualifies as the Eye. In fact it is just possible that the Celtic torque held up in Cernunnus’ right hand represents a way of conceiving of the Eye by the Celts who shared Sippar with the Egyptians. Ethnology of the First Kish Order We have worked out the sequence of quotas adopted by the eight linguistic stocks of the world family but have not yet applied these fully to the eleven colonies. We can now do so by considering the interesting case of the colony at Lagash. That colony and the one at Umma to the west of it are symbolized in the panel by two opposed Lions. Because lions always stand for the Hamitic linguistic stock, we must conclude that each of these colonies had its share of extra-Egyptian Hamites as well as its Indo-European member and whatever other divisions joined these colonies. At Lagash the founder Mahadevi’s daughter Zemar-Neith ruled over the Teutonic division of the Centum Indo-European stock, ancestors of many of us in the Englishspeaking world. One connection between Zemar-Neith and the Teutons is remarkable and shows durable effcts of Noahic tradition. Both as Neith of the Egyptians and Hestia of the Hellenes (Roman Vesta) Zemar- is identified with strict sexual morality. The Roman historian Tacitus is at some pains to describe the remarkably high sexual morals of the pagan Germans in Germania dating from the late first century of the Christian era. I have no reason to doubt that Zemar- applied her sense of chastity to ancestors of the Germans while they were at Lagash in the First Kish period. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Equally remarkable is the way certain German tribe names in the eastern part of Ptolemy’s chart of Germania testify to exotic, non-Indo-European inhabitants of Sumer. Two of these names, Omani and Quadi, echo the names of Heth and Canaan, Oman and Kuat, in a tribe of Amazonian Indians, the Mamaiuran. Another German tribe at the mouth of the Weser bears the name Cauchi according to the name Cauac given to Ham by the Mayas. The founder of Lagash Mahadevi takes the name Maia in Hellenic tradition as mother of Hermes-Ham. Thus, the Mayas are the Amerindian matriarch’s nominal flagship stock. Because the quota of divisions imposed on the Amerindians was ten instead of eleven, it is not certain that a given colony possessed an Amerindian share. One of the colonies did not. The same was even truer of the Hamitic and Kavirondo stocks of Africa, totaling only six. Once again tribes in the eastern part of Ptolemy’s Germania decide the issue. The Bontutae and Cogni pinpoint the Kavirondo Bantu and quasiHamitic Khoisans. The chief Khoisan deity Cagn identifies with Urukagina of Lagash and accounts for the tribe name Cogni. If, however, we count the Bantu and Khoisans separately among the quota of seven, Lagash is overloaded with one two many of these divisions. That sort of discrepancy must be faced in working out the details of the First Kish order. The Sumerian division proper to Lagash was nothing more than the Sumerian speakers who later inherited Lagash for themselves after the departure of the other stocks. The same is true of all eight of the original Sumerian cities. Because Sumerian is a branch of the Uralo-Altaic distinct from the traditional five divisions, we might argue that those five were distributed in colonies outside Sumer, particularly in view of the scandal involving Uralo-Altaics at Eridu in the Tower of Babel era. However there is a discrepancy between the fivefold Uralo-Altaics and the total of only three colonies outside the eight cities of Sumer. We are forced to conclude that two branches of the Uralo-Altaics remained in Sumer during the First Kish period. The presence of such Uralo-Altaic aliens in Sumer accounts for the Sumerian legend of Gilgamesh’s slaying the Gugalanna (Akkadian Gutanu), “Bull of Heaven.” The legend presents the Gugalanna as a threat to the people of Sumer, overrunning the land and drinking up the Lower Euphrates water supply. The action refers to a stage of the Uruk-Aratta War when the two Ural-Altaic divisions left over from the three colonies were camped somewhere in Sumer. The close affinity between the Sumerian language and Finno-Ugric suggests that that Uralo-Altaic branch was one of the two remaining in Sumer. We have excluded the Turko-Tatarics from consideration by locating them in the Martu colony outside Sumer. The second Uralo-Altaic stock in Sumer must by identified with the Mongolics, Tungusics or Samoyedic. Meanwhile we can argue that the Finno-Ugrics joined the colony at Umma, inhabited by the Balto-Slavic division of the Indo-Europeans. A number of the FinnoUgric tribes such as the Perms still inhabit Slavic Russia. The Finno-Ugric Finns 41 border on Russia; and the Hungarians came from either Sarmatia or Scythia. This interweaving of Slavic and Finno-Ugric territories suggests that the two peoples once shared the colony at Umma. A similar argument places the Mongolics somewhere in the Serpent of Sumer— the three southernmost cities. Mongolia borders on China to the north. The Chinese clearly derived from Ur, city of the Asian matriarch Durga, mother of the Jade Emperor Arphaxad I-Nanna. The Mongolics, after being forced out of Eridu in the Tower of Babel era, conceivably took refuge at Uruk. In any case they and possibly the Finno-Ugrics played the role of the Gugalanna in supposedly threatening the water supply of the Lower Euphrates in the early Eanna period. The remote Samoeds and Tungusics destined for Siberia and Manchuria took their places in the two Antelope colonies in Syria-Phoenicia and Gutium respectively. The Samoyedic territory in Siberia lies to the northwest relative to the Tunguses and Manchus of the northeast. The Samoeds take their name from Samug, the First Kish version of Shem’s third heir Eber. Samug appears in the First Kish dynasty in a fourdeep genealogy starting with Sidon and ending with Eber’s son Joktan. Despite growing skepticism concerning the rulers of Syrian Ebla, King Ebrium should be identified with Eber as the father of the Hebrews of Padan-Aram. Thus Eber’s Sumerian or Uralo-Altaic name Samug associates him with the land of Syria in the First Kish period. In the Eanna period Eber reappears under the Sumerian name Gilgamesh at Uruk. The next stock in the sequence of quotas was the Hamitic-Kavirondo. African languages have been convincingly analyzed today into four stocks: Afro-Asiatics (Hamites and Semites), Nilo-Saharans, Niger-Congo and Khoisans. These are distributed over the continent in a north-to-south sequence beginning with the Egyptian Hamites and ending with the Khoisans of Namibia and South Africa. The tetrad can be expanded into the requisite sextad by preserving the traditional distinction between Hamites and Semites and adding the two regionally distinct stocks signified by the dual label “Niger-Congo” to describe the stock common to the West Africans a Bantus. The six African stocks were distributed in pairs into the First Kish cities marked by the image of lions: Hamites and African Semites at Sippar in the north; Nilo-Saharans and West Africans at Umma; and Bantus and Khoisans at Lagash. These divisions of the African people will be dealt with in greater detail in the section labeled “Manishushu, Naram Sin and Egypt” below. The distinctions among them existed in the First Kish order prior to doubling all the stocks in 2308 and generating such pairs as Lower and Upper Egyptians, Khoisan Namas and Khois and NiloSaharan Luo and Kanuri. Next in the quota sequence came seven divisions of the Austronesians including the Austroasiatics of Vietnam, Cambodia, the Nicobar Islands and Mundaspeaking parts of Bangladesh and India. Traditionally the Austronesians divided into the Indonesians and Melanesians. The Indonesians are subdivided into MalayoJavanese and Tagala; and the Polynesians are believed to have derived their language Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations from the Indonesian pattern. The Melanesians are divided among the Melanesians proper of Fiji, the Micronesians of the Caroline Islands and the Melano-Papuans of Papua New Guinea. Thus seven divisions are the Malayo-Javanese of Malaysia, Indonesia and Malagasy; Tagala of the Philippines; Polynesians of Maori New Zealand and various island groups of the Pacific; Melanesians of the Fiji Islands; Micronesians of the Palaus and other Caroline Islands; the Papuans of eastern New Guinea; and the formidable Austroasiatics of Southeast Asia. The Maori pantheon places heavy stress on Ham as their heaven god Rangi together with a set of sons equivalent to the four of Genesis 10:6 and two others. The only other ethnic group to present Ham’s family in this way is the Hellenes with their heaven Titan Uranus, the four sons of Genesis 10:6 and two others just the Maori pantheon does. We have located the Hellenes at the Fish of Agade. Two additional arguments place Austronesians at that city. The Micronesian Palaus show two islands named Babelthuap and Urukthapel in keeping with “Babel and Erech” (Uruk) at the head of Nimrod’s kingdom in Genesis 10:10. Nimrod is Sargon of Agade. Even more strikingly the Maoris add to Rangi’s family a god named Rehua, identical to NimrodSargon’s name Reu as Shem’s fifth imperial heir. Thus Agade has the Austronesian stock written all over it despite the East Semites who became the inhabitants there by the rise of Sargon in 2244. Agade, however, housed just two colonies, not the seven required to account for the entire Austronesian stock. The close agreement between the Maoris and Hellenes in featuring Ham’s family locates the Polynesians with the Hellenes at the sign of the Fish. Both peoples were destined to inhabit island worlds, the Pacific and Aegean, howbeit on opposite sides of the globe. We have established two facts about the Austronesian stock. Kali created it, and it was invited in the Tower of Babel era to colonize Eridu rather than Kali’s city of Nippur. In picturing the seven-point distribution of the Austronesians we can consider three general locales: Akkad, Nippur and the cities of southern Sumer including Eridu. Agade is one of three cities in Akkad rather than Sumer proper. At one of these, solar Sippar, we can begin by looking for the people of the rising sun, the Japanese, with their sun goddess Amaterasu, the Genesis 10 figure Anam- of the Mizraim clan. The Austronesian people in closest proximity to Japan are the Tagala of the Philippines, thus suggesting a Tagala location at Sippar. The Japanese are exotic members of the Uralo-Altaic stock extending the range of the Uralo-Altaics beyond the traditional five by adding a Uralo-Altaic presence to Sippar. We would certainly expect to find one of the black Austronesian stocks at Kali’s Nippur in the First Kish period; but there is a strong hint that the independent Austroasiatic stock joined her there. The Indians located their great city of Kali, Calcutta on the east coast of Indian well within range of the Austroasiatics. In fact pockets of the Munda variety of Austroasiatic language are scattered all around 43 Calcutta. Even more striking, the Austroasitic Nicobar Islands of the Nicobarese variety are a southern extension of the Andamans with their potent memorial of Peleg as the god Puluga. Peleg’s Kish and Kali’s Nippur bear the same immediate northsouth polarity as Andaman and Nicobar. The obvious conclusion to be drawn is that ancestors of the Austroasiatics— Mon Khmer, Vietnamese and others— camped with Kali at Nippur. Since Austronesians were invited south in the Tower of Babel period, it is reasonable to distribute three divisions of the stock among the three cities of the Serpent of Sumer. The Palau island Urukthapel, in contrast with with Babelthuap, locates Micronesian ancestors at Uruk. The Asian racial polarity of the MalayoJavanese suggests that they joined ancestors of the Sino-Tibetans at the Jade Emperor’s Ur. The Melano-Papuans and Melanesians, true Oceanic blacks, are left at Eridu. To complete this picture, however, we need to account for the Negritos of Andaman with their invaluable Puluga tradition. In Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes novel The Sign of Four, a little Andaman Islander serves as the guardian of a treasure. I honor the Andamanese as guardians of the Puluga tradition. Andamanese is regarded as a linguistic isolate and is treated in classic Darwinistic fashion as existing in isolation for ten thousand years. Obviously our view of the origin of the Puluga myth in a major Noahic event of the Eanna period cancels that conception in an instant. But the same effect can be achieved by placing the Andamanese convincingly in the First Kish order. A strong case can be made that each of the eleven colonies of the First Kish order claimed its own linguistic isolate. In fact thses isolates can be located, by means of clearcut associations, more easily than the major stocks can be divided. Eleven such isolates and their associations can be tabulated as follows: Colony: Kish Syria-Phoenicia Gutium Sippar Agade Rider Agade Fish Nippur Sumerian Serpent Umma Lagash Martu Isolate: Andamanese Etruscans Chons Basques Olmecs Australians Elamo-Dravidians Elamites Caucasians Mayans Luwians and Minoans Association: Peleg-Cernunnus-Puluga Hamitic link to Phrygia-Tysenoi Andean Araucans Celts Illyrians-Hullr-Hul Polynesians Kali’s Asian Blacks Sumerians Slavs Mahadevi-Maia Hittites Two major stocks remain to be divided— Sino-Tibetans and Amerindians. These two stocks are linked in effect by certain Chinese affinities in the UtoAthabascan stock of North America. They remain, however, distinct stocks created by Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the yellow and red matriarchs Durga and Mahadevi. The Sino-Tibetan stock is divisible into two branches each of which is then divisible into four, yielding the requisite eight. The two divisions are the Sino-Thai and Tibeto-Burman. The SinoThai consist of the Sinitic Chinese and three divisions of the Tai— Lower Burmese, Shan and Thai. The Tibeto-Burman stock has been distinguished as four stocks by a source that fails to name them. This branch consists of a large number of languages that have been classified in various ways but among people of relatively low populations. A fourfold division can be maintained by simply distinguishing nations: Nepal, Tibet, Assam and Myanmar. The eight Sino-Tibetan branches conform to the eight original Sumerian cities in a special order reflected by the logic of the Cernunnus design. Kingship at Its Source states that the member of Noah’s family most likely to have transmitted the prototype of the Gundestrup design to the Celts was Arphaxad I, known to them as Taranis. Arphaxad fathered the Sino-Tibetan race. He has designed the Cernunnus Panel so as to show the close relationship between Kish and the three southernmost cities in order to express the unity of the Sino-Thai portion of the stock. In contrast he has used the lion image to coordinate three of the four divisions of the TibetoBurmans. He has done this in order to show that the Sino-Thais derived from him through his daughter Inanna, the goddess of Uruk. The Tibeto-Burmans, in contrast, derive from him through his son Utu (Obal), sun god at Sippar. The best way to explain these relationships is to tabulate them with the use of italics to indicate the Sino-Thai group: City: Sippar Kish Nippur Umma Lagash Uruk Ur Eridu Figure: Lion Cernunnus Wolf Lion Lion Serpent Serpent Serpent Branch: Tibetan Chinese Nepalese Assamese Burmese (Myanmar) Shans Lower Burmese Thai Classification: Tibeto-Burman Sino-Thai Tibeto-Burman Tibeto-Burman Tibeto-Burman Sino-Thai Sino-Thai Sino-Thai Because the figure of Cernunnus is grasping the serpent in his left hand, Kish and the three southern cities form an organic whole equivalent to the Sino-Thai division of the stock. In contrast, three of the four Tibeto-Burman colonies are marked by lions; and the other, by a wolf. Finally the Amerindians can be placed by local associations. Most of these need explanation; but we can begin with a tabulation: 45 Colony: Syria-Phoenicia Sippar Gutium Agade Kish Martu Nippur Umma Lagash Uruk Eridu Amerindian Stock: Northwest Pacific Coast Uto-Athabascans Andeans Algonquians Iroquoians Dakotans [None] Yumans Amazonians Muskhogeans Caddoans Rationale: Northwest Utu Inti, Imta Sargon Irra Kota Uma Oman, Kuat Meskiaggasher Enki In a sense nearly all the Amerindian stocks are isolates. There is little overall unity as suggested by Mahadevi’s Akkadian name Tiamat, “Chaos.” The Tierra del Fuegan Chon language shown as an isolate is a particularly barbaric sounding language consisting of grunts. Of course in post-World War ideology there is no such thing as barbarism (except as a metaphor for civilized tyranny), no civilization, no image of God in man and no cultural defection from it. The Northwest Pacific Coastal Indians, despite their tribe names such as Klickitat, have not received a general stock name of Indian origin. That limitation is appropriate because I reason that the leader of the great North American colonial expedition, Ashkenaz, deliberately planted this people on the northwest coast because he knew that they originated on the northwest coast of the heartland in Phoenicia. The quasi-Chinese Uro-Athabascans bear the name Utu, cult god of Sippar. We have just placed ancestors of the Tibetans and Chinese in Sippar and Kish. Kingship at Its Source identifies the Andean Inca sun god Inti with Japheth on the basis of the solar principle and a pattern of sons like that of Japheth’s. However the name Inti suggests Ham’s son Put as Imta, founder of the Guti dynasty. Put’s name was deliberately identified with Japheth’s in Put’s Hellenic Titan name Iapetos. An Amazonian tribe, the Iae, add another version of Put to the region. As founder of the Guti dynasty, PutInti places ancestors of the Incas at the colony in Gutium. In a number of cultures, Peleg is identified with fire— as Hellenic Prometheus, Sumerian Nergal, Akkadian Irraand Indian Bhrigu. The stag antlers Peleg-Cernunnus wears on his head may be intended to imitate flames. The Amerindian name Iroquois reflects the Akkadian Semitic name Irra. Because Kish lies in the capital zone of Mesopotamia, the name may have a bearing on the name Iraq. A Semitic context suggests how the name Algonkin arose among the Amerindian share of nearby Agade. That designation for the most widespread Native North American stock suggests Nimrod’s name Sargon adopted by him at Semitic Agade and passed on in that form to the Assyrians. Both the Iroquoians and Algonquians come to focus at the Great Lakes. Further association with the Semitic stock derives from the colony Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations at Martu under the rule of Canaan’s son Heth. The Amerindians there were the Dakotans, whose name exists in the forms Lakota and Nakota as well as Dakota, identifying the root as Kota, equivalent to Heth’s variant form “Hod” in Norse mythology. The Hittites spoke Indo-European rather than Semitic; but Heth’s Martu colony was predominantly Semitic. The great Iroquoian, Algonquian and Dakotan stocks are geographic complements in representing North America east of the UtoAthabascans. In order to strike the right balance of ten Amerindian tribes spread over eleven colonies, this analysis takes several essential steps. It identifies the colonies at the sign of the Fish and Kali’s Nippur as two colonies without an Amerindian presence. It treats Mahadevi’s Mayans as an isolate in order not to challenge the place of the more widespread Amazonian stock at her city of Lagash. As a Wikipedia article on the Mayans states, “The Mayan linguistic family has no demonstrated genetic ties to other linguistic families.” Third, the case for Muskhogeans at Uruk and Caddoans at Eridu is so strong that these are enrolled there even though the two cities are included in a single colony. These two tribes offset the two colonies without Amerindian stocks. Genetically Native Americans of the Yuman stock probably have little to do with the white matriarch Uma; but the name suggests that they were the Amerindian tenth located at Uma’s city of Umma. The Yumans inhabit Arizona, California and Baja California and receive the general name from the Yuma tribe that gave its name to Yuma, Arizona. Replicated geography plays a role here as it does among the Northwest Pacific Coastal Indians. Ashkenaz’s expedition reached Yuman territory and the Pacific after a trek starting at the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico. There Amerindians from Mahadevi’s city Lagash gave her name Maia to the Mayans of Guatemala. The eastern end of Ashkenaz’s trek followed roughly the 32 nd parallel of north latitude from Lousiana to Arizona after settling ancestors of the Caddoan linguistic stock in Louisiana and East Texas. Thus the Caddoan and Yuman ends of this stage of the expedition replicated the east-west polarity of the two opposed lions at Lagash on the east and Umma on the west. In Kingship at Its Source, I place the Amazonians at Lagash on the basis of the German tribe names Oman and Quadi, matching the Amazonian gods Oman and Kuat (Heth and his father Canaan). This reasoning arises from the case for placing the Teutons at Lagash. At Lagash Mahadevi not only founded the city but left a tradition embodied in an inscription by Ur Nanshe, who reigned there after 2278. The city embodied a four-deep genealogy beginning with her and extending from the inscriptional Gurmu and Gunidu— Ham and Canaan— to Canaan’s son Heth, Ur Nanshe. The Hellenes named her Maia as mother of their Olympian version of Ham, “Hermes,” a name cognate to Lagashite Gurmu. Despite turning up in Hellenic form, “Maia” had a broad enough circulation to become the Native American title of her “flagship” people the Mayans. Whether the name originated with the Hellenes and 47 passed to the Amerindians or, more likely, began with the Amerindians and passed to the Hellenes makes no difference. Two more important North American stocks are assigned to the three-city colony we have labeled the Serpent of Sumer. The Muskogheans and Caddoans fill out the map of native North America by covering the land mass in the Southeastern United States from Florida to Mississippi, Louisiana and East Texas. The Muskhogeans take their name from Meskiaggasher, founder of the Eanna dynasty at Uruk. This founder appears in Genesis 10 twice, as Japheth’s vassal Meshech and as Peleg’s brother Joktan. A Muskhogean tribe, the Choktaw of Missippippi, suggest that the Hebrew name Joktan Amerindian in origin although punned into the Hebrew language as an epithet meaning “He shall be made small.” Another member tribe, the Muskogee of Alabama, gave their name to the stock and corresponded to the Japhethite name Meshech, which turns up in the form Mushki in Asia Minor in Assyrian times. Throughout Genesis 10, names given the Hebrew pointing e appear in gentile tradition with the back vowels o or u. Instances are Uruk for biblical Erech, Puluga for biblical Peleg and Muskogee or Mushki for biblical Meshech. These relationships indicate that the Amerindian contribution to the colony at Uruk were ancestors of the Muskhogean linguistic stock. An equally cogent reason can be given for identifying Eridu with the Caddoans. That Native American stock bears a remarkable relationship to the vassals of Javan in Genesis 10:4. The stock begins with the Eyeish or Aliche of Louisiana. These match the first Javanite Elishah. The Caddo of East Texas yield a back vowel variation of the Kittim based on the Hellenic form “Cadmus.” The Caddoan Pawnee are especially remarkable. The Bible clearly identifies the Javanite Tarshish with the Poeni or Phoenicians, a match to the name Pawnee. But the relationship does not stop there. A variant name given to the Pawnee by their neighbors is “Darazhazh,” still another back-vowel and voiced consonant counterpart to the “weaker” biblical name Tarshish. What does all this have to do with Sumerian Eridu? Hellenic tradition gives an emphatic answer. The Sumerian god of Eridu, Enki, is the pantheon version of Canaan’s firstborn Sidon, Heth’s brother. An invaluable tradition of the Hellenes identifies Sidon-Poseidon as the physical progenitor of the Javanite family, including “Phoenix” (Poeni) as Tarshish, “Cadmus” as Caddo-Kittim and “Danaus” as the fourth Javanite Rodan-. These names all pertain to peoples living on coasts of the Eastern Mediterranean: the Poeni-Tarshish in Lebanon-Phoenicia, the Kittim on the island of Cyprus and the Rodanim on the island of Rhodes. As the god of Eridu, Sidon was the Canaanite lord of the colony at Eridu; and its Amerindian members were clearly the Javanite Caddoan linguistic stock. At this point we have covered enough data to tabulate the entire ethnographic system of First Kish. To do so we will use color coding for the eight linguistic stocks and another for the various linguistic isolates. Semites are shown in purple; UraloAltaics in dark blue; Africans in brown; Austronesians in aquamarine; Sino-Tibetans Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations in yellow; Sumerians in green; Amerindians in red; Indo-Europeans in blue; and the isolates in orange. Thus far I have not proposed an origin for the isolates except to suggest that they recognized and handled as such by the divider Peleg: Semitic Uralo-Altaic Hamitic Austronesian Sino-Tibetan Sumerian Amerindian Indo-European Isolate Colony of the Northwestern Antelope: Syria-Phoenicia Governor: Riphath (Amor-) Samoyedic Northwest Pacific Coastal East Indian Aryans Etruscans Colony of the Northeastern Antelope: Gutium Governor: Ham (Girgash-) Tungusic Andeans (Inca-Quechua and Araucans) Iranians (Gutians) Chons Colony of the Northern Lion: Sippar Governor: Hat-hor (Sin-) Japanese Hamitic Afro-Asiatic (Egyptians) Semitic Afro-Asiatic Tagala Tibetans Sumerians at Sippar Uto-Athabascans Celts Basques Double Colony of the Fish Rider: Agade 49 Governor at Rider: Shem (Jebus-) Algonquians Illyrian- Albanians Olmecs Governor at the Fish: Gether (Ark-) Polynesians Hellenes Australians Colony at the Stag: Martu Governor: Heth Aramaeans Akkadians Amorites Arabs Turko-Tataric Dakotans Hittites Luwians and Minoans Colony of Cernunnus: Kish Governor: Peleg (Hiv-) Sinitic (Chinese) Sumerians of Kish Iroquoians Thraco-Phrygians Andamanese Colony of the Wolf: Nippur Governor: Parvati-Isis (Arvad-) Austroasiatics Nepalese Sumerians of Nippur Italics Elamo-Dravidians Colony of the Second Lion: Umma Governor: Saraswati-Nephthys (Hamath-) Finno-Ugric Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Nilo-Saharans West Africans Assamese Sumerians of Umma Yumans Balto-Slavs Caucasians Colony of the Third Lion: Lagash Governor: Ganga-Neith (Zemar-) Bantus Khoisans (Bushmen and Hottentots) Myanmar Burmese Sumerians of Lagash Amazonians Teutons Mayans Triple Colony of the Serpent: Uruk, Ur and Eridu Governor: Sidon At Uruk:Micronesians Shans Sumerians of Uruk Muskhogeans At Ur: At Eridu: Mongolics Malayo-Javanese Lower Burmese Sumerians of Ur Tocharians Melano-Papuans Melanesians Thais Sumerians of Eridu Caddoans Elamites See The Sumerian King List www.philipcoppens.com copied July 30, 2008 51 Kings of First Kish The Sumerian Kinglist attributes twenty-three kings to the dynasty of First Kish. William Hallo reduces the list to twenty-one by assigning two kings, Enmebaraggesi and Aka, to the subsequent Eanna period. If we split the difference and arrive at a total of twenty-two kings, we observe that that total is twice the number of colonies we have just defined. Because the Noahic designing instinct was at its peak in the First Kish period, this two-to-one ratio is meaningful in view of father-son pairs that show up in the dynasty: Noah and Shem, as Etana and Balih; Japheth and Madai, as Atab and Mashda; Ham and Mizraim, as Enmebaraggesi and Aka; and a pair extended into a quartet with Sidon, Shelah, Eber and Joktan as Enmenunna, Barsalnunna, Samug and Tizkar. These rulers total ten, one short of the eleven we have applied to the colonial governorships in conformity with the Canaanite eleven. Two rulers double as Canaanite governors, Shem and Ham, together with the overlord Peleg, who appears in the Kinglist under the title, “He Who Rules Them All.” If Peleg is added to the ten rulers, we have a match between the colonial governorships and central reigns at Kish. The eleven rulers who led the colonizing process of First Kish counted Japheth and Joktan twice each, Japheth as Atab and Utu and Joktan as Tizkar and Meskiaggasher. That procedure was only typical of the Noahic elite, who lived for centuries and changed names and political identities every thirty years. Eventually Japheth came to be known to the Sumerian pantheon as Ningishzida, the “god who disappeared from the land.” That tradition reflects the fact that Japheth left Sumer at a relatively early date to colonize Lower Egypt with Hamites. He had to be replaced in the pantheon with another patriarch. Shem’s grandson Obal was chosen to become the classic Utu, son of Nanna of Ur and brother of Inanna, the heaven goddess of Uruk. In order to describe how the rulers of First Kish carried out the colonizing process, it is necessary to supply dates for their reigns. Hallo, in effect, does this for us. For each of the dynastic periods, he charts eight “generations” of rulers. All we need to convert this information into absolute chronology for each reign is to adopt the 2518 Flood date, add the premise of the First Kish era as seventh postdiluvian era of thirty years and apply the same four-year module to Hallo’s “generations” as in the previous Tower of Babel era. A further refinement evident in the timing of Enmerkar’s reign in the the Eanna period, is that the first two rulers of these dynasties adopted a shorter module of three years, bringing the total down to the exact Noahic era of thirty years each: “Generation”: 1. 2338-2335 2. 2335-2332 3. 2332-2328 4. 2328-2324 Ruler: Etana: Noah Balih: Shem Enmenunna: Sidon “He Rules Them All”: Peleg Relationship to Shem: father self father of second heir Shelah fourth heir Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 5. 2324-2320 6. 2320-2316 7. 2316-2308 Barsalnunna: Shelah Samug: Eber Atab: Japheth Tizkar: Joktan Mashda: Madai second heir third heir brother brother of fourth heir nephew Epoch of Eanna: 2308. Rulership shifts from Kish to Uruk. 1. 2308-2305 Utu: Japheth brother and/or Obal grandson 2. 2305-2302 Meskiaggasher: JoktanMeshech brother’s vassal Hostilities with Aratta begin: 2302 3. 2302-2298 Enmerkar: Abimael son of brother’s vassal We can now outline the most plausible explanation of how rulers of First Kish took the lead in colonizing the post-Babel world either during or after their reigns at Kish. The Kinglist refers to Etana as “the shepherd, he who ascended to heaven, who made firm all the lands” (Samuel Noah Kramer, The Sumerians, 328). Whatever else these words mean, they show interaction between a seminal reign at Kish and activities beyond that city involving lands such as the eight domains listed by Lugalannemundu in the next century. Although Etana appears as the eleventh member of the dynasty, Hallo finds grounds for placing him at the start. That sort of reconstruction may not precedent my radical approach but clearly indicates that the Kinglist and strict fact are somewhat at odds if only because of the outrageous lengths of the reigns. The eleven colonies are as follows: Colony No. 1 Etana-Noah. Because Riphath-Shiva was Noah’s son and one so powerful that he had claimed Egypt as his domain, it makes sense that Noah accompanied this son to Phoenicia to plant the colony of the Northwestern Antelope. In doing so Noah established two important pantheon identities. Having lost the Anship in 2359, he reverted to the storm cultus of his son’s devotion to Yahweh and became Indra, the storm god among the East Indian protoplast of that northwestern colony. Originally, Indra was the greatest god of the Satem Aryan pantheon in keeping with Noah’s primacy in the eyes of a people created by Shem-Brahma. At the same time, Noah’s presence on the coast of Syria acted as precedent for his identity as the fish god Dagon at the port of Ugarit. Dagon is the father of Aliyan Bal, the Ugaritic storm god version of Shem, and Bal’s sister-wife Anath (Hamath-Saraswati). Shem’s Ugaritic name Bal matches the name of Etana’s son and successor Balih of First Kish. 53 When Noah and Riphath established the First Kish colony in Phoenicia, the Semites were still in Akkad with the rest of the world’s population awaiting their turn to colonize Martu. That colony extends southward from Syria between Mesopotamia to the east and Palestine to the west. Among the Amorites who eventually colonized Martu, Noah and Riphath came to be known as the kings Didanu and Adamu. Noah’s name in that context matches his name Dedan as a vassal of Cush in Genesis 10:7. “Dedan” in turn is evidently cognate with Sumerian “Etana.” The name Didanu, in turn, may have something to do with the lapse of Noah’s command of the Anship as though it meant “Formerly Anu.” Another dimension of Noah’s and Riphath’s association with the northwestern colony takes shape in the Hellenic tradition of the Argonautic voyage from Greece to Colchos on the southeastern coast of the Black Sea. In that tradition Noah and his two black children Riphath-Osiris and Arvad-Isis turn up as the Colchian hosts King Aeetes and his children Absyrtos and Medea. The name Absyrtos contains the elements of the original Egyptian form of the Hellenized name Osiris— Asir. Medea like Isis was a magician. Herodotus reports that the Colchians were wooly haired as though Negroid. This Hellenic tradition, despite its fictional overlay in the Argonautica, has always suggested that Noah and his black children took flight to Colchos by ship from Phoenicia in the time of the Uruk-Aratta war. One of the feats attributed to Eber-Gilgamesh, another substantially Negroid patriarch, is visiting Noah-Ziusudra in some distant land suggested by the epithet “Ziusudra the Faraway.” It was in this visit that Gilgamesh received a report of the Noahic Deluge. Whatever the explanation of the Argonautic tradition, it suggests that Noah and Riphath extended the colonizing expedition from Akkad to Phoenicia even farther to the northwest. Colony No. 2 Balih-Shem. As a member of the Canaanite clan, Shem served as one of the local governors. We have suggested that he remained in his domain of Akkad to colonize the Fish Rider of Agade, not far from Kish. The Indo-European branch in this case was the Illyrian-Albanian, named for Shem’s black son Hul but not at all Negroid as observed in ancient Illyria and modern Albania. The only other two ethnic groups we have placed at the Fish Rider are two Amerindian peoples, the Algonquians of eastern North America and the Olmecs, not only named for the black, thick-necked Hul but descended from him. Because the northwestern colony included the Dravidian sons of Riphath-Tamula, both Noah and Shem featured blacks in these first two colonial initiatives between 2338 and 2332. Blacks were the reinforced race of Adam, hence Riphath’s Amorite name Adamu and matching Sumerian Adapa as legendary human and Kali’s son Dumuzi-abzu of the pantheon. The contrast between distant Phoenicia and nearby Agade was no doubt deliberately designed to place representatives of Adam’s black race at both the center and periphery of this early colonial world. Colony No. 3 Enmenunna-Sidon. After establishing colonies to the north and capital zone over the first eight years, the First Kish regime turned south under Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Sidon— the pantheon’s “Lord of the Land” of Sumer— to establish the Sumerian colony we identify with the Serpent of the Lower Euphrates in the Cernunnus Panel. Our color-coded analysis locates three different bodies of colonists at Uruk, Ur and Eridu. Dominant among these were Durga’s Sino-Tibetans and Kali’s Austronesians as though it was already understood that these yellow and black people were destined to colonize Oceania and the Far East. That assumption is complicated, however, by our view that distant colonizations were carried out as punishment for the Aratta Schism. What is clear is that the pantheon version of Sidon, Enki, was located at the southernmost city of Eridu and associated with the sea at his Abzu temple. If all three Sumerian cities were re-colonized in the same four-year period between 2332 and 2328, it makes sense that Sidon appointed his three successors at First Kish, in advance of their reigns, to carry out the task. Logically Joktan-Tizkar colonized Uruk, the city where he established the Eanna Dynasty as Meskiaggasher in the next era. The peoples he led to Uruk included Amerindian ancestors of the Muskhogeans who bear both of his Genesis 10 names as Meshech and Joktan— Muskogee and Choktaw. At Eridu the inclusion of both Elamites and Caddoans indicates the leadership of Eber as the First King Samug there. In Genesis 10:22 Eber appears as Shem’s vassal Elam, nominal lord of the Elamites. That distinction was owing to genetics as well as politics. Eber was Shelah’s son by Kali, the Nomadic Age claimant to the domain of Lumma-Elam. As for the Caddoans, Eber belonged to the same “Libyan” family who generated the Javanite clan to whom the Amerindian Caddoans belong. In fact he receives his own name “Aegyptus” as a distinct member of the family of Poseidon (Sidon) and Libya who became the Javanites. According to the Hellenes, Poseidon married “Libya” (meaning “Africa”) and begot Agenor, the first Javanite Elishah. Robert Graves opines that the name Agenor is Hellenic for Canaan, making this grandson of Canaan a kind of “Canaan II.” Poseidon’s other son by this marriage, Belus, is clearly Bel Marduk, Shem’s second heir Shelah, named Barsalnunna in the First Kish list. Elishah-Agenor begot two of the Javanites, Cadmus-Kitt (“Caddo”) and Phoenix-Tarshish (father of the Phoenicians). Belus-Shelah begot Eber-Aegyptus and the fourth Javanite Danaus-Rodan. Thus Eber was a close relative of the patriarchs who gave their tribal names Eyeish-Aliche, Caddo and Pawnee-Darazhazh to the Caddoans. He himself gave his other Hellenic name Athamas to the Athabascans. To complete the pattern, Shelah-Barsalnunna took charge of the recolonization of Ur, the city founded by the Asian matriarch Durga, who was Shelah’s great-grandmother through Arphaxad I and Inanna (Sidon’s paramour more or less equivalent to the Hellenic “Libya”). The racial distinction between black Eber and his father Shelah accounts for the way the Austronesian membership at Eridu and Ur was divided. Eber stocked Eridu with black Melano-Papuans. Shelah brought to Ur the comparatively yellow Malayo-Javanese. Shelah’s brief period in Sumer in carrying 55 out this task caused the Sumerians of the three cities and elsewhere to place him in their pantheon as Asalluhe, the acknowledged counterpart to his greater Akkadian identity as Marduk. Whether the element “sal” in the names Barsalnunna and Asalluhe are cognate with Hebrew “Salah” or “Shelah” is uncertain but appears likely. “He Who Rules Them All”-Peleg. In colonizing Kish, Peleg remained at Kish and designated the city as his permanent residence for the period in progress. The stocks he chose included two great peoples, ancestors of the Chinese and the ThracoPhrygians, ancestors of the Trojans and Macedonians of Alexander the Great. To these he added the humble Andamanese with their crucial Puluga tradition, the classic North American Iroquoians and of course the Sumerians who continued to inhabit Kish long after the other races had gone. Cities built in the capital zone of Akkad appear to form a plenitude or at least part of one. Kish, originally built by Shem, was governed by his fourth heir Peleg just as Agade, colonized by Shem, became the 23rd century capital of the fifth heir ReuSargon-Nimrod. The cities of the capital zone also included Sippar. We might argue that the assignment of that city’s religious cult to Arphaxad-Nanna’s son Obal-Utu means that it bore a similar relationship to Shem’s first heir Arphaxad. The abortive city of Babel eventually became Babylon, whose pantheon, derived from the Akkadians, was dominated by Shem’s second heir Shelah as Marduk. To date I have not identified a Chinese version of Peleg. Of all the great cultures, the Chinese is least developed in lore of this kind. The most important connection between the world family and the Chinese, apart from the general origin in Durga and Arphaxad I, is the identification of the five Wu-di emperors with the five sons of Ur-Nanshe-Heth as shown in the Ur Nanshe Plaque at Lagash. Heth was Peleg’ half brother by Mahadevi and shared with him primary responsibility for starting the Aratta Schism and Uruk-Aratta war. The presence of the Chinese protoplast under Peleg at Kish places them in the center of the Schism even though Peleg appears to have extracted recruits into the Schism from fifteen of the half protoplasts of the world existing in 2308. The northeastern polarity of Aratta— defined as such by the Andamanese— suggests that the Chinese played a central role in colonizing Aratta from Kish as though they realized that their ultimate homeland would lie in the northeastern quarter of the world. I have always been faced with a decision in identifying the monster Huwawa slain by Gilgamesh’s companion Enkidu in one of the Sumerian Gilgamesh legends. Monsters such as Huwawa or the Gugalanna always represent nations on the loose, typically fugitives from the defeat of Aratta. The “decapitation” of Huwawa has always figured as the capture of some stock under the leadership of Peleg and his removal to return to Mesopotamia to become Lugalannemundu at Adab. New insight into the particular presence of the Chinese protoplast under Peleg at Kish confirms that Huwawa was that nation. The entire stock may not have followed Peleg to Aratta but enough did to constitute the monster Huwawa. A difference between those who followed him and those who did not might have a bearing on the fundamental Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations difference between the more civilized Chinese Mandarin of northern China and the less civilized Hakka of the south. One can imagine ancestors of the comparatively red-skinned Hakka following Iroquoian ancestors to Aratta. 57 Colony..No.4 Barsalnunna-Shelah. Hallo’s principle of reconstructive contemporaneity goes into effect in the fourth “generation,” 2326-2322, when both he and Peleg established colonies during their reigns. Just as Peleg took over the mighty Chinese race, Shelah took over the even mightier Semitic linguistic stock as a whole and led it to Martu to be governed by Heth. It was in this initiative that Shelah established his undying reputation as the chief East Semitic god Marduk. Because East Indians were living on the northwestern flank of Martu, they took over this same Shelah as their definitive sun god Surya, the god of Sur-Tyre in Phoenicia, not as Phoenician but as Indian. The result in Indian tradition was the most vital bit of genetic information to be found outside the Bible— the great Inanna Succession. Since this information fails to appear in Mesopotamian tradition and only indirectly in the Bible (Luke 3:36), we can surmise that Shelah told this secret to fathers of the Indians rather than to East Semites. It was simply that he became Shem’s second heir, not as son of Arphaxad I (Indian Daksha I), but as Arphaxad’s maternal grandson through the union of his daughter Inanna (Indian Diti) with Canaan’s son Sidon (Kasyapa) to become Indian Surya and Semitic Marduk. This development threw the imperial-Messianic line of Shem’s heirs into the male line of Canaan. The colony in Martu took the following form. (See above Chart) Since this cartographic chart is a closed document, I cannot change it now. If I could the title would be changed to “The Colony of Martu” and the date changed from the foundation of the First Kish dynasty in 2338 to the years 2326-2322 within the First Kish period. The peculiar criss-cross design resulted from the perception that certain members of the colony were destined to inhabit four corners of the earth in the opposite directions from the four corners of Martu. This insight began with Craig White’s observation in In Search of the Origin of Nations (2004) that the Turks were connected with Esau’s grandson Teman located in Edom at the southwestern corner of Jordan-Martu. The chart fails to suggest that Shelah formed the colony in cooperation with Heth but assigns local roles to Shem’s four sons of Genesis 10:23 (vassals of Aram). Shelah’s involvement in this Semitic enterprise makes sense in view of his role as Shem’s second heir and vassal named Arphaxad in 10:22, meaning Arphaxad II, grandson of Arphaxad I. The two Arphaxads, grandfather and grandson, are explicitly identified as Daksha I and II in Indian tradition. We have seen the same principle operative in Sidon’s family where the Javanite Elishah is named by the Hellenes “Canaan II,” Agenor, grandson of Canaan. The Hellenes, in fact, adopted the practice of assigning patronymic names according to the same principle, such as calling Herakles Alcides after his grandfather Alcaeus. Abraham’s brother Nahor was named similarly for his grandfather Nahor I, Emperor Naram Sin of Agade and Ur. Shelah’s initiative at Martu in the First Kish period was the counterpart to his heroic reconnoitering expedition at Aratta in the Eanna era. It is fascinating to reflect on how his adoption of the seven vassals of Japheth as his followers in the Aratta expedition echoed his adoption of the four sons of Shem in the earlier Martu Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations expedition. Among the seven Japhethites, just four derive from his genetic family, combining three sons with one grandson. If we compare those four to the four sons of Shem, we might consider whether those four were originally designed to be filled out with three additional vassals according to the same pattern as the one shown by the Japhethites. Shem possesses five vassals in 10:22. Shelah was one of these just as he made up an eighth with the Japhethites in the Sumerian record of the war. If we discount him and Peleg-Lud as the general emperor and local governor at Kish, the remaining three vassals of Shem in 10:22 complement his physical sons in 10:23 to form a septad just like Japheth’s in 10:2. The remaing three vassals of Shem were Elam-Eber, Asshur-Reu-Nimrod and Joktan-Aram. We might consider whether these played some role on the colonization of Martu as the seven Japhethites and Shelah played in the war against Aratta. The Aratta Schism originally took the legitimate form of colony like Martu before it was taken over by the aggrieved Heth, Peleg-Kingu and Mahadevi-Tiamat with hostile intentions. We are considering the Martu-Aratta analogy now in order to shed light on a comprehensive plan by the Noahic Council to colonize the earth. Analysis of the colony at Martu has shown that a grievance caused by the encampment of Hamites there caused the Aratta Schism. The more we know about the Martu colony the better we can explain the Uruk-Aratta war. In the First Kish period, therefore, the Shemite clan consisted of Shem’s four sons and the vassals Asshur (Reu-Nimrod), Arphaxad II (Shelah) and Aram (Joktan). This structure of leadership reveals something about the non-Semitic members of the colony— Turks, Hittites and Luwian-Minoan. The Hittites and Turks were destined to dominate the land of Anatolia in two stages of world history. The empire of the extant Shemite clan in 10:22 encompasses Anatolia from Assyria and Syria on the east to Ludu-Lydia in the west. So the overall relationship is plain enough. What we are looking for is a one-on-one connection of some depth between the three vassals and non-Semitic races. In respect to Anatolia, an additional people from the Martu colony were the ancestors of Luwians and Minoans. The Luwians inhabited Arzawa in the southwest corner of Asia Minor in the time of the Hittite Empired. Minoans of Crete, thought by many to have been a linguistic isolate, have been connected with the Luwians, whose language resembled Hittite. Reu-Nimrod planted three different names of his among the Hellenes who later inhabited former Arzawa. ShelahArphaxad II became Marduk, the great god of the East Semites who shared the subcolony at the Dead Sea with the Turks. Hittites and Aramaeans held adjacent lands at a time when the Hittite Empire extended southeast to encompass Carchemish. A line drawn northward from Martu-Jordan through Syria extends into the mountains of Cappadocia immediately to the east of the plateau of Anatolia. The historic Hittite empire lay in the heart of Anatolia but extended as far southeast as Carchemish on the Upper Euphrates at the border between Syria and the Hebrew proto-homeland of Padan-Aram between the two rivers. In the eleventh century of the 59 Christian era Seljuk Turks conquered Armenia in 1065 and Anatolia in 1071. The Seljuks then spread westward to Asia Minor and southward to encompass Syria before encountering the Crusaders there and at Jerusalem in the 1090s. This outcome and the later Ottoman Empire reinforce our premise that the earliest ancestors of the Turks originated in the southwest corner of Martu. How much conscious knowledge these Central Asian people possessed of such an origin may be doubtful; but the Turks were no less monogenetic than any other race of mankind and for whatever reason found their way back to their original colonial land in the First Kish period. A strong clue to Turkish origins within the larger Uralo-Altaic community is that Noah originally planned to locate his Uralo-Altaic people in Subir on the Upper Tigris. Although this region was inhabited by Uralo-Altaic Subarians for a time, it eventually fell into the hands of East Semitic Assyrians, named for one of the three vassals Asshur-Reu-Nimrod. Although the cartographic diagram of Martu suggests that East Semites were located in the southwestern corner under Gether, a more accurate picture is that Gether controlled the Turks at that camp leaving the East Semites in the hands of Asshur, destined to become their great Akkadian Emperor Sargon. As Shem’s yellow son, Gether was a strongly Asian figure and appropriate leader of a people bound for Central Asia. The same logic applies to the Aramaeans and Dakotans located in the southeastern camp destined to migrate to the northwest. The Aramaeans took their name from another of Shem’s vassals, Aram, the Shemite name adopted by Joktan. This powerful figure not only controls a clan of thirteen vassals at the close of the Genesis 10 system all four of Shem’s sons. Uz took command of ancestors of the East Semites Altaic Turks. Uz appears among the East Semites as the Assyrian god Umman. An Altaic people the Uzes or Cumans incorporated both the Uz biblical and Assyrian names. Gether governed a group including the Dakotans. In an Arabian alliance of the eleventh era Gether resumed control of the Dakotans; and Uz, of the Uto-Athabascans to whom the Comanche belonged. The third vassal Shelah was more than leader of one of the Semitic branches in Martu. He was the king Barsalnunna whose reign authorized the colonization of all Martu. As a local leader, he took control of the Semitic Amorites at Tidnum near Jebel Bishri in the northeast corner of Martu nearest Akkad. Eventually he became one of the Amorite kings, named by them Belu, a name virtually identical to his Hellenic name Belus in the “Libyan” family of his father Sidon. The East Semites in the opposite corner at Edom came to know enough about him to make him their greatest god Marduk. The general governor of Martu, Heth, took up residence among his own Hittites at the camp to the northeast. From there he was angered by the treatment of Martu in the Eanna period and provoked the Uruk-Aratta war. Colony No. 5 Samug-Eber. 2322-2318. Destined to become King Gilgamesh at Uruk in the Eanna period, Eber reigned as Samug at Kish in Hallo’s fifth “generation.” Together with Arvad-Parvati he took command of the colony at Nippur not far to the southeast of Kish. There he and Parvati led Italics, Etruscans and four Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations other peoples including the Austroasiatics and Amazonians of the respective Austronesian and Amerindian stocks. The Amerindian share came to him by union with Mahadevi, the mother of his son Peleg. In leaving Kish for Nippur in 2322, Eber advanced to the city founded by his mother Kali. There he planted ancestors of the great Niger-Congo stock. Eber-Gilgamesh is the greatest single patriarch of black Africa and particularly of our Afro-Americans from West Africa. He is identifiable with two different gods of the Nigerian Yoruba, Ebore, a forest god and Fa, the god of fate. The name Fa probably derives from Eber’s name Faunus and Fan in the Italic and Albanian systems. The Italics shared Nippur with the Niger-Congo race at the sign of the Wolf. We might have expected Nippur to be marked by another lion; but the Italic, Indo-European presence dictated a wolf— in effect the wolf of “Romulus and Remus.” In the Cernunnus Panel, this wolf stands directly below the Northern Lion of Sippar in keeping with the overall ethnology of Africa with the Egyptians and Berber Hamites in the north and Niger-Congo blacks inhabiting most of the rest of the continent to the south. Generally speaking Italy is lupine and Africa leonine. A West African tribe, the Igbo, expand the name Eber with an opening palatal. That is just the case with the Hebrew name, which opens with a quasi-palatal ayin rather than an absolutely silent aleph. It is interesting to reflect that the Russian name Igor and Hungarian name Gabor may derive from this source. The Teutonic name for Eber is Bor, father of Odin-Joktan. Both the English word “boar” and German word “Eber” signify a wild swine. That animal is Eber’s personal sign and deeply imbedded in Noahic lore, not only in the fallen boar of the Braided Goddess Panel but in the symmetrically balanced image of Noah upholding two boar-holding men in the Panel of the Boar-holding Men. The dual design of this panel matches the dual and symmetrical design of the Stag Nature Panel showing Noah’s son and ally Shem. We might seek for the meaning of Noah’s panel in a pair of linguistic stocks like the Semites and Aryans under Shem’s control. If one of the two boars refers to Eber, we might reflect that Eber-Gilgamesh at Uruk in the next era fell into a struggle against Aka of Kish— Ham’s son Mizraim, “Two Egypts.” The implication is that this struggle foreshadowed the contrast just noted between Hamitic-Egyptian Africa and Niger-Congo Africa. That contrast in language represents a religio-ethical contrast between the organized glory of solar civilization and the “Lone Ranger” heroism of a Gilgamesh or Herakles rooted in a separate cultus, the Ninurtaship of Kali. The “primitivism” or “savagery” Europeans have attributed to black Africa really represents the long-range effects of a cultus stressing heroism rather than organized civilization. Kali imparted this ethos to her son Eber as she did to her grandson Nimrod, the pantheon god Ninurta, the “mighty hunter.” 61 The two boars of Noah’s panel figure as the champions whose duel determines the outcome of the Uruk-Aratta war in Sumerian tradition. In Kingship at Its Source I identify these duelists as the losing Nimrod and the winner as Japheth’s third son and vassal Madai— one of the seven heroes under the leadership of ShelahLugalbanda. The basis of this hypothesis is that the loser and winner appear in Iranian tradition as the evil god Ahriman (Nimrod) and the good god Ahura Mazda (MadaiMashda). However the dualism of Nimrod and Madai does not necessarily mean that Madai was the winning duelist. Eber’s identity as a boar and the symmetry of Noah’s panel now tells me that the duelists were Nimrod and the heroic Eber-Gilgamesh, who was also a member of the Japhethite seven under the Hebrew name Tubal. The dueling champions are the theme of Noah’s panel because the UrukAratta war split the entire Noahic world community in two. To complete the logic of the panel, we must interpret the two men who uphold the two boars. Madai’s importance as Ahura Mazda suggests that he is the figure upholding Eber as his champion. Iranian tradition identifies Eber as its hero Mitra, god of the potent ancient religion of Mithraism, supposedly a rival to early Christianity. However there is reason to believe that Peleg won recruits from part of the Iranian populace at Gutium for the cause of Aratta, meaning that Madai’s sponsorship did not necessarily imply that the race Eber led into battle was the Iranians. Instead the two warring factions at the point of the duel were both associated with Kali as priestess of the heroic Ninurtaship. Nimrod’s losing faction were logically Kali’s own linguistic stock the Austronesians among whom Nimrod is known by his name as Shem’s fifth heir, ReuRehua of the Maoris. Eber led into battle his own family including ancestors of the Niger-Congo race. Eber and the Niger-Congo race triumphed over Nimrod and the Austronesians. As a result the Niger-Congo race inherited Africa along with another winning racial faction, the Hamites of Egypt. The losing race, Austronesians, are spread out across the Indian and Pacific Oceans east of Africa starting at Malagasy off the coast of Africa. Other losers such as the Sino-Tibetans under Peleg’s control from the colony at Kish inherited the Far East as complement to Austronesia. The two losing races are united, in effect, by the geographic location of the Austroasiatics, who had camped en toto at Kali’s Nippur. In a further analysis of the war’s aftermath we will see that the Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics shared with the Austronesians the interim exilic locale of Hadramaut. Colony No. 6 Atab-Japheth. 2318-2314. During this reign at Kish Japheth established his classic Egyptian identity as Atum Re by settling ancestors of the Egyptians at Sippar. It was at this time that the Egyptians received the tradition of the Great Ennead (set of nine), starting with Atum Re followed by four sibling couples starting with Shu and Tefnut self-engendered by him. These nine names indexed nine of the colonies of the First Kish order as pre-designed by this time. The nine excluded the exterior colonies at Phoenicia and Gutium. The name Shu corresponds to Ham but not to Ham’s role as governor at Gutium. Instead this air god represents the Egyptian Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations version of the air god Enlil and Ham’s original domain of Martu. Thus Shu of the Ennead stands for Heth’s colony at Martu. Shu’s sibling consort Tefnut is an obscure goddess depicted as a lioness, identifying with one of the two remaining lion colonies after Sippar— either Umma or Lagash. We can eliminate Umma because its governor Hamath-Saraswati appears in the last generation of the Ennead as Nephthys, not to be confused with Tefnut. Whatever Tefnut’s euhemeristic value, she indexes the last remaining lion colony at Lagash. The next generation of the Ennead consists of the earth god Geb and his consort the sky goddess Nut. Geb represents Noah in the Ennead context. That fact is quite clear because Geb’s four children in the last generation of the Ennead are all known children of Noah’s— Osiris-Riphath, Isis-Arvad, Seth-Shem and NephthysHamath. Of those children we have placed Shem-Balih as governor over the FishRider colony at Agade. The Fish itself represents both the Hellenic colony and Noah as the Fish god Dagon, father of Shem Bal at Ugarit. Thus the double colony at Agade symbolizes the closely allied pair of Noah and Shem, Etana and Balih at the start of the First Kish era. As a heaven goddess, Geb’s consort Nut represents the colony at Uruk, a city whose chief deity became the sky goddess Inanna. Consequently Nut accounts for the three-city colony of the Cernunnus serpent. As governess of Nippur, Isis-ArvadParvati represents the Ennead version of the colony there. The same logic applies to Hamath-Nephthys, Shem’s wife and governess of the colony of Balto-Slavs at Umma. With Seth-Shem accounting for the Fish Rider at Agade, Osiris-Riphath accounts for the colony at the capital Kish for a special reason even though like Ham-Shu he was governing at one of the outpost colonies beyond the range of the Ennead tradition at Sippar. The myth of Osiris’ death and resurrection represents the Babel fiasco and First Kish effort to recover from it. That is how the Hamites at Sippar were taught to remember the disaster. Riphath-Osiris was singled out for two reasons. We have seen that in the Nomadic age he claimed Egypt as his domain. When the Hamitic tongue was virtually discredited by the failed attempt at unity at Babel, the Egyptian concept of atum or “totality” was virtually slain and dismembered by Osiris’ enemy Seth, the patriarch Shem as God’s chosen representative of linguistic diversity. The Egyptian myth claims that Osiris was brought back to life by the magic of Isis, Kali’s black daughter and governess of the colony at Nippur. Owing to the cult of the air god Enlil-Elohim at that city, a likely explanation of Isis’ magic is that she called on Ham’s ancestral God Elohim to breathe vital unity and life back into the Noahic world community and thus raise Osiris from the dead. If a First Kish colony had existed at the site of Babel, the Ennead would have indexed Riphath-Osiris’ colony there. A primal reason for identifying Noah’s black son with the Babel fiasco is that this person happened to be born in the early Nomadic 63 Age when Noah’s family reached the future site of Babel in Shem’s claim land of Akkad. Because no such colony was sanctioned for the doomed site of Babel in the First Kish era, the tradition of the Ennead had to do the next best thing and index the colony at the capital of Kish. At this point we can summarize the correlation between the Egyptian Great Ennead and colonies of First Kish: Ennead Name: Atum Re Shu Tefnut Geb Nut Osiris Isis Seth Nephthys Hebrew Name: Japheth Ham none Noah Uzal (Inanna) Riphath-Seba-Amor ArvadShem Hamath- Colony: Sippar Martu Lagash Agade Fish Three City Serpent Kish Nippur Agade Fish Rider Umma Colony No. 7 Tizkar-Joktan. 2318-2314. Hallo interprets Tizkar and Atab as contemporaries in the seventh “generation” of the First Kish dynastic period. At roughly the same time Japheth was founding the colony at Sippar, Joktan was accompanying Hamath south to establish the colony at Hamath’s mother’s city Umma. Distinctive members of the colony at Umma were the Balto-Slavic ancestors of the East Slavs of Russia and Ukraine, West Slavs of Poland and Czechoslovakia and South Slavs of Serbia. Joktan’s role in the creation of this colony explains why a number of Joktanite tribe names appear, not just in Ptolemy’s chart of traditionally Joktanite Arabia, but in his chart of Sarmatia-Russia. The surprise attendant on this discovery disappears when we realize that Joktan’s name in the Japhethite clan is Meshech, a name commonly associated with Russia. In Slavic tradition Joktan appears as Mihula, one of the heroic Bogatyri, the seven Japhethite heroes of Uruk. Slavic tradition features Japheth and his genetic sons under the names Svarog, Dazhbog (Gomer), Stribog (Magog) and Svarogich, “Son of Svarog,” Madai, Japheth’s favorite to the extent that Madai succeeds Japheth in the First Kish dynasty under the name Mashda or Ataba (depending on whether one consults Kramer or Hallo). Victory by the seven heroes in the Uruk-Aratta war led to a colonization program extending northward from Elam into Sarmatia. Elam was the domain of Japheth’s diluvian wife Kali and the home base of Japheth’s raid on Amorite territory as Chedorlaomer of Genesis 14. The Japhethite lands northward from Elam are as follows: Gomer - Lurs of Luristan (northern Elam) from Gomer’s British name Llyr Gomer’s son Javan - Elamite city state Awan Javan’s son Caradoc - Kardouchi or Kurds of Kurdistan Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Magog - Hyrcanians of Hyrcania southeast of the Caspian Sea from MagogHurricano, Amerindian wind god, Magog-Rudra, Aryan wind god in Ariana farther east. Madai - Medes of Gutium-Media, from Ahura Mazda (Sumerian Mashda) Tubal (Eber) - Caucasian Iberians of the Caucasus Mountains Meshech (Joktan) - Sarmatian Joktanite tribes around the Don and Volga Tiras - Tyrsenoi of Asia Minor and Rasena-Etruscans of Italy possibly connected with the names “Turanian” applied to Scythia Colony No. 8 Mashda (Ataba)-Madai. 2314-2410. Madai migrates to Gutium and establishes the Iranian colony of the Northeastern Antelope there. The relatively late date of this initiative in the First Kish period calls attention to the proximity of Gutium to Aratta somewhere in the northeast according to the Andamanese tradition of Puluga’s schism. Although the Aratta rebellion originated with Heth in Martu, it could easily have become involved in a legitimate effort to colonize the northeast beyond Gutium. Kingship at Its Source attempts to pinpoint the location of Aratta in northwestern Iran by extrapolating the designs of the Taranis and Medb Panels of the Gundestrup Caldron. Apart from that logic, Aratta could have been located as far off as Hyrcania south of the Caspian. A new factor in favor of the location in northwestern Iran comes from the Norse tradition of the Aesir-Vanir war, which fits and amplifies what was already known about the Uruk-Aratta war. In the Norse tradition, the Aratta faction is referred to as the Vanir as though associated with Lake Van. The estimate based on the Taranis and Medb Panels suggests a location farther east on a River named by Kramer the Aratta from Assyrian tradition and apparently one of the streams flowing into Lake Urmia from the south. The belt of Japhethite names among Satem Aryan peoples extending from Elam into Russia implies the existence of a colonization scheme subsequent to the First Kish period (beyond the scope of the Cernunnus Panel) and the northeastern counterpart to Japheth’s effort to colonize Lower Egypt with the Hamites of Sippar after 2308. The rebellion triggered by Japheth’s treatment of Martu during that colonization program for Egypt soon swept up the northeastern scheme and came to focus in the northeast at Aratta. We might have delayed a discussion of Aratta to the section on the Eanna period were it not that Gutium is an integral part of the First Kish order and the Japhethite Iranian program involving Aratta. In other words a legitimate colony at Aratta may aleady have existed before the end of the First Kish period even if it lay beyond the scope of the Cernunnus rendering of the First Kish order. We know, for example, that Elam had already been colonized by the time Enmebaraggesi “smote the weapon of the land Elam.” Although Hallo dates the reign of Enmebaraggesi in the Eanna rather than First Kish period, the Sumerian Kinglist sees fit to place that ruler and his son Aka— Ham and Mizraim— at the close of the First Kish dynasty. 65 Kingship at Its Source grapples with this problem by suggesting that the stigmatic sons of Ham attempted to build an empire in the north during the First Kish period. The point is that rival activities— a kind of land rush— was going on outside the scope of the First Kish order as we define it. Discipline was breaking down even at a time when the Noahic Council maintained a fanatically intense commitment to theocratic due process. The chief antagonists were Ham and Japheth as rival claimants to control over the Hamites. Japheth was in local control of the Hamites at Sippar; and Ham in presumed cooperation with Japheth’s son Madai in Gutium, Ham as the governor and Madai as the sanctioning king Mashda at Kish. Gutium was the domain of Ham’s mother Mahadevi. The simplest explanation of these events is that, when Japheth was building an Iranian sequence of outposts in Iran, including Gutium, Ham repudiated his authority by rejecting Madai’s claim to share in authority at Gutium. The rival Hamite series of outposts described in Kingship at Its Source was either a reaction to Japheth’s system in Iran or the premise behind Japheth’s initiatives there. Colony No. 9 Subartu. Kingship at Its Source claims that the outposts created by Ham were headed by his sons and spread out in west-to-east order from the Mediterranean to Iran across a region known to the Sumerians as Subartu. The name Subartu resembles Subir-Subaria closely enough to suggest that the sons of Ham stocked these outposts with Uralo-Altaics appropriated to Ham’s cause by Canaan’s conquest of the Anship in 2359. Japheth countered with his outposts or mini-colonies manned by Satem Aryans and extending south to north. The two sequences of colonies met at Aratta, flash-point of the ensuing war. The sons of Ham evidently won the struggle in the short term. Otherwise the vassals of Japheth would not have had to muster out at Uruk in order to form their heroic reconnaissance team under Lugalbanda-Shelah. KAIS suggests that Aratta came under the control of Ham’s son Put, the Titan Iapetus, ancestor of the Hellenes. By adopting a name resembling “Japheth,” this figure may have been claiming to take possession of the Japhethite enterprise in Iran. The sons of Ham were saying, in effect, “If you won’t let us have the Hamites, we will take charge of your Satem Aryans.” Ham himself initiated this strategy by gaining the governorship at Gutium and winning Satem Aryan recognition as Jemshid of the Iranians. That is one reason why the most powerful blow against the forces of Aratta was struck by a Satem Aryan: the Indian King Su-Dasa I— the Javanite Tarshish, Sumerian Enkidu, companion of Gilgamesh-Tubal. A battle hymn of Su-Dasa claims that he defeated a coalition of fifteen tribes representing fifteen of the six half-protoplasts of the world existing in 2308. Further evidence of the Japhethite effort to defeat the sons of Ham comes from the Brythonic Celtic tradition of Wales in the form of a triad: “Arthur has these three: Mael the Tall, Llyr and his armies and Caradoc pillar of Wales.” The meaning of these words cannot be confined to the Welsh chieftain Arthur of the 6th century of the Christian era. Llyr, Mael and Llyr’s grandson by Bran Javan, Caradoc, were all Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations figures of Noahic antiquity. “King Arthur” in this context may represent the heroic leader Shelah-Lugalbanda-Marduk. Mael the Tall represents Joktan-MeshechMeskiaggasher. The one member of the Joktanite clan in Genesis 10 who proves to be Joktan’s physical son takes the Hebrew name Abimael, “My Father is Mael.” In the Sumerian record he appears under the name of Meskiaggasher’s successor King Enmerkar, the ruler in whose reign the Uruk-Aratta war began. The chief Sumerian text on the war is titled Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. Colony No. 10 Aratta. In identifying the location and meaning of Aratta, a key appears to be “Caradoc, Pillar of Wales,” a son of Javan-Bran (Gutian Ibranum). The reason for this is that Kurdistan comes closest of all the lands of the Noahic world to encompass the locale of Aratta. In the period of the Ottoman Empire, Kurdistan filled in the land between the Tigris and Lakes Van and Urmia. Caradoc’s father Bran sometime appears in the form Vran and in the Arthurian legend as Ban, suggesting that Lake Van took its name from this family. Although Caradoc may have been a begotten son of Javan, it is more likely that he was one of Javan’s vassals, in fact the same Tarshish-Su-Dasa who claims, in effect, to have overthrown the entire Aratta faction. As Phoenix, eponym of the Phoenicians, Tarshish certainly figures as “Pillar of Wales” if L. A. Waddell is correct that Britain was colonized from Phoenicia and, in fact, that the Brythonic Celts are themselves Phoenicians. Kramer reports that an Assyrian military expedition to the east crossed a River Aratta. If this river is one of the ones flowing into Lake Urmia from the south, one possible location of the colony of Aratta lay in eastern Kurdistan well to the east but not far north of Nineveh. A question at this point is whether Aratta was originally conceived as an integral step in the same Japhethite colonization process that included Elam and Gutium. The Oxford Bible Atlas shows Gutium at the same latitude as Asshur down river from Nineveh and therefore south of our estimated position for Aratta. After Madai colonized Gutium before 2310, the next step would have been for the Satem Aryans to head north to Lake Urmia to found Aratta as extension of their enterprise innocent of the rebellion going on in Martu and Mesopotamia. But, to refine the data enough to estimate the foundation date of Aratta, we need to back up and consider what schedule the Japhethites adopted for their colonization of process starting in Luristan. Also we need to determine what all eight Japhethites were doing in the home capital of Uruk at the outbreak of the war if they had been founding a sequence of settlements in Iran. A reasonable time for the beginning of the Iranian process was simultaneously with Japheth’s founding the Hamitic colony at Sippar. We have not yet determined a formula by which kings at Kish initiated their colonizing efforts. Presumably they had to spend time in Kish before doing so. Given the module of four years, it makes sense to suggest that they allowed themselves two years at Kish to 67 plan their expeditions and then two years to execute them. If Japheth began colonizing Sippar in 2316, our formula suggests that he sent Gomer out to colonize Luristan in the same year. Because Madai was obliged to reign at Kish for two years, he did not begin to colonize Gutium until 2312, four years later. However, Madai was Japheth’s third son, not his second. Consequently the second son Magog headed out to colonize Hurrian Mount Hurum at Lake Van in the intervening year of 2314; and the working module for colonizing Iran was two years instead of four. This quickened pace helped set the stage for war. Acccording to the two-year module, Caradoc-Tarshish-Enkidu set out to colonize Aratta in 2310. In the year that the First Kish era ended, 2308, Tubal-Eber, Enkidu’s bosom companion Gilgamesh headed out beyond Aratta to establish an outpost in Iberia of the Caucasus Mountains. If this process continued by the same schedule, Meshech-Joktan passed beyond the Caucasus to found an outpost in Sarmatia in 2306 and was obliged to return to Mesopotamia as quickly as he could to begin his seminal reign as Meskiaggasher of Uruk in the second “generation” of the year 2305. Three years later in 2302 hostilities began in the “326th year of the sun king Re Harakhte” at the same moment that Japtheth’s seventh vassal Tiras was supposed to be founding an outpost even farther north. One goal of this activity was to establish a presence in Sarmatia in order to secure the antediluvian homeland of the Indo-Europeans north of the Caspian Sea in Scythia. This analysis has considered Caradoc-Tarshish as a substitute for his feudal lord Javan, who was establishing a colony south of Luristan in Elamite Awan. No matter how far off Tiras established an outpost in Sarmatia or Scythia, he had to return to Mesopotamia in time to take his place as one of the seven heroes who joined the reconnaissance expedition of Shelah-Lugalbanda. The knowledge that Tubal, Meshech and Tiras possessed of the north served them well in carrying out this exploit. Instead of following the same track from Elam to Aratta, however, they pursued a route farther to the west. That is the conclusion to be drawn from the Sumerian text Lugalbanda in the Wilderness where they reach Mount Hurum in Hurrian territory north of Padan-Aram. The main camp of the Erechite forces lay somewhere in Padan-Aram as suggested by the design of the Taranis Panel featuring Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I-Taranis. Colony No. 11 Utu-Japheth. 2308-2304. A decade after Japtheth reigned as Atab at Kish and founded the Hamite colony at Sippar, either he or Obal reigned under the solar pantheon name Utu at Uruk and founded the colony at Mahadevi’s Lagash. The decision over which version of Utu performed this task will depend on an analysis of the expedition to Lower Egypt under the next section on the Eanna period. The years 2308-2305 were the first four of the Eanna period and are discussed here only because the colony at Lagash had been planned as part of the First Kish order. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Eanna Period. 2308-2278 The colonial masterplan of the Eanna period was to extend the inhabited world from the sphere of the first eight domains of the Nomadic Age to the complete system of all fifteen domains. Su-Dasa’s Battle Hymn contains two facts that demonstrate this premise. Su-Dasa enumerates fifteen enemies because these are members of the Aratta faction recruited from populations that were supposed to be colonizing the fifteen domains rather than running off to Aratta to attempt to form a counterworld. Equally important Su Dasa’s own victorious “tribe” consisted of East Indians. These people did not belong among the fifteen enemies because Noah’s Nomadic expedition never reached India. It lay beyond the fifteen domains. For that reason, Indian colonization began in the period of the Ur Nanshe dynasty after the Eanna period came to a close in 2278. The Aratta rebellion took shape within fifteen populations targeted for specific colonizations of the domains. If we can describe who those populations were we can take account of the damage caused to the Noahic world design by the rebellion and war that resulted from it. It is quite clear that Sumerians and Indo-Europeans were allowed to remain in the eight cities of Sumer and Akkad, making up two of the domains, those of Shem (Akkad) and his mother Uma (Sumer). The remaining inhabitants of these cities were now to migrate somewhere else among the remaining thirteen domains. When the Su Dasa hymn enumerates fifteen enemy tribes, we realize that the rebels Heth, Peleg (Kingu) and Mahadevi (Tiamat) were able to win recruits even from Sumer and Akkad. That fact means that their grievance extended beyond the discomfort of having to move from the eight cities and colonize new lands. The Sumerian and Aryan speakers of Sumer and Akkad were not expected to do that and yet rebelled in part anyway. The grievance began with Heth in the colony of Martu. Because the thirteenth Nomadic domain of Egypt was desirable land, Japheth claimed the right as creator of the Hamitic stock to begin colonizing Lower Egypt. He worked in conjunction with seven members of the Mizraim clan to plan and execute his design. It involved moving at once to the camps at the four corners of Martu. Heth resented this summary treatment of his colony. In reaction he returned to Mesopotamia and lay his complaint at the feet of his mother Mahadevi and her son, his half-brother Peleg. At Kish Peleg was able to persuade the Sinitic protoplast and other Sino-Tibetans to reject the general plan and pursue his alternative. Mahadevi was able to sway Amerindians. If the conspirators could persuade Canaan to recruit most of the Uralo-Altaics of the Anship to the cause, the conspirators could command the largest share of three eights of the world’s population. The punitive scheme later imposed on the rebels shows that three of the stocks were singled out to settle at interim camps in Hadramaut: SinoTibetans, Uralo-Altaics and Austronesians. The presence of Austronesians in this group shows that Mahadevi was able to persuade Kali to join her. 69 Such was the general outline of the rebellion; but to understand it in greater depth we must describe where these people were supposed to have migrated to fill out the thirteen domains outside Sumer and Akkad. Colonial development in the Eanna period was a study in the contrast between the ideal and real. The plan called for colonizing the fifteen domains; and we must arrive at a plausible outline of this scheme. But it was substantially ruined by the Aratta Schism and war and was never realized. In order to generate fifteen populations to fill the domains, each of seven stocks was split in two, leaving the Semites unified as before. In the First Kish order, stocks had been divided into as many as eleven parts but had never been polarized or sent very far from Mesopotamia. The Semites were privileged to remain a unit because everyone recognized that much of Martu was undesirable desert. Lands such as this had to be populated to keep them from becoming unpopulated no-man’s lands full of brigands. As it was the Amorites of Martu gained the reputation of being ruffians. Genesis 14 gives a horrible picture of just how savage they were. To begin with the Uralo-Altaics, half this stock was directed to migrate to the domain originally claimed for them— Noah’s Subir on the Upper Tigris. The location of the other half can be determined by studying the punitive scheme imposed on them after their defeat at Aratta. In that case they were reunited and exiled as a unit to Hadramaut in southern Arabia, the birthplace of Osama Bin Laden. The implication is that this important stock had been expected to send half their membership to Hadramaut. As a result the Uralo-Altaics would have polarized at the north and south extremes of the domain system from Subir in the north to Hadramaut in the south. This wide separation resulted from Noah’s disgrace and Canaan’s takeover of the stock in 2359. Japheth’s original Hamitic stock was still operating under his directions despite Ham’s pretension to control it. This stock was easily divisible on racial grounds between the white Hamites (Egyptians) and combined black Hamites and Niger-Congo people who dominate much of the continent of Africa today. The plan to polarize the locations of these halves was very different from what actually happened. In respect to the white Hamites, things went as we would expect. Japheth set out with these people from Sippar westward with a scheme to colonize Lower Egypt as they actually did. The black group was another matter. Japheth had originally claimed the domain of Syria to the west of Noah’s claim to Subir. The Hamitic blacks were now expected to colonize Syria and expand from there into the mountains of Cappadocia to the plateau of Anatolia (modern central Turkey). The only evidence that a trace of this actually occurred can be found in Herodotus’ report of wooly-haired folk living in Colchos on the east coast of the Black Sea. Otherwise the bulk of these people never populated either Syria or the mountainous region to the north but migrated to Africa instead. Japheth’s command of this great black stock derived from his diluvian marriage to the black matriarch Kali. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations At this point we need a tabulation of the ideal scheme that was never fulfilled except in part as we have just shown with the Uralo-Altaics and Hamites. We will begin by naming each domain and follow with the half stock stated in the abstract with the letters A and B. Each half stock will then be characterized in the concrete and followed by the intended location and possible realm of projected extension after the close of the Eanna era: Domain: Half Stock: Subir (Noah) Uralo-Altaic A Syria (Japheth) Hamitic B Martu (Ham) Semitic Akkad (Shem) Aryan A Sumer (Uma) Sumerian A Gutium (Mahadevi) Amerindian A Elam (Kali) Austronesians A Persia (Durga) Sino-Tibetans A Oman (Ganga) Amerindian B Hadramaut (Togarmah) Uralo-Altaics B Yemen (Ashkenaz) Aryans B Ethiopia (Parvati) Austronesians B Egypt Hamitic A N&W Palestine (Lakshmi) Sino-Tibetans Padan-Aram (Saraswati) Sumerians B Population: Intended Extension: Mongolic-Tataric China-Japan Black Hamite Anatolia, Niger-Congo Semitic North and West Africa Satem Aryan Sarmatia-Eastern Europe Sumerian Americas North Americans Hyrcania-Scythia Austroasiatic Indus Valley Tibeto-Burmans Greater Persia South Americans Gangetic India Finno-Ugrians Southeast Asia Centum Aryans Indonesia-Polynesia Austronesians East and South Africa Egyptians Southern Europe (Riphath-Osiris) Sino-Thai Europe Sumerians Central Asia We can suggest how close some of this abortive scheme came to being realized after all. The Mongolic and Tataric people and other Uralo-Altaics populated Siberia, Mongolia and Manchuria. The Mongols succeeded in overrunning China and adding it to their empire in the second half of the 13th century of the Christian era. The Turks of the Turko-Tataric stock created two empires in the Christian era, one lasting until World War I. Under Selim I between 1512 and 1520, this empire acquired the Upper Tigris of the original Subir domain. The only hint of anything Negroid in Anatolia is Herodotus’ report on Colchos; and the Colchians may bear a purely coincidental relation to the abortive plan to stock Syria and Anatolia with a great body of blacks who wound up in Africa instead. The Semitic case is different. Not only do the Semites control the Middle East; but ancient Semitic Phoenicians and modern Semitic Arabs have inhabited North Africa as well as the West Africa of the Fulani. Semitic Arabia and Africa form a continuum on either side of the Red Sea. The relationship between Satem IndoEuropeans and Eastern Europe is an accomplished fact embodied in five or six great Slavic nations including Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic and Serbia. The only 71 problematic element is whether and for how long Satem Aryans might have inhabited the capital zone of Mesopotamia. In contrast to the Slavs, who fulfilled their destiny in Eastern Europe, the Sumerians hardly made their way to the Americas but were replaced there by Mahadevi’s Amerindians. The reason for associating Sumerians with the Americas lies in the Eanna period principle of polarization. In this case the one people allowed to remain in the heartland Mesopotamia were targeted for the part of the earth most remote from Mesopotamia. Perhaps research will demonstrate some day that the Toltecs, Mixtecs or some other people of Native America show an affinity to the Sumerians. As complement to Sumerians who did not reach America, Mahadevi’s redaquiline people of her domain in the Zagros Mountains have wound up in North America rather than Hyrcania and Scythia, the lands of Japheth’s red son Magog. The most we can claim is that the land of Hycania south of the Caspian takes its name from Magog as a wind god known to the Amerindian Caribs as Hurricano (basis of our word “hurricane”). The ancient Aryans of that part of Iran knew Magog as a wind god but named him Rudra. The kindred Satem Aryan Slavs also knew Magog as a wind god and named him Stribog. Another relevant observation is that the Cuman Uzes of Scythia, now living in Ukraine, represent Shem’s red son Uz and are matched in North America by the Comanches. Today the Austroasiatics are located in Southeast Asia rather than Iran. Their westernmost branch, the speakers of Munda, live in parts of India, the Satem Aryan complement to Iran-Persia. Similarly Tibeto-Burmans failed to secure a homeland in the Indus Valley of Pakistan but inhabit Tibet in the Himalayas— the eastern extension of the Hindu Kush range from which the Indus flows. The kindred Nepalese inhabit the western Himalayas. The South Americans were assigned to Oman because that land in eastern Arabia was the domain of Mahadevi’s red daughter Ganga-Zemar. The Indians gave her the name Ganga to associate her with Gangetic India as though a fraction of the Amazonians reached Gangetic India after all. Another reason to locate ancestors of the Amazonians in Oman is that, in the punitive period, Oman was inhabited briefly by ancestors of the Teutons. The Teutonic tribe names Omani and Quadi are take from the Amazonian names Oman and Kuat for red Heth and his white father Canaan. I have surmised previously that the exchange between Teutons and Amazonians took place when the Teutons inhabited Lagash in the First Kish period. Oman of the Eanna period was just as likely the setting of this exchange since I now know that the Amazonians inhabited Nippur rather than Lagash in the First Kish period. The Finno-Ugrians have nothing to do with Southeast Asia; so in this case a part of the ideal design was never realized at all. The only connection between Centum Aryans and the Indonesian-Polynesian continuum is that that the Dutch made a colony of Indonesia and English-speaking white Americans have fashioned Polynesian Hawaii into one of the United States. The nearest the Austronesians have Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations come to realize the ideal of inhabiting East and South Africa is that they possess Malagasy, the large island off the coast of Southeast Africa. Analogously the closest Egypt ever came to occupying southern Europe was in laying claim to the island of Crete inhabited in ancient times by Philistines and Caphtorim located in the Mizraim or Egyptian clan of Genesis 10. Once again the Sino-Thais, including the Chinese, have never had anything to do with Northern and Western Europe. As for Sumerians and Central Asia, secular scholars believe that the Sumerians originated there. If this belief is based on archaelogy, the evidence can be read in reverse to suggest that a detachment of Sumerians reached Central Asia. I suspect, however, that the belief may be based on no more than that the Sumerian language resembles Uralo-Altaic. Uruk-Aratta War - 2302-2296 Sources for the Uruk-Aratta war include three Sumerian texts: Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana, Lugalbanda in the Wilderness, and Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta; Akkadian Marduk Epic; Egyptian “Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction”; East Indian “Battle Hymn of Su-Dasa I”; Celtic Medb and Taranis Panels; and Icelandic -Norse “War of the Aesir and Vanir.” [Editor: Also possibly in the Hindi Traditions of the MahaBharata and Ramayana Epics] I date the outbreak of the war in 2302 on the basis of another Egyptian tradition dating a mythic war in the 336th year of the reign of the sun king Re Harakhte. That span links 2302 with the year 2638, 120 years before the Flood when the Lord declared, “The end of all flesh has come before me.” Scholars have noted that theme of the Egyptian “Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction” matches the biblical theme of the “end of all flesh” in the Flood. I have identified Re Harakhte with Japheth as though he was a variation of Atum Re as ruler. That view is embarrassing, however, because Japheth was not born until twenty years too late in 2618. Whoever Re Harakhte is, the 336 years possess just the right order of magnitude to link up with the biblical “end of all flesh” prophecy. Sumerian tradition dates the war in the reign of Enmerkar in the third “generation” of the Eanna dynasty. If we switch from a generation module of three rather than four years, Enmerkar began to reign in the sixth year of the period, 2302 as though the war began at the start of his reign. 73 Because the Marduk Epic attributes the war to a conspiracy of Tiamat (Mahadevi) and Kingu (Peleg), I havealways assumed that the prime mover was Peleg, the “Divider.” The Andamanese tradition attributes a division of the human race into two parts to its version of Peleg. I have reasoned that Peleg resented having to surrender power after thirty years of “ruling them all” in the First Kish period. Another consideration is that he may have been trying to protect the Inanna Succession that made him Shem’s fourth heir Obal’s attempt to shift the succession to himself as Shem’s male-line grandson. Peleg might well have feared such a change because the Eanna dynasty was founded by the sun god Utu, normally identified with Obal. Further study, however, has suggested that the primary rebel was Mahadevi’s son and Peleg’s half brother Heth. Before proceeding with the case for Heth’s’s role, I need the perspective of one of the profoundest statements in the biblical record, the account of Nimrod’s kingdom in Genesis 10:10: “And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, Erech, Accad and Calneh.” This statement confirms my belief, stated in the 1984 study Origin of the Nations, that the sin of Ham and curse on Canaan polarized the world into a twoparty, rival theocratic system based on the opposed spiritual factions of Shem and Ham. The reason for this is that the names Babel, Erech and Accad arranged in that order can only mean one thing. They refer to the sixth, eighth and tenth eras of Noahic history, skipping the intervening seventh and ninth. This rhythmic relationship tells us a vital truth about the creation of Nimrod-Sargon’s Akkadian Empire at Agade (biblical Accad) in the tenth era after 2448. The name Babel refers to an urban abortion. Babel did not exist as a city in Sumerian times. This fact gives Genesis 10:10 an anachronistic look as though the author were confusing the Noahic third millennium with the second when the Amorite Hammurabi founded a dynasty at Babylon. What Genesis 10:10 states is that NimrodSargon’s creation of the the Empire at “Accad” in 2244 profited from and was made possible by the Tower of Babel initiative in 2340 and the Uruk-Aratta war during the Eanna regime at “Erech.” The explanation given in Origin of the Nations is that the even numbered eras were surrendered to the Hamite faction and the odd numbered eras to the Shemite faction. The Tower of Babel initiative in the sixth era was clearly the work of Ham. If we conceive of Peleg as a Shemite loyalist (as I did in Origin of the Nations), a fundamental reason why Peleg hated relinquishing power in 2308 is that he sensed that the Hamite faction would bring some evil even worse than the Tower of Babel scheme. Finally Sargon’s empire, in the tenth era, brought an evil great enough or hated enough to cause the entire Noahic Council of the elite to rise up in arms against him throughout the world. Personally I am not interested in stigmatizing Nimrod as Alexander Hislop does in The Two Babylons. But the Hamite Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations faction did something or set something in motion that seems to have done irreparable harm in the days of “Babel, Erech and Accad.” We are always free to take the opposite position that Nimrod-Sargon was a great man who is not to be criticized for gaining imperial power after 2244 even if that power was somehow grounded in the Tower of Babel and Uruk-Aratta disasters. We need not blame him for profiting from evil after the fact if he had no direct intention to cause these evils. What is quite clear, however, is that Genesis 10:10 links the rise of Sargon, somehow, to the Tower of Babel and the Eanna regime that participated in and won the Uruk-Aratta war. If Peleg was trying to escape some evil he sensed in the Eanna regime, the exact nature of the evil remains ill-defined. On the face of it, the Eanna regime became the heroic cause of Japheth’s seven vassals. Why should blame them for defending Uruk? For one thing Nimrod fought on the side of Aratta, not Uruk. Nevertheless the Bible states that Uruk and presumably the cause of the Eanna regime formed the beginning of Nimrod’s empire. A ready answer comes from the identification of Nimrod with the god Varuna, a kind of enforcer or theocratic, strong-armed policeman. He apparently played this role both in the Tower of Babel initiative and in the aftermath of the UrukAratta War. To make sense of Nimrod’s career we can make good use of the Teutonic tradition of the Aesir-Vanir war. A surprising principle established in that tradition is that both sides excahanged hostages; and these hostages went on to become potent rulers among their captors. That certainly happened to Heth and Peleg after they lost the war. Heth became the dominant Mesopotamian ruler in the next era beginning in 2278 when he established the regime at Lagash as Ur Nanshe. Peleg took up where he left off before 2308 by becoming a king at Sumerian Adab and declaring himself “King of Kish” or Emperor of Sumer. As for Ur Nanshe’s Lagash, it became the chief cult center of the god Ningirsu or Ninurta, Nimrod’s euhemeristic identity. So the two chief losers in the war became great powers in Sumer after the war era; and one of them fostered the worship of the other loser, Nimrod. Of course the rise of Peleg, if not Heth, can be attributed to the assumption that Peleg served the cause of Shem against Ham and simply came into his own again in the odd numbered ninth era after 2278. It seems strange to apply that logic to Peleg’s erstwhile ally in the war, Heth, whose inscription at Lagash identifies him as a son of Gunidu (Canaan) son of Gurmu (Ham). We are dealing with a very strange sort of politics. Yet that mysterious political behavior becomes clearer when we consult Hellenic tradition and find that Heth (Hades) is an Olympian along with Shem-Zeus and an inveterate enemy of his father, the Titan Cronus together with all his Titan uncles, the sons of Ham. So Heth and Peleg rose to power in Sumer, after losing the Uruk-Aratta war, by finding themselves back in an odd-numbered era given to their Shemite faction— the Olympian faction. Like Heth Peleg, too, was an Olympian, Hephaestus-Vulcan, blacksmith and armorer of the gods. 75 Both the Tower of Babel initiative and Uruk-Aratta war were deeply involved with the Hamitic linguistic stock and therefore the theocratic solar principle. That principle implies aristocracy: the assumption that some men rank higher than others and that gods outrank men. The Egyptian myth of “The Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction” assumes that mankind was once in danger of destruction owing to its moral and spiritual inferiority— general worthlessness like the “all flesh” doomed by the Flood. Some men and groups of men are wretched, barbaric fools. Egyptians were educated to look down on their neighbors, both the Asiatics of Syria-Palestine and the black inhabitants of “wretched Kush.” That Egyptian sense of superiority went into effect after 2308 when the sun god Utu founded the new Eanna regime at Uruk. This exterior panel of the Mutilated Envoi shows Japheth as a decidedly superior person. He is handsomer and better groomed than the other males depicted in the Gundestrup Caldron. Furthermore the theme of the panel— an envoi returning to Japheth with his hands cut off— typifies the sort of barbarity that proud races despise in the less civilized breeds. No doubt such an incident really happened in the years leading up to the Uruk-Aratta war. The logical setting was the attempt by Japheth’s Hamites to cross Amorite territory. We get an unforgettable impression of the “iniquity of the Amorites” in Genesis 19. In our time the loathsome spectacle of Arab terrorists decapitating innocent hostages on camera leaves a similar impression. Like the gods of “The Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction,” we are liable to forget our own shortcomings and mutter to ourselves, “Nuke the lot of them.” In the panel the figure of the mutilated envoi is balanced on the other side by a figure leaping away from the assault by a diminutive horse and rider. This overall design places Japheth in the center of events triggering the Uruk-Aratta war. Japheth determined by 2308 to lead half the Hamitic stock to Lower Egypt by a direct land route. To do so meant crossing Martu. The leaping figure signifies his Hamitic followers under assault by the Amorite quarter of the Semites at Tidnum. If L. A. Waddell is correct in his belief that Indra’s mounted followers, the Maruts, represent the Amorites as known to the East Indians camped in Syria, the Amorites had adopted the use of horses. The mutilated figure is some unfortunate herald that Japheth has sent to announce to the Amorites that his people intended to cross their territory. The hostilities described in the panel triggered a chain reaction leading to war. Japheth’s Hamitic followers prevailed and occupied all four corners of Heth’s colony of Martu. Appalled at this occupation, Heth returned to Mesopotamia and complained to his mother Mahadevi and half-brother Peleg. They shared in Heth’s sense of outrage. Because the existing plan of the Noahic Council called for all the linguistic stocks to be polarized, Peleg decided that he would do them one better by polarizing the entire world. He, Mahadevi and Heth would seek recruits from all the half stocks and create a counter-world. They sent a messenger to Mahadevi’s antediluvian Ham and their half brother Ham to allow them to lead half the world through Mahadevi’s domain of Gutium. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations When Ham (Iranian Jemshid) agreed to this plan by the three rebels, they led their recruits northeastward through Gutium to Aratta near Lake Urmia. The rulers at Uruk, including Meskiaggasher and his son Enmerkar, realized that they were now in a contest with the colony at Aratta for world supremacy. They sent word to Japheth and the Hamites in Martu. Japheth or the sons of Shem succeeded in persuading the Semites to join them and the Hamites in forming a combined force to help attack and overthrow the rebels at Aratta. Eventually the Hamites and Semites formed five armies symbolized by griffins— lion-birds— in the Taranis and Medb Panels of the Celtic Gundestrup Caldron. The Celts had been living in the First Kish period with the white Hamites Egyptians at Sippar. Japheth now sent his sons Gomer, Magog and Madai and his grandson Javan to Uruk to coordinate a strategy of war against Aratta with Meskiaggasher and Enmerkar. Meskiaggasher (Joktan) had already become Japheth’s vassal Meshech as the “son” of the sun god Utu. He persuaded his brother Tiras and their father EberGilgamesh to become Japheth’s vassals, Eber under the Japhethite name Tubal. These three now joined Japheth’s family of four to become the seven Erechite heroes named as a group in the Sumerian text Lugalbanda in the Wilderness. Lugalbanda, their leader, was Eber’s father Shelah, the hero god Marduk of the Akkadian version of these events. The formation of this team of eight heroes is recounted in the following passage from Lugalbanda in the Wilderness: Seven they were, seven they were; Seven were the young lads born in Kulab [Sumer]. Uraš had born these seven; the Wild Cow had suckled them with milk. They were heroes, the handsomest in Sumer and princely in their prime. They grew up at An’s high table. These seven were lieutenants of companies, They were captains of regiments, They were generals of brigades; Lieutenants of three hundred men each, Captains of six hundred men each, Generals of seven šar of men each. These served their lord as his elite troops. Lugalbanda was the eighth of them (ll. 59-71, - - - Herman Vanstiphout, Epics of Sumerian Kings, 107-108). The members of Japheth’s clan in Genesis 10:2 were by no means young men, by our standards in 2302; but they looked and acted like young men. Nor were they sons of one mother. Uraš and/or the Wild Cow who suckled them were no 77 different in principle from the wolf that suckled Romulus and Remus, a symbol of political unity of origin and purpose. According to the text what we have described as a reconnaissance team was the avant garde of the main Erechite army led by Enmerkar. They look like a reconnaissance team in the text because they get out ahead of the main army far enough to find themselves having to abandon Lugalbanda in a mountain cave when he falls ill. An earlier stage of Enmerkar’s confrontation with Aratta is contained in the text Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana. This text gives Peleg his Eanna era name as lord of Aratta. The name reads “Lord Suhgirana” and carries two implications. The root name may be cognate with the Akkadian pantheon version of Peleg as Promethean fire god, Gira (or Irra), “enemy of Babylon,” that is, enemy of the Mesopotamian regime in the Eanna period. The Sumerians referred to this god as Nergal. The form Suhgirana also suggests a source for the Iranians’ conception of Peleg as tyrannical king Zohak. If the Sumerian name is filled out with an extra vowel, it becomes “Suhag-irana.” The Iranians would remember Peleg as a tyrant because of the way he overran Gutium on his way to Aratta. In doing so, Peleg formed an empire opposed to the one generated by Japheth in overrunning Martu on his way to Lower Egypt. Aratta was to Egypt what intermediate Gutium was to Martu. Heth’s complaint to his half-brother Peleg took just that form. “Let’s form a power in the northeast equivalent to what Japheth is trying to do in the southwest.” The text opens with gloating praise of the glory of Uruk, which “Covers even Aratta like cloth, spreads over it like linen” (l. 13, Epics of the Sumerian Kings, 29). The text names Ensuhgirana’s “chancellor at Aratta” Ansigaria. This figure suggests Nimrod’s East Indian name Sagara as member of an East Indian kinglist and identical with Sargon after 2244. Enmerkar’s chancellor at Uruk is named Namenatuma, a form that looks like a polyglot combination of Latin and Egyptian meaning “Name of Atum.,” Japheth being Atum Re. Of couse the resemblance might be pure coincidence; but it can be tested like any other hypothesis. By analogy Shem took the name Dadasig as a ruler at Kish in the Dynasty III period. Sumerian scholarship has tried to give this odd name a Sumerian value “drumstick.” That explanation seems less likely than a Teutonic-North Semitic compound of Shem’s name as Norse storm god Sig (Thor) with the Syrian storm god Adad or Dada equivalent to Ugaritic Bal. In the First Kish period, Teutonic Indo-Europeans and North Semites had been united by Shem as signified by the two stags of the Stag Nature Panel. In the same period the Hamites of Re Atum were at Sippar and Italics at Nippur— north and south of Kish respectively. Linguists would probably claim that the Latin word nomen had not yet been distilled from the primitive Italic form of Indo-European. Perhaps we could argue that the a in “namen” represents an earlier form of the word “nomen.” The name Namenatuma represents Japheth himself as having returned to Uruk. with his sons or one of his sons. The Sumerian word translated “chancellor” in this passage is sukkal. The line naming Enmerkar’s chancellor Namenatuma is transliterated sukkal enmerkar en kulaba namenatuma muni. Presumably muni is Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the verb of being in this sentence. The passage goes on to contrast the two chancellors to the advantage of Uruk. Ansigaria is lord and prince for only one night; but Namenatuma is lord and prince for many nights. If anyone doubts the euhemeristic, Psalm 82 premise at work in this society, Namenatuma was “born to be a god and looked like a god.” Japheth was a tall, handsome, broad-shouldered man. He imparted his broad shoulders to the Egyptian race. The lines establishing the divine character of Namenatuma feature the familiar Sumerian word for “god” dinğir and the equally familiar word for a man lu. These lines are transliterated lu dinğir-še tuud ene / lu dinğir-še paed ene. The contrasting words of the two two lines tuud and paed are the ones translated “born” and “looked.” The neat juxtaposition of lu with dinğir aptly sums up the early postdiluvian principle of “man-gods.” “The man was born to be a god. The man looked like a god.” This imposing figure Namenatuma identifies with Japheth, Egyptian alias Atum Re, “Sun god of totality.” Japheth’s presence at Uruk explains why the seven Erechite heroes were his seven vassals of Genesis 10:2. Unlike the other two Sumerian texts, Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana has the leader at Aratta admit defeat both in a duel of champions and more generally: “His bull stood up to fight my bull, And the bull of Unug [Uruk] has won. His man wrestled with my man, And the man of Unug was stronger. His dog wrestled with my dog, And the dog on Unug bested him” (ll. 122-127). The defeat of Aratta is perhaps the most important event in Kingship at Its Source because of its results for the movements of specific peoples over the surface of the earth. After giving so much attention to specific locations in the section on the First Kish order, we should now attempt to describe the Eanna order as impacted by the war. Colonization of Pre-Dynastic Egypt 2308-2188 Because the Uruk-Aratta war was triggered by Japheth’s movement of the Hamites westward from Sippar in Akkad to colonize Lower Egypt, we need to analyze the plan that he designed and pursued in that effort. Japheth’s name in the Sumerian pantheon is Ningishzida, the “god who disappeared from the land.” That tradition combines with several other facts to reflect the early colonization of Lower Egypt: Japheth’s membership in the Mizraim clan as Masluh-, his founding Uruk out 79 of sequence in respect to seniority, the opening of the Eanna or First Uruk Dynasty with a sun god, Japheth’s curious sharing of the same Hebrew name Sheba with Mizraim’s mother Durga and the even stranger tradition that Japheth, as Atum Re of Heliopolis, begat the Great Ennead without a mother. All of these facts arose from an accommodation between Japheth and Ham as the old and new rulers of the Hamitic linguistic stock. Because it involves the founding of Uruk out of sequence, this accommodation occurred at least as early as the beginning of postdiluvian colonization in 2368. It accounts for Ham’s adoption of Japheth’s “Hamitic” language as the lingua franca of the Tower of Babel scheme. The agreement to allow Japheth to found Uruk out of sequence was based on a mystical belief about Japheth’s supposed reign as Re Harakhte beginning 120 years before the Flood, twenty years before he was actually born. That dating of his reign implied an attempt to treat him as though he were older than three wives of the Mahadevi tetrad. Only Eridu and Ur lie south of Uruk as though Noah and Durga alone were Japheth’s seniors. We have seen from the Cernunnus Panel that those three cities were interpreted as a unit in the First Kish period. That tight union reflected an understanding about the sequencing of Noah, Durga and Japheth. The nominal parity between Durga and Japheth resulted from the motive to treat her language of the moon and his language of the sun as complementary. Re Harakhte was known to the Egyptians as a “sun king.” The construction of Uruk followed that of Ur just as the sun god Utu succeeded his lunar father Nanna at Ur. It is impossible to exaggerate this complementary relationship between sun and moon in Noahic thought. A study of the solar and lunar cultures suggests that both were considered essential to making war. In fact the solar principle is to planning and strategy what the lunar is to tactics. The Egyptian “Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction” emphasizes a counsel of war. The Akkadian Marduk version of the war stresses planning but has almost nothing to say about the conduct of it. Marduk is known as “sun god of the gods.” The lunar focus on tactics and execution is also quite clear. The Akkadian emperor Naram Sin became an intense devotee of the lunar cult at Ur. Aside from being the most warlike of the emperors, he became the primary dynastic Pharoah Narmer and proceeded to execute ten of the Noahic elite after a battle in Metelis. His grandson Abraham, with his lunar background at Ur and Haran, acts as an impromptu, tactical warrior in Genesis 14. Muslim Arabs, claiming descent from Abraham and adopting the lunar crescent as their symbol, appear in history as impulsive warriors in contrast to the strategists of Europe. The Chinese of the lunar Sino-Tibetan strock are known to have become the foremost nation in the world at one time in the development of tactical weapons. In the samurai films of the 1950s, Ahira Kurosawa shows feudal samurai wearing lunar crescents on their helmets. Manetho attributes ten rulers and some three centuries to pre-dynastic Egypt. He does not name the rulers. The total of ten suggests a scheme of locations akin to Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the First Kish order. A terminus a quo for beginning pre-dynastic colonization is the end of Japheth’s First Kish reign as Atab. William Hallo’s chart in Figure 7 of The Ancient Near East locates Atab’s reign in the sixth “generation” of the First Kish dynasty. Because that dynasty consumed only thirty years, the eight “generations” of Hallo’s chart implies an isochronic module of three years for the first two reigns and four years covering the rest of the period from 2338 to 2308. In this case, Atab’s reign covered the years 2320 to 2316 BCE, making the latter date our terminus a quo for “Ningishzida’s disappearance from the land” and the beginning of Egyptian colonization. A convincing system of sites in Egypt can be built by combining the eight members of the Mizraim clan with three known pre-dynastic kings Ka-ap (Sidon), Khetm (Kitt-Cadmus) and Ro (Rodan-Danaus) at Abydos in Upper Egypt. The “red banner” Egyptians required for this colonial enterprise settled in Lower Egypt and were distinct from the “white banner” Upper Egyptians who remained in Mesopotamia at Sippar before the Akkadian Empire made its move into Egypt after 2188. That date leaves four Noahic generations totaling 120 years from 2308 to 2188 open for colonization by the pre-dynastic formula. Hallo’s chart of the Eanna period (Figure 8) begins dramatically with the god Utu as ruler of the first “generation” and Meskiaggasher’s “father” and predecessor. Aka-Mizraim and his successor and first vassal Susuda-Zud- are located at Kish in the fifth and sixth “generations” following Enmebarragesi-Ham in the fourth “generation” contemporaneously with Gilgamesh-Eber at Uruk. The special attention given to the Sumerian solar deity and then to Mizraim and Zud- suggests that the Hamitic linguistic stock was the center of attention in this period. A consideration in working out pre-dynastic chronology is the reign of ZudSusuda at Kish since he could not be reigning on the Nile and at Kish at the same time. Whatever chronological scheme accounts for pre-dynastic Egypt must take into account Susuda’s reign in Mesopotamia. The best explanation is that his reign at Kish followed the one on the Nile. The sixth “generation” of the Eanna dynasty translates into the years 2290 to 2286. If we adopt an expansive module of twelve years for the ten reigns named by Manetho, we cover the entire four Noahic generations from 2308 to 2188. According to that scheme, Zud-Susuda would have ample time to found Buto on the Nile between 2308 to 2296. A fixed point for determining the geographic locations of the pre-dynastic reigns in Egypt is Japheth’s identity with Atum Re of Heliopolis. Because Japheth appears sixth in the Mizraim list as Masluh-, the implication is that the pre-dynastic regime concentrated on the Nile Delta before reaching southward to Heliopolis at the base of the Delta. Simpson’s map in The Ancient Near East shows only four sites north of Heliopolis: Buto, Sais, Bubastis and Athribis. However another very ancient site, Per-Sopdu was associated with these. The god Sopdu or Septu was the Egyptian 81 version of Sabtah-Ganesa, son of Seba and Arvad— Osiris and Isis of the Great Ennead. Per-Sopdu was located somewhere in the Delta and toward the east since Sopdu was regarded as a warrior guarding the eastern border of Lower Egypt. This god’s derivation from Osiris-Pathus- of the Mizraim clan enables us to locate PerSopdu fifth in the sequence beginning with northernmost Buto and climaxing with Heliopolis at the sixth position. Buto and Bubastis were cult centers of the goddesses Wazet-Buto and Bastet, the same two antediluvian matriarchs pictured in the Braided Goddess Panel— red Mahadevi and black Kali. The second location after Buto was Sais, cult center of the goddess Neith, Mahadevi and Noah’s daughter Zemar-Hestia, goddess of strict virginity in Egyptian, Greek and Roman mythology. As a full sister of morally questionable Ham, she seemed to be favored by her mother as a moral answer to the ill-behaved antediluvian brother. None of these three matriarchs belongs to the Mizraim clan despite their high importance to the Egyptians and to the Noahic world. We can only assume that the Mizraim vassals responsible for colonizing the three locations promoted these matriarchs’ respective cults there. Athribis was the cult center of Kemur, “Black Bull,” Egyptian version of Shem’s bull-necked black son Hul, father of the Olmecs. The first six members of the Mizraim clan can be located as follows: Zud- at Buto, Anam- at Sais, Lehab- (Noah) at Per-Bastet or Bubastis, Nephthys-Hamath at Athribis, Pathrus-Seba-Osiris at PerSopdu and Masluh-Japheth at Heliopolis. Of these colonists one was Noah himself (Lehab- the “Libyan” of the Mizraim clan) and three of his immediate children— Pathrus-Osiris by Kali, Nephthys-Hamath and Masluh-Japheth by Uma. In the Great Ennead Japheth is placed at the head as Atum Re; Noah identified as the earth god Geb; and Nephthys and Osiris accurately identified as Geb’s children. Noah came to be known as an earth god because his overthrow in 2359 was viewed in the Hurrian myth of Alalu and Anu as a casting down from heaven to earth. Curiously Japanese tradition claims the same fate for Zud-Susanowo— that this storm god was cast out of heaven. Symbolically this fate means loss of the Anship. Noah, like Susanowo, came to be known as a storm god, Indian Indra. In both cases loss of the Anship entailed adoption of the Ishkurship, Shem’s cult of Yahweh, the God of punitive righteousness symbolized by storm imagery in Psalm 18. In Egyptian mythology the storm god symbolized by a thunderbolt is Min, the pantheon version of Mizraim, head of the clan. So clearly the Mizraim clan and its members came to be associated with the storm principle as though they bore some relationship to the Indo-European stock. Despite their basic identity with the solar principle— represented in the Mizraim clan by the Japanese sun goddess Anam-Amaterasu— the Hamites who fought in the war were “storm troopers” out to punish the people of Aratta for the sin of schism. Early postdiluvian interplay between Hamitic Egypt and Indo-European Europe actually existed. The Nile Delta lies on a coast of the Eastern Mediterranean. Ptah-Sidon claimed to possess Crete, the gateway to Europe. Part of the Centum Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Indo-European stock of Europe was carried by the Akkadian Upper Sea fleet from Lower Egypt directly to the Danube Delta where they made their way to the Danube Valley. We have interpreted the Centum Aryans as Ham’s contribution to the IndoEuropean world. That implies that the Egyptian “land of Ham” served as a kind of secondary source for Europe despite the vast difference between the Hamitic and Indo-European languages. It should be kept in mind that the lord Mizraim and his first and third vassals were all known as storm gods as counterpoint to the general Hamitic equation with the solar principle. As Susanowo and Amaterasu, Zud- and Anam- symbolized this counterpoint of sun and storm within the clan. In ethnographic terms the solar principle is to Egypt what the storm principle is to Europe. Even the climates of the two lands correspond as though Noah were fully acquainted climatic difference between the two lands before the Flood. Thus the colonization of Egypt foreshadowed the colonization of Europe beginning at Crete with its two tribes listed at the close of the Mizraim clan. These last two members of the clan are the unique two who appear in Welsh tradition as Beli and Dôn and in Cretan ethnology as Philistines and Caphtorim. Their Egyptian locales lie south of Heliopolis and north of Abydos. The appropriate locations are Giza and Memphis. Both locations figure prominently in the history of the Pyramid Dynasty IV, initiated in the 22nd century by Japheth (Snefru) and Khufu (Gomer). The same Welsh tradition that features Mynogan, Beli and Dôn gives even greater prominence to Gomer and his son Javan as Llyr and Bran. Interplay between the children of Mynogan and Llyr is consistent with the identity of these two (Mizraim and Gomer) as half-brothers, sons of Durga by Ham and Japheth. According to the twelve-year module, Sidon-Ka-ap and his grandsons Khetm and Ro completed the ten reigns of Manetho down to 2188 before Ro’s term was cut short by the Akkadian invasion by the Lower Sea fleet around 2184. That invasion resulted in Dynasty I under Narmer-Naram Sin: Term: 2308-2296 2296-2284 2284-2272 2272-2260 2260-2248 2248-2236 2236-2224 2224-2212 2212-2200 2200-2188 2188-2184 Ruler: Zud-Susanowo Anam-Amaterasu Lehab-Noah Naphtuh-Nephthys Pathrus-Osiris Masluh-Japheth Philist-Beli Caphtor-Dôn Ka-ap-Sidon Khetm-KittRo-Rodan83 Location: Buto Sais Bubastis Athribis Per-Sopdu Heliopolis Giza Memphis Abydos Abydos Abydos Sargon’s Rise to Power - 2244 Defeating Lugalzaggesi-Shem, he (Sargon) drove that patriarch and a group of followers to take refuge in the Aegean where colonization activity at the head of Thraco-Phrygians laid the groundwork for the Hellenic tradition of the Olympians. By 2233 Sargon followed them as far west as Ionia on the Aegean coast where that emperor left his name in three forms: Ion son of Xuthus-Cush, Helios of Rhodes and Orion of Chios. Japheth’s reign at Heliopolis between 2248 and 2236 explains why he never became an Olympian and appears in Hellenic tradition only as Lacedaemon, father of the Spartans. His Massylian race made their way west to North Africa. His successors in the Mizraim clan migrated into the Aegean region to account for the Philistines and Caphtorim of Crete. With the pre-dynastic structure in place, attention shifts back to Martu between Mesopotamia and Egypt. Unlike the “white banner” Egyptians who came to Egypt by sea from the south, the “red banner” followers of the Mizraim clan migrated at least part of the way westward by land. Even if they took ship from Phoenicia to Lower Egypt, they not only passed through Martu but occupied it in a way that left a deep stamp on the history of mankind. The governor of Martu Heth and his nonSemitic followers were dispossessed from Martu when the “red banner” Hamites migrated west at the invitation of some of the Semites (not the hostile Amorites). Semite-Hamite alliance accounts for the five armies depicted as griffins in the Taranis and Medb Panels. As in Gudea’s dream, lions symbolize Hamites and birds the aerial Enlilship of the Semitic cult of Elohim. Griffins with heads of birds and bodies of lions symbolize forces that helped the solar regime at Eanna to win the Uruk-Aratta war. In considering the existence of Hamitic interim camps in Martu, we begin with the premise that the Uruk-Aratta war did not begin until 2302, six years after the epoch of the Eanna regime triggered changes in what had been the First Kish order. Processes leading to the war began in 2308 but took six years to reach open hostility. Some Semites in Martu were evidently dissatisfied with Heth and non-Semites located there as outlined in the cartographic diagram above “The Matrix of Martu.” One reason why they preferred the Hamites was their realization that this race was determined to colonize the Nile and would not remain in Martu indefinitely. In contrast the Hittites, Turks or others might have attempted to settle there permanently. The Hamite sojourn in Martu should be viewed from three angles— in respect to camps already existing there, in regard to how they mobilized to join the Semites against Aratta and in relation to their colonization of the Nile on-going in the same period. We can deal with this subject from the perspective of ten patriarchs destined to rule pre-dynastic Egypt. Ten divisions of the “red banner” Hamites account for five divisions recruited into the griffin armies in the north, four to hold the four corners of Martu and one, under Zud-, to begin colonizing Buto at once. Spatially the process described here formed a southwest-northeast axis extending from the Nile Delta to the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations battlefields against Aratta. With Zud- at Buto, the sequence of names in the Mizraim list suggests proximity to the front end in Egypt. Evidence for this arrangement exists in the leading role taken by Sidon’s grandson Tarshish (Su-Dasa I of the Indians) in the war. The trailing end of the process consisted of Sidon and the other two grandsons Kitt- and Rodan-. Thus, Sidon and these vassals led Hamitic portions of the griffin armies at the northeastern end of the scheme nearest Aratta. In contrast the Japanese polarity of Zud- and Anam- suggests that the second of these two leaders adopted the camp vacated by Uralo-Altaic Turks at Edom in the southwest of Martu nearest Egypt as he crow flies. In modern geography Japan and Turkey are the eastern and western limits of the great Uralo-Altaic zone of the earth. Anam-Amaterasu’s earlier function as a solar overseer at Babel helps explain why the East Semites, located in the southwest corner eventually made their capitals at Agade and Babylon in Akkad. As Lehab- Noah took the camp vacated by the Hittites in the northwestern corner in Syria. From that location he gained recognition as the Ugaritic fish god Dagon, father of Bal and Anath— Shem-Seth and Hamath-Nephthys of the Great Ennead. Assignment of Arabs to the northeastern camp but targeted to the southwest explains why Noah’s Amorite-Cushite name Didanu-Dedan came to associated in biblical times with an oasis in northern Arabia about a hundred miles inland from the Red Sea. The fourth member of the clan Naphtuh-Nephthys took the southeast corner and instantly established her identity as Hamath-Anath among the North Semites originally camped in that corner before making their way northwest to become the Aramaeans of Syria. Her full sisterhood, not only with Shem but also with Ashkenaz suggests why she was selected for the southeastern corner vacated by the Dakotans who made so much of Ashkenaz as Wakan-Tanka. The fifth member of the clan, Pathrus-Osiris, established his identity as Adamu of the Amorites in the northeast corner at Tidnum. Seba-Osiris appears to have been the physical patriarch of the Amorite race. He was clearly chosen for the fifth position in the clan in order to lead his fraction of the Hamitic stock to join the Amorites. The rest of the Mizraim clan starting with Masluh-Japheth was excluded from the four corners and formed griffin armies. For Japheth that is no surprise since his entire clan in Genesis 10:2 became seven of the eight Erechite heroes who led the vanguard against Aratta. Our analysis of locations so far has conformed so closely to the sequence of names in the Mizraim clan, that we are encouraged to continue the process from west to east according to the arrangement of three griffins in the Taranis Panel and two in the Medb Panel. Although the dominant figures of Taranis and Medb represent particular points at Haran and Aratta, the array of five griffins suggests a bridge of settlements extending all the way from Syria to a point to the east of Aratta although broken in practice by the intervening uplands of Kurdistan. The schematic map shown in the following section indicates why all but one of the Gundestrup griffins face toward the west. Once these camps were established 85 toward the northeast, all subsequent movement was ideally toward the southwest and eventually the Nile. The farther northeast a camp lay, the further down the Mizraim sequence of rulerships a given member of the Mizraim clan had to wait to reach the Egyptian goal. At the close of the war, the Semitic element in each griffin parted from the Hamites and set about to build Semitic cities such as Ugarit, Ibla, Mari, Agade and Assur. Giving up any aspiration to places on the Nile, the Semites found compensation in the immediate prospect of cities near at hand. The Hamites lacked the opportunity to act so quickly but were consoled by the prospect of an eventual place in the richest river valley of the world. Aftermath of the Uruk-Aratta War 2300-2278 A single document, the battle hymn of Su-Dasa I, has now shown that forces under Aratta’s control were constituted differently from the Erechite force. We have seen that the Erechites were made up chiefly of Hamites and Semites. To these were added Sumerians and the Indian division of the Satem Aryan stock. In contrast the Aratta faction consisted of individual recruits from half-protoplasts numbering fifteen at the Eanna epoch. Despite this variety of membership, the Medb and Taranis Panels show the Aratta enemies chiefly as three wild felines— a tiger below the figure of Medb and leopards on either side of Taranis. To these can be added the figure of Medb herself and the ram-headed serpent in the lower register of the Taranis Panel. On the basis of these five figures, we can search hypothetically for a five-fold definition of the Aratta forces. Because the fifteen tribes of Su-Dasa’s hymn are integrally divisible be five, we can consider whether each of the figures represents three stocks each. As for the five figures, the leadership of the Aratta Schism can be reckoned at five: Peleg, Heth, Nimrod, Mahadevi-Tiamat and Inanna-Medb. Each of these accounted for three of the half protoplasts represented by partial recruitments. This analysis largely differs from the one in Kingship at Its Source; but analysis of the make-up of the half worlds at Uruk and Aratta has always been a difficult challenge for reconstructive history. The evidence given by the fifteen enemy tribes of SuDasa’s battle hymn has made a substantial difference. The five Aratta divisions are opposed by the five griffins of the Erechite alliance of Hamites and Semites, each headed by a vassal of Shem from the pentad in Genesis 10:22. These five are complemented by elephants located on either side of figure of Medb. Kingship at Its Source identifies these as South Semites. A better explanation is that they consist of both half protoplasts of the Sumerians in the main army of Enmerkar as named in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. The seven overall divisions of the Erechite alliance— five griffins and two elephants— fall into line with the seven Japhethite heroes of Lugalbanda in the Wilderness with the eighth hero Shelah-Lugalbanda-Marduk as commander and chief under King Enmerkar. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The group leadership of each griffin army of this alliance was rather detailed. Each Hamitic component was headed by a member of the Mizraim clan. Each Semitic division claimed one of the vassals of Shem as its head. Each combined griffin as well as each elephant was ruled by a vassal of Japheth. Shelah-Marduk was commander-inchief in the field; and the entire alliance swore allegiance to Enmerkar of Erech, the reigning head of the legitimate Noahic world at this time. Shelah’s father Arphaxad I governed the base camp in Padan-Aram west of Aratta. As for the Semitic components of the griffin armies, these began under the leadership of Shem’s four sons of Genesis 10:23 before these became vassals of Aram-Joktan. If we add up all these rulers, generals and captains as well as the five rebel leaders, the Noahic elite engaged in this conflict represented a large fraction of the fifty-four distinct persons in Genesis 10. Even more of elite were involved because the victorious Su-Dasa I identifies with Javan’s vassal Tarshish-Enkidu from a segment of Japheth’s vassals outside Genesis 10:2. If we assume that all four Javanites were engaged, the conflict claimed a minimum of seven Japhethites, four Javanites, eight members of the Mizraim clan (including three women), Canaan’s sons Sidon and Heth, Nimrod-Asshur and PelegLud as hostages or turncoat Shemite leaders after being rebels, Ham as a rebel ally, the four sons of Shem (vassals of Aram), Inanna and Mahadevi named in Genesis 10 Joktan’s vassals Uzal and Havilah and Enmerkar as Joktan’s son and vassal Abimael. In addition the four sons of Ham must have played roles with Mizraim involved on the Erechite side as head of the colonizing Egyptian clan and the other three as heads of the three feline armies depicted in the two panels. By this reckoning the war engaged at least thirty-five of the fifty-four persons identified as elite members of Noah’s family. The conflict was clearly a world war. The Taranis and Medb Panels of the Gundestrup Caldron are so vital to an interpretation of two theaters of the war that they are shown together on the next page. The Taranis Panel featuring Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I-Taranis outlines the western theater of the war located between the Tigris and Euphrates at the latitude of Carchemish and Haran. The western part of this zone is known as Padan-Aram and became the original location of the west Semitic Hebrews after the war. The rest of the zone was inhabited by Hurrians (biblical “Horites”) derived from Japheth’s red, second son Magog-Kurum-Hurricano. The Medb Panel features Arphaxad’s daughter Inanna, known to the Celts of the Gundestrup Caldron as the war goddess Medb (“Queen Mab”). Father and daughter were on opposite sides in the war. The Medb Panel shows the eastern theater around Aratta in northwestern Iran. Thus both panels are cartographic as well as symbolic of opposed forces in the war. 87 Schematic Map of the Uruk-Aratta War A. West Taranis Griffin. African division under Masluh- (Japheth). (6th clan member) Semitic division under Lud (hostage Peleg) Japhethite Commander: Gomer B. Central Taranis Griffin. African division under Philist- (7th clan member) Semitic division under Arphaxad II (Shelah-Lugalbanda) Japhethite Commander: Tiras (brother of Joktan and Peleg) Commander-in-chief: Shelah (Marduk-Lugalbanda) C. East Taranis Griffin. African division under Caphtor- (8th clan member) Semitic division under Aram (Joktan-Meshech) Japhethite Commander: Meshech (Joktan-Aram) D. West Medb Griffin. African division under Ka-ap (Sidon) (9th ruler in Upper Egypt) and Khetm (Kitt-Cadmus) (10th ruler in Upper Egypt) Semitic division under Elam (Tubal-Eber) Japhethite Commander: Tubal (Elam-Eber) E. East Medb Griffin. African division under Ro (Rodan-Danaus) (11th ruler of Egypt) Semitic division under Asshur (hostage Nimrod-Reu) Japhethite Commander: Magog F. Lugh. Japheth (Masluh) G. Taranis. Arphaxad I (Nanna) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations H. West Medb Elephant. Sumerians under Enmerkar (Abimael) I. East Medb Elephant. Sumerians under Namenatuma (Japheth) T. Medb. Sino-Tibetans under Ensuhgirana (Peleg) U. Medb. Lagashite Sumerians under Heth V. Medb. Austronesians under Ansigaria (Nimrod) W. Medb Tiger. Uralo-Altaics under Canaan (Anu) X. Eastern Taranis Leopard. North Americans under Cush (Tezcatlipoca) Y. Taranis Ram-headed Serpent. South Amerindians under Mahadevi (Maia) Z. Western Taranis Leopard. Centum Aryans under Put Lake Van Lake Urmia Aratta Northern Frame: TUV H I W Z F Carchemish A Y B G X Haran C D Assur E Gutium Southern Frame: Phoenicia Tarshish Northwest Martu Lehab- (3) Tidnum Pathrus- (5) Martu Palestine Elishah Edom Anam- (2) Kish Kedar Naphtuh- (4) Uruk Buto Zud- (1) Heliopolis Although the population of the Aratta half world was made up of recruits from almost every linguistic stock on earth, it is possible to give identities to the 89 forces represented by the hostile felines and figures of Medb and the ram-headed serpent in the two panels. Mahadevi-Tiamat’s Amerindians were divided between the Ram-headed Serpent under her direct control and the Eastern Taranis Leopard under Ham’s son Cush, the Amerindian Texcatlipoca, god of the “smoking mirror,” a device used to confound his enemies. Our ancestors, the Centum Aryans, made up the Western Taranis Leopard under Ham’s son Put, Iapetus and Aeolus, father of the Hellenic family. In the eastern theater of the Medb Panel, the third son Canaan commanded the Tiger force made up of Uralo-Altaics alienated from Noah to Canaan in 2359. Peleg was responsible for bringing with him ancestors of the chief SinoTibetan people, the Chinese, who had camped with him at Kish in the First Kish period. Interplay between Shelah-Marduk and Peleg-Kingu forms the climax of the Marduk Epic. At the climax Marduk assembles the gods and asks who was responsible for causing the war: “Who was it that created the strife, And caused Tiamat to revolt and prepare for battle? Let him who created the strife be delivered up; I will make him bear his punishment, be ye at rest” (Tablet VI, ll. 23-26, - Alexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, 47). The gods known collectively as the Igigi answer promptly: “Kingu it was who created the strife, And caused Tiamat to revolt and prepare for battle.” They bound him and held him before Ea; Punishment they inflicted upon him by cutting (the arteries of) his blood. With his blood they created mankind (ll. 29-33). So blame fell on Kingu-Peleg instead of Heth, who is never named in the epic. The execution of Peleg is non-literal but appropriately symbolic. The creation of mankind refers to the exilic dispersion of all the defeated schismatics to the ends of the earth by a staged process involving the coasts of Arabia. The god Ea is Shelah’s father Sidon. The text states that this god virtually created the world’s religion by imposing the “service of the gods” on mankind so created. The same creation of pagan religion is attributed by the Egyptians as to their version of Ea-Enki-Sidon, Ptah. It may be significant that the text never states in so many words that the victors cut off Kingu’s head. Instead the “cut his blood.” In our view the deed was non-literal because Peleg lived on into the 22nd century when, in fact, he may have been captured and decapitated. Earlier Tablet II of the epic offers a distinctive explanation of the conflict. Tiamat’s motive is to avenge the “death” (overthrow) of her husband Apsu, as we see Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations it, Noah’s fall from power in 2359. That explanation harmonizes with our view that the opposed Shem-Noah and Ham-Canaan factions alternated power in odd and even numbered thirty-year generations. In the Eanna period the Shem-Noah faction and its adherent Peleg were out of power. In addition to Heth’s grievance in Martu, TiamatMahadevi and Peleg-Kingu still resented what had happened to Noah in the previous period of Ham’s power when Cannan wrested the Anship from Noah and thus “killed Apsu.” At the outset of Tablet II Ea (Sidon) goes to his grandfather Anshar (Ham) and levels his complaint against Tiamat’s revolt: “He communicated to him all that Tiamat had planned” (l. 10). If we take this interaction between Sidon and Ham at face value, Sidon traveled from Mesopotamia to Gutium and complained to Ham before Ham’s role in the conflict was defined. In response to the complaint Anshar gets angry and commands Ea to slay Kingu as he had Apsu. In other words, Ham calls on Sidon to undermine Peleg’s authority as Shem’s fourth heir in the same way that he had undermined Noah’s authority in 2359. In an extended lacuna of the text, Heidel suggests that Ea tries and fails to “slay” Kingu. Anshar-Ham now turns to his son Anu-Canaan with the same request. Although we have assigned Ham and Canaan to the Aratta faction, that alliance belongs to a later stage of these events after both Sidon and Canaan failed to overthrow Mahadevi’s attempt to fashion Peleg into a supreme power. At the stage represented by the Akkadian text, Ham and Canaan profess to be outraged by Mahadevi’s revolt; and perhaps they were. Late in Tablet I Tiamat declares to Kingu, “May thy names become greater than (those of) all the Annunaki [high gods]” (l.155). Anu-Canaan repeats his son Sidon’s attempt to overthrow Peleg but returns in terror to Ham, reporting that Tiamat’s “hand is upon me!” (II, l. 85). The antediluvian Mahadevi is too much for him. All this leads inevitably to the election of Sidon’s son Marduk-Shelah as the hero capable of facing up to Mahadevi and his empowered grandson Peleg. After Anu-Canaan gives his discouraging report, the Annunaki sit silent for a while and then agree that no god is able to face Tiamat and live. Finally Anshar is inspired to stand up and declare that Marduk can save them. This moment in the Akkadian tradition matches the point in the Sumerian Lugalbanda in the Wilderness when we learn that Shelah-Lugalbanda— the same person as Marduk but in human guise— will undertake to lead the seven heroes against Aratta. Thematically the points are the same even if two different events are in view. Somehow leaders of the Ham-Canaan faction agreed that Shelah was the man to undo the revolt aimed against the Eanna regime. The Akkadian epic pictures Sidon in an intimate interview with his son Shelah: Ea called Marduk to his private room; He advised him , telling him the plan of his heart: 91 “Marduk, consider my idea, hearken to thy father. Thou art he, my son, who relieves his heart; Draw nigh into the presence of Anshar, ready for battle; Speak and stand forth; when he sees thee, he will be at rest” (ll. 96-101). Marduk goes to Anshar-Ham who puts him at ease by kissing him on the lips. He promises, “Soon thou shalt trample upon the neck of Tiamat!” (l. 113). He asks for and receives the authority formerly held by Anshar: “May I through the utterance of my mouth determine the destinies instead of you.” Heidel points out that in this passage Marduk is asking to become supreme ruler of the universe as the price for risking his life to attempt what Anshar, Anu and Ea— his fathers— are afraid to do. Whatever Shelah actually achieved in the Uruk-Aratta war and whatever his powers afterward, there is no question that his victory as commander of the Erechite heroes resulted in a pattern of colonizations that shaped the world as we know it. We are also forced to recognize that Anshar-Ham’s role in this conflict was equivocal. He came to serve the cause of Aratta and stigmatized both himself and his sons as the fallen Titans of the Hellenic tradition. The Akkadians of the Marduk Epic know nothing of that conversion of Anshar into an ally of his mother Tiamat; but so it was. The political situation of the Uruk-Aratta war was more complex and equivocal, than the epic acknowledged. If Ham actually raged when Sidon reported on the revolt by Mahadevi and Peleg, his anger must have been shortlived. For that matter ShelahMarduk was less a servant of Ham, Canaan and his father Sidon than he was of Japheth, father of the heroes who served under him. To this extent the Marduk Epic is a misrepresentation aimed at glorifying Shem’s second heir after identifying him accurately as a male line descendent of Ham, Canaan and Sidon. This epic was written to discredit Shem as the peripheral and fallen character Mummu and replace him with his second heir Shelah. To put in place every major detail of the Uruk-Aratta War, we need to enumerate a series of matching septads: seven Erechite armies represented by five griffins and two elephants in the two panels; seven adversaries symbolized by the three wild felines, ram-headed serpent and three forces represented implicitly by the figure of Medb at Aratta; and seven myths of engagement found in Sumerian, Akkadian, East Indian and Norse traditions. The reason for the septad module lies in the extreme formalism of Noah’s family bent on creating a well-designed world even while they fought a world war. The seven derive from the eight survivors of the Flood, stripped of Noah by his political “death” in 2359. In effect the war was fought in order to determine who would now lay claim to the original eight domains. Canaan had already possessed himself of Noah’s Subarian domain by seizing the Anship of the Uralo-Altaics. Before the war was over, Nimrod had changed sides, become Shem’s vassal Asshur and supplanted Canaan as lord of the Subarian domain, transforming it into Assyria. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The commitment to formal ritual was so great that the myth-makers headed by Ea-Sidon at the close of the war succeeded in persuading particular groups to adopt particular engagements of the war to commit to memory in their traditions. The theocratic awe that Sidon-Ea and Shelah-Marduk commanded not only created world paganism but even carried down to a well-known author of the Christian era Snorri Sturleson of Iceland. Sturleson, of course, no longer feared “Ea and Marduk”; but the reverential fear of his Teutonic ancestors left him with a well-defined narrative of the war of the Aesir and Vanir brought to focus by one particular engagement in the war. This theocratic, gentile reverence was analogous to the fear of godly Jews in handling the Law of Moses. Otherwise a clearcut narrative such as Sturleson’s would have been impossible at so late a date. I assume that Sturleson had only traditional verbal tradition to work with. Following the summer campaign principle, the antagonists sought for one definitive engagement in each of the seven years from 2302 through 2296. In the opening campaign from Uruk, Shelah-Marduk-Lugalbanda and his army sought for the enemy in the mountains of Lake Van. After he fell ill and recovered there, he and his men descended back into the plain of Padan-Aram and met Mahadevi at the head of her Amerindians. It was here that military engagement took the mythic form of Marduk’s piercing the heart of Tiamat with an arrow. The South Amerindians were defeated and the victors either wintered in the north or returned to Sumer at renew their grain supply. The Erechite heroes, in this case, led the army of the Central Taranis Griffin combining Hamites under Philist- (Beli the Great) of the Mizraim clan with East Semites under Shelah. In the second campaign of the year 2301, King Enmerkar led an army of Sumerians to Aratta and called for the duel of champions as recounted in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta. In this engagement, Eber-Gilgamesh or some other champion met and defeated Nimrod at the head of an army of Austronesians. The Maoris of that stock knew Nimrod-Reu as the god Rehua. Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta is a magnificent work which should be summarized here to establish a sense of cultural context. An initial observation is that the “people of Aratta” are located at the “place of Dumuzid” (l. 99). Later the lord of Aratta identifies his people as follows: “Its people are distinct from other people; They are a nation Dumuzid selected among the other nations, One that firmly establishes the holy word of Inanna!” (ll. 566-568). Dumuzi the Shepherd is a version of Ham named as ruler of a city in the antediluvian section of the Sumerian Kinglist. Another text identifies him as Inanna’s lover. The special connection between Dumuzi and the land and people of Aratta confirms two of our assumptions. Ham became the governor of northeastern Gutium, 93 at the nearest approach to Aratta, in the First Kish period. Second, he entered early into the conspiracy of Aratta. Another passage confirms our view that the fall of Aratta resulted in exilic dispersion. In the Erechite messenger’s third counterchallenge, he asserts that “’Verily, Aratta is like scattered ewes: its road is now that of the rebel lands!’” (l. 444). The editor adds the note, “The image is that of a city vanquished and destroyed by barbarians. Its populace is then taken away to the foreign countries.” (Vanstiphout, 95). Lines mentioning the passage of five or ten years might raise a chronological issue but is uncertain in translation. A chronological issue already exists in our reconstruction unless we adopt a module of three years for the opening reigns of the Eanna dynasty. The war opens six years into the era. If Enmerkar’s two predecessors reigned for three years each, he began to reign in the sixth year and reigned just one year before his summer campaign of 2301. At the same time, the action of the epic can and perhaps should be conceived as predating 2302. At two points Enmerkar or his messenger refer to his state as though he had not yet begun to reign. The epic begins with the cultural inferiority of Aratta to Uruk as measured in terms of architecture. That perspective makes good sense if we view Aratta as little than a settlement about six years old in 2302. In contrast the cities of Sumer had been founded some thirty years earlier and were preoccupied with architectural glory: For Inana did the lord of Aratta Don his golden crown and diadem, But he did not please her as well as did the lord of Kulab [Uruk], For nothing even resembling the shrine Eana, or the Gipar, the holy place, Did Aratta ever build for Holy Inana, unlike brickwork Kulab! (ll. 28-32). In fact architecture becomes an issue in Enmerkar’s attempt to humiliate Aratta. The Sumerian calls on Inanna to persuade Aratta to supply him with minerals to build or ornament her temple at Uruk: “My sister, let Aratta for Unug Artfully work gold and silver for my sake! Let them cut for my sake polished lapis lazuli from its block; Let them work for my sake the translucent smooth lapis lazuli; Let them build for my sake the holy mountain in Unug! A temple descended from heaven— your place of worship, The shrine of Eana— let Aratta build that” (ll. 38-44) He goes on to add, “Let Aratta submit to Unug!” (l. 48). Enmerkar can address Inanna as “my sister” because she was the brother of the sun god Utu. Enmerkar calls himself “son of the sun” because his father Meskiaggasher founded the Eanna dynasty by claiming sonship to Utu. As for the humble condition of Aratta, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations it could hardly compete in 2302 with Sumer in a contest of architectural glory since it was little more than a camp in the mountains struggling to survive on limited grain supply. Enmerkar seeks to glorify Eridu as well as Uruk since he calls on Aratta to help build the Abzu Temple at Eridu. To that extent he is a kind of Sumerian nationalist. Inanna, in her reply, suggests that by subduing Aratta, he will reduce to “mice” all the peoples of the mountains east of Mesopotamia from Elam (“Anshan”) northward. That sweeping vision reinforces our view of a bipolar world at this time, divided between Sumerian Mesopotamia and the counter-world of the mountains. After architecture comes the even more vital issue of language. The messenger is to pronounce in the “chamber of Aratta” a spell of Nudimmud (the Sidon-Enki figure of the Akkadian epic). In this prophetic passage, the Eanna regime of the eighth postdiluvian era reverts to the central theme of the sixth, Tower of Babel era— linguistic unity: “For on that day, for the debates between lords and princes and kings Shall Enki, Lord of abundance, Lord of steadfast decisions, Lord of wisdom and knowledge in the land, Expert of the gods, Chosen for wisdom, Lord of Eridug, Change the tongues in their mouth as many as he once placed there, And the speech of mankind will be truly one” (ll. 147-155). This “spell” not only confirms the politically rhythmic relationship of the sixth and eighth eras but has everything to do with the Uruk-Aratta conflict. Peleg had withdrawn half the world into the mountains in order to the preserve linguistic diversity. His power over the First Kish order had depended on dividing up the colonies among different linguistic stocks. The fifteen-tribe colony of Aratta was clearly more diverse than the Erechite faction with its heavy reliance on Sumerians, Hamites and Semites. The same passage refers to “twin-tongued Sumer” undoubtedly in reference to Sumerian and Semite now that the Hamites were moving off to the west. Peleg had come to power as “He Who Rules Them All” immediately after the Tower of Babel fiasco and divine mandate to maintain linguistic diversity. Now his enemies from the south and west were rallying to the cause of linguistic unity. In his first counterchallenge to Enmerkar’s messenger, the lord of Aratta stresses a mountain barrier which he feels will make Aratta safe from attack by Enmerkar’s forces. The highest relevant elevation is Mount Sahand east of Lake Urmia, south of Tabriz and north of one suggested approximation at Miandowab. If we consider Sahand as a mountain barrier, Aratta must be located somewhere northeast of it. In this case, Tabriz serves as the best approximation to the walled off location of Aratta. The city lies on the River Talkeh flowing westward into Lake 95 Urmia. The latitude of Tabriz is comparable enough to that of Van on Lake Van to suggest why Lugalbanda and his men might have attempted in 2302 to ascend into the mountains around Lake Van before encountering the enemy in the Taranis theater south of the mountains. We can understand why the war was divided into two theaters by noting that there are no major roads linking Lake Van to Lake Urmia. From the perspective of Mesopotamia, the one way to reach Lake Urmia and Tabriz is by proceeding from Akkad northeastward up the Diyala River, through the Lagros Gate at the border of Iran and east to Kermanshah before heading north through Sarandaj, Saqqez and Miandowab along the western edge of Mount Sahand to the Talkeh and Tabriz. There is no question that Sahand forms a barrier against the south and west from the perspective of Tabriz. That barrier may be the one the Lord of Aratta is referring to in the Sumerian epic. At first the lord of Aratta refers to himself in terms that suggest that he and his people, on the way to Aratta, may have blocked access to that region by taking a stand at the Lagros Gate: “I, whom the great neck-stock of heaven, the Queen of Heaven and Earth, the goddess of the myriad powers, Holy Inana, Brought to Aratta, the mountain of the inviolate powers; I whom she made block the entrance to the highlands as a great door! Why then should Aratta submit to Unug?” (ll. 221-225) Clearly the Diyala forms a convenient route northward to the Lagros Gate, which then serves as “entrance to the highlands” of northwestern Iran. There are really no other alternatives that fit this language. The passage refers to Aratta itself as the “mountain of inviolate powers”; but clearly Peleg means that Aratta stands guarded by such a mountain. Mount Sahand serves as the great mountain he names. After groping for an adequate way to answer the messenger’s threat, the lord of Aratta continues to emphasize his mountainous location: “This great mountain range is a MES-tree grown high into the skies; Its roots are a net, its branches a snare . . . How could the levy of Unug march against the Zubi mountain? . . . This mountain range is a warrior, tall and fierce” (ll. 243-244, 252, 268) Despite all the emphasis on conflict, the epic ends without referring to open hostility as though 2301 was a year of peace after all. The actual duel takes place in the related text Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana. I have already quoted the passage where the duel is said to have occurred. A note to that passage associates it with one in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta where that leader issues his color-coded challenge. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The summer campaign of 2300 resulted in an event remembered as EaSidon’s execution of Kingu-Peleg. Whatever form the event took, it became the platform for the aftermath theme of the “creation of mankind” by punitive exile of the people of Aratta. The event occurred in the eastern theater of Aratta and like the campaign of the previous year involved one of the Medb elephants symbolic of Enmerkar’s Sumerian followers. The event resulted in Peleg’s separation from the Chinese, who had lived under him at Kish before joining him in the Aratta schism. They were one of three peoples inhabiting Aratta under the trio of Peleg, Nimrod and Inanna. In 2301 Nimrod fell; and Peleg followed in 2300. The two of them became instant hostage leaders, first by becoming Shem’s vassals Asshur and Lud, and then by taking control of the Eastern Medb and Western Taranis Griffins at opposite ends of the two theaters. Asshur-Nimrod’s reward in taking this course was to receive as his own people the East Semites destined to become Assyrians. Because of the identity of Heth’s five sons with the Wu-di emperors of China, we can assume that the Chinese refused to surrender when Peleg did and, instead, joined Heth and his Lagashite Sumerians at the sign of the Medb Tiger. It is interesting to speculate on where the forces outside Aratta— one loyal to Aratta under Heth and the other two enclosing it east and west— were actually disposed in the light of the topography we have just described. If Aratta, like Tabriz, lay on the Talkeh River, the two Medb griffins would have pinned the Uralo-Altaics under Canaan against Mount Sahand by taking positions both up and down river from Aratta. [See Village of Kandovan Valley in the Foothills of Sahand 50 km south of Tabriz. www.members.virtualtourist.com copied July 24, 2008] [See Alternative View of Kandovan. www.anvari.org copied July 24, 2008] The village of Kandovan suggests the sort of primitive existence a mass of humanity in 2300 might have adopted if taking refuge in the mountains of Iran. In the following year 2299 the Uralo-Altaics fell and made way for the East Semites destined to become Assyrians. Their ruler had been Canaan at the sign of the Medb Tiger. Canaan had inherited the Uralo-Altaics along with the Anship; but his defeat meant that the Assyrians rather than they would lay claim to the domain of Subir-Assyria on the Upper Tigris. However Asshur’s East Medb Griffin was not responsible for defeating Canaan and the Uralo-Altaics of the Medb Tiger. Instead Sumerian tradition attributes that victory to Gilgamesh, Tubal-Eber, commander of the West Medb Griffin. Gilgamesh destroys the Uralo-Altaic Gugalanna, “Bull of Heaven.” The legend of Gilgamesh’s slaying the Gugalanna does not confine this event to the northeastern theater. Instead, it is set in Sumer and seems to refer to a time when some Ural-Altaics were clinging to the lower Euphrates and supposedly using up the water supply. The legend also makes much of the goddess Inanna, whom we 97 cast as the Celtic Medb entrenched at Aratta during the war. As the heaven goddess of both Uruk and Aratta, Inanna claimed her own share in the Anship of the UraloAltaics. Her change of location from Uruk to Aratta in the war epics looks like an abstraction without a euhemeristic basis in fact; but Inanna was a real person, who really did participate in the conspiracy and lived at Aratta during the war. Therefore, we should pay close attention to just what the Gilgamesh legend says about her relationship to the “Bull of Heaven.” The Sumerian setting of “Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven” suggests that the Uralo-Altaics escaped from Aratta and returned to Mesopotamia once they learned that they had lost their claim to the domain of Subir. They reasoned that Canaan lost the Anship taken from Noah. In fact Inanna may owe her origin as a heaven goddess to Canaan’s defeat in 2299. That explanation would mean that references to her as queen of heaven in the Sumerian epics is somewhat anachronistic in respect to events occurring in years prior to 2299. Still we can consider that date as the year that Canaan lost the Anship to Inanna-Medb while she was still holding out at Aratta. Her string-pulling role in “Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven” suggests that she ordered the Uralo-Altaic “Bull of Heaven” to make their return journey to Sumer. This legend appears in the context of The Epic of Gilgamesh as translated in Pritchard’s anthology The Ancient Near East. It begins with Inanna’s effort to make Gilgamesh her husband. In an otherwise hostile context, the implication is that MedbInanna, at Aratta, is attempting to persuade Gilgamesh-Tubal to abandon the Erechite cause and convert to the faction of Aratta. There is no mention of Aratta; and we would never connect Gilgamesh with the war except for the Eanna period setting of his reign, emphasis on hostilities in his epic and belief that he was Japheth’s vassal Tubal and therefore one of the unnamed Erechite heroes of Lugalbanda in the Wilderness. To Inanna’s offer of marriage Gilgamesh protests that she has been promiscuous and unfaithful to any one man: “’Which lover didst thou please forever?’” (52). He names her lovers starting with Tammuz (Ham) and adds that she has loved the “dappled shepherd-bird,” a lion, a stallion, the “keeper of the herd” and “Ishullanu, thy father’s gardener.” Enraged she turns to her “father” Anu, Canaan, and complains that Gilgamesh has insulted her by recounting “my stinking deeds.” Although sexual promiscuity was undoubtedly an element in Inanna’s history, the meaning of these affairs is political. Gilgamesh has named five lovers; he himself constitutes a prospective sixth. If we add the teenage union with Sidon and then the Anship embodied in her “father” Canaan (actually her father-in-law in respect to Sidon), she has covered all eight principles of the theocracy and therefore the whole human race in respect to their linguistic divisions. We have seen from Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta that both sides in the war claimed her patronage; so Gilgamesh has accused her of giving herself to whatever faction serves her purposes. All the early postdiluvians practiced polygamy; but she has done so without consistent loyalty to anyone except herself. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Inanna (“Ishtar” in Pritchard’s Semitic text) asks Anu to create for her the Bull of Heaven (“Gutanu” in the Semitic version) to “smite Gilgamesh.” In context of the war, this request simply means calling on Canaan, at the head of the Ural-Altaics, to make war on the West Medb Griffin controlled by Tubal-Eber-Gilgamesh. The request is consistent with our view of the summer campaign of 2299. The difference between this case and the earlier campaigns is that the Uralo-Altaics managed to push past the griffin adversary and escaped to return to Sumer via the Lagros Gate-Diyala River route. Further details of the legend suggest that Inanna herself has returned from Aratta to Uruk, leaving the garrison of Aratta in the hands of Heth and his followers. To her request for the Bull of Heaven, Anu replies that it will cause a dearth of grain. This detail makes no sense as referred to the mountainous northeast but implies that Canaan fears that the Uralo-Altaics back in Sumer will overstrain the grain supply there. Although Pritchard’s Semitic version of the fragmentary text fails to mention the analogous problem of water supply, he summarizes, “Anu did Ishtar’s bidding, for the Bull comes down and kills hundreds of men with his first two snorts” (54). The Uralo-Altaics may well have slain hundreds of the inhabitants remaining in Mesopotamia in 2299. If so this phase of the war added to the guilt that led to the Ural-Altaic exile to Hadramaut together with fallen Sino-Tibetans and Austronesians. In retaliating against the Bull of Heaven, Gilgamesh receives aid from his ally Enkidu just as in the separate episode of their tracking down the monster Huwawa. The name Enkidu means “Creature of Enki” and is applicable to all the Javanites derived from Enki-Sidon’s family. Gilgamesh’s Enkidu appears to be the Javanite Tarshish, ancestor of the Phoenicians. He appears in East Indian tradition as the warrior king Su Dasa I. We will consider Su Dasa’s victory later in the process. Here the struggle refers to a battle against the Uralo-Altaics in 2299. Gilgamesh destroys the violent beast: Between neck and horns he thrust his sword. When they had slain the Bull, they tore out his heart, Placing it before Shamash [Utu]. They drew back and did homage before Shamash. The two brothers sat down (ll. 152-1560. Gilgamesh-Tubal and Enkidu-Tarshish were “brothers” in the sense that they both belonged among the vassals of Japheth, the original Utu-Shamash or “Hamitic” god of the sun. In physical terms the two were cousins, Eber a grandson of Sidon through Shelah-Belus of the Libyan family; and Tarshish, Sidon’s grandson though Belus’ brother Agenor-Elishah, the first vassal of Javan. Japheth sorted them out by taking Eber-Aegyptus as his immediate vassal Tubal and Tarshish-Phoenix as a vassal of his grandson Javan. 99 In the legends of the Bull of Heaven and Huwawa, dismembered body parts stand for leaders removed from conquered peoples. In the present case, the Gutanu’s heart means the Ural-Altaic leader Canaan. With his other three brothers in Genesis 10:6, Canaan was taken captive as a “fallen Titan” and converted into a leader of the Arabian exilic scheme known to Chinese tradition as an “Ocean Dragon King.” That is why Ham’s depiction in the Gundestrup Caldron occurs in a panel showing sons as dragons and known as the Dragon Panel. The Sumero-Akkadian tradition implies that Canaan as well as Inanna have returned to Sumer to make war against TubalGilgamesh’s griffin army transferred there to subdue them. The dismemberment of the Bull of Heaven continues. When Inanna-Ishtar curses Gilgamesh for slaying the Bull, Enkidu retaliates by tearing loose the bull’s right thy and tossing it in her face. She laments over this body part as though it too represents a fallen leader. In all likelihood it represents Mizraim, Ham’s son by Durga, Inanna’s grandmother through Arphaxad I-Taranis. Known to the Welsh tradition as Mynogan, this son of Ham figures prominently in the same context as Medb-Inanna along with Llyr-Gomer and Bran-Javan. Like his half-brother Canaan, he became an “Ocean Dragon King” and the one most closely related to his vassals in Egypt. He took the Red Sea coast of Arabia opposite Egypt. Thus ended the campaign of 2299 with the capture of two of Ham’s Titan sons— Canaan-Cronus and MizraimOceanus. The text of the Bull of Heaven legend continues with an episode that sheds important light on the stance of Shem during the Uruk-Aratta War. Matters of sequence are acute here. Shem gained the Enlilship of the Semites from Ham in the Nomadic Age and did not lose it to Cush until Cush’s son Nimrod overthrew him in Sumer by 2244. Consequently, Shem was still functioning as Enlil in 2299. In the text Enlil demands that Enkidu be executed for the crime of destroying the Bull of Heaven and Huwawa. Shamash defends him on the basis that Enkidu and Gilgamesh were acting on his behalf. The story provides us with insight into a debate between Shem and his full brother Japheth (Shamash) at the climax of the war in 2298 or 2297. Shem was the theocratic overlord of all the Semites in the five griffin armies just as Japheth claimed lordship of all their Hamitic members. The dispute over Enkidu, therefore, involved the highest powers in control of the Erechite victors in the war. It was as though there should be some bitter dispute between Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt in the course of World War II. We can easily see why Japheth should defend the actions of his sub-vassal Tarshish; but why should Shem care about the fate of the Ural-Altaics and of his old enemy Canaan? The answer lies with Shem’s deep sense of loyalty to Noah. He had been bitter enough to see the Anship pass over from Noah to the enemy Canaan in 2359. What offended Shem sixty years later was seeing the race Noah had created for his Subir domain detached from it and exiled to the ends of the earth via Hadramaut. The legend suggests that the decision to give Subir to Nimrod’s East Semites was not taken until the Ural-Altaics were Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations thoroughly subdued by the army of Tubal and Tarshish after the Uralo-Altaic crime crime of killing off hundreds of Mesopotamians in 2299. A climax of the war came in 2298 with the formation and destruction of the monster Huwawa— the second exploit of Gilgamesh and Enkidu. This event is narrated in a more complete part of the Epic of Gilgamesh titled by Kramer “Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living.” This part of the epic poses a challenge both to explain the make-up of “Huwawa” and the location of the narrative action. Realizing by 2298 that the cause of the eastern theater was lost, the remaining schismatic leader there, Heth, followed the example of the Bull of Heaven by escaping from Aratta at the head of Sino-Tibetans and Lagashite Sumerians and returned to Mesopotamia by the same route, pursued by the Eastern Medb Griffin army under Magog and the hostage-convert Nimrod. As a result of this action, Magog and Nimrod closed hands with the Aryan followers of Su-Dasa-Tarshish and came to be known among Satem Aryans as their major gods Rudra and Varuna respectively. At this point we must draw on the tradition of the Norse Aesir-Vanir war for insight into the conduct of Peleg, the Teutonic god Frey-Fricco. Sturleson’s narrative states that Freyr was handed over as hostage by the Vanir (Aratta faction). That event would make could sense if it referred to the campaign of 2300 when Peleg was defeated, lost control of the Sino-Tibetans and transferred to the western theater as a leader among the Erechite Aesir. However there is reason to believe that Sturleson’s tradition refers to a stage of the war later than 2300. R. I. Page’s summary of the Norse story begins, “Odin took an army to attack the Vanir.” Odin was the Teutonic version of Joktan-Meshech-Aram, co-founder of the Eanna regime together with Japheth-Utu. Throughout much of the war he and the North Semites held the position of the Eastern Medb Griffin in the western theater. Joktan’s army, held in reserve, did not seek an engagement until the final year of the war in 2296 when, as the Icelandic tradition states, both sides were exhausted. If Peleg-Frey began a hostage from the Vanir that year, the implication is that he had turned coat a second time between 2300 and 2296 and renewed his leadership of the Vanir cause of Aratta. I deduce from this premise that, when he learned of the defeat of the Uralo-Altaic cause by the end of 2299, he rejoined Heth and resumed his command of the Sino-Tibetans who had been with him both at Kish and Aratta. Peleg and Heth continued to link their fortunes down to the Dynasty III period when they emerged as the powerful Sumerian rulers Lugalannemundu and Ur Nanshe. In fact Heth is apparently Frey’s “father” named in the tradition “Niord” and his fellow hostage with a similar destiny. Heth was Peleg’s half-brother by Mahadevi but much older than he as a member of the second postdiluvian generation. The monster Huwawa consisted of more than the Sino-Tibetans. It and its destruction are closely associated in the Epic of Gilgamesh with the Bull of Heaven, not just because of the rapid sequence of events in 2299-2298 but because Heth joined 101 forces with Peleg to liberate the fallen Uralo-Altaics and shape them into a “monster” by combining them into a body consisting of both Asian peoples. The campaign of 2298 resulted in a remarkable “Drang nach Osten” into Elam, Persia and possibly even Media and Hyrcania. As Heth descended from Aratta to Mesopotamia pursued by the griffin army of Magog and Nimrod, he got word to Peleg in Padan-Aram that the Chinese were on the loose and eager to be rejoined by their erstwhile leader at Kish and Aratta. His message persuaded Peleg to defect from the Erechite cause and join Heth in a successful effort to free the Uralo-Altaics from detention in Sumer. The combined Sino-Tibetans and Ural-Altaics now became the “monster Huwawa” and fled into the “Land of the Living” named as such in the Sumerian Gilgamesh legend. Interpreters prior to Kramer believed that this land lay in Elam. Kramer suggests a location farther east. The logical explanation is that “Huwawa” was trying to make its way to Persia, the domain of the Asian ancestress Durga. Once there they might have sought to make peace with the Aratta faction through a plea of legitimacy based on Durga’s claim. Their pursuers included both halves of the two Satem Aryan nations from the two “Antelope” colonies of the First Kish order— East Indians under Tarshish from Phoenicia and Iranians under Japheth’s son Madai (Persian Ahura Mazda). Nimrod and Magog’s followers consisted of the East Medb Griffin including Semitic ancestors of the Assyrians and a share of Hamites. Eber-Gilgamesh brought with him members of the West Medb Griffin made up of shares of the Semites and Hamites. These forces loom large in postdiluvian history as enforcers of the punitive plan of exile imposed on the conquered people of the Aratta faction, starting with the two great races of continental East Asia, Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics. Kramer reconstructs “Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living” over a sevenpage span of The Sumerians. The story begins with Gilgamesh’s depression at seeing dead bodies floating in the river— no doubt victims of the Uralo-Altaic Bull of Heaven’s assault on Sumer. The hero decides to make a name for himself before he dies by traveling to the “Land of the Living” and cutting down the cedars growing there. Ironically Eber-Gilgamesh lived to a later date than any of the others named in Genesis 11. He did not die until 1997 BCE and by all accounts was one of the strongest of all the Noahic world community. Such physical strength counted for a great deal in the early postdiluvian period. Naturally the text says nothing about large numbers of followers of the hero since numbers are concealed under an allegorical system that treats the entire race destined for continental East Asia as single figure Huwawa. On the advice of Enkidu, Gilgamesh appeals to Utu to sanction his trip to the Land of the Living since the sun god owns that land. If we still identify the sun god with Japheth at this point, this power over the east derives from Japheth’s interest in Elam through his diluvian wife Kali and exhibited by his identification with Elam as Chedorlaomer of the Abrahamic war. Considering Japheth’s peculiar identification Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations with Durga by bearing the same name Sheba, his authority extended eastward from Elam to Durga’s Persia. The Persian name Hormuz, applied both to the strait and a small, bell-shaped island off the coast takes its name from Ahura Mazda, the patriarch Madai, whom we have placed among the pursuers of the fugitive Asians. Ahura Mazda, Varuna and Rudra all shared in Gilgamesh and Enkidu’s effort to destroy the Huwawa. The Sumerian legend does not quite put it that way since Gilgamesh encounters Huwawa only after seeking for cedar trees as though his reputation depended on it. After Utu hesitates to grant Gilgamesh permission to go to the “Land of the Living,” he finally acquiesces and promises to protect Gilgamesh from seven “weather demons” who might otherwise bar his way. Coming from the words of Japheth-Utu these seven “demons” refer to Japheth’s seven vassals in some formalistic mode. Ironically they posed a threat to Gilgamesh, one of the seven Japhethite vassals himself! This sort of bizarre logic results from a formalistic, high-spirited culture in which sets of persons authorized for specific purposes completely outweigh the individual personalities who make them up. The “weather demons” are the Japhethite clan as it operated before the war when they were authorized to form colonies extending northward from Elam through EberTubal’s Iberian Caucasus into Sarmatia. Utu’s safe passage means authorizing EberGilgamesh to pass beyond the north-south axis of these settlements into Durga’s domain of Persia, known as “Cedar Mountain” in Lugalannemundu’s inscription. The legend states next that Gilgamesh picked fifty Erechite men to follow him. Like Lugalbanda’s seven Erechite heroes, the fifty represent the avant garde of a larger body capable of challenging the Uralo-Altaics and Sino-Tibetans in Durga’s domain east of Elam. The label “Land of the Living” possibly refers to Durga’s Sethite racial origin in that the eight diluvian survivors owed their lives to Sethite Noah. Unlike the three war epics, “Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living” is a highly ritualized and mythologized story. It makes little contact with facts concerning the campaign of 2298 to which I apply it. Interpreting the story is impossible without giving a bold allegorical value to cutting down cedar trees. Gilgamesh sets out with the original idea of achieving lasting fame by accomplishing this seemingly ordinary task. He makes contact with the monster Huwawa only after cutting down the “cedar of his heart” in the Land of the Living. He then cannot reach Huwawa and take him captive before felling seven cedar trees that surround the monster. As in all allegorical interpretations of this kind, the meaning depends on intrinsic properties of the symbol together with enumeration. Interpretation in this case depends on the enumeration at seven. We have seen that the quota system of the First Kish order required that Austronesians divide into seven parts. All evidence points to the fact that Austronesians were a third body of adversaries in the Persian 103 campaign, were defeated and joined the Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics in the exilic region of Hadramaut. The seven cedar trees surrounding Huwawa represent the seven divisions of the Austronesian stock. In fact cedar trees represent Austronesians from the outset of the legend. The stock derived from Kali and belonged by right to her domain of Elam. After their defeat in the northeastern theater, the Austronesians made their way to Elam just as Sino-Tibetans were seeking to Durga’s domain of Persia (“Cedar Mountain”). As Gilgamesh and the others pushed eastward, they found the Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics in Persia guarded by the Austronesians of Elam. All these people had to be defeated once and for all. These adversaries had succeeded in shifting the eastern theater from northwestern Iran to southwestern Iran. Given the lack of factual detail from “Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living,” we must reconstruct the events that closed the campaign of 2298 the best we can. A key hypothesis points to the Strait of Hormuz as the place where the pursuers caught up with the Aratta fugitives. Because these fugitives began their flight in Sumer after freeing the Uralo-Altaics of the Gugalanna there, the likely route of flight and pursuit was down the coast of Elam and Persia despite the assertion in the Sumerian story that Gilgamesh and Enkidu crossed seven mountains. A city of some size existed on the small island of Hormoz in the 17 th century of the Christian era. An attractive possibility is that this island served as a maximum security prison for the fugitives to keep them from escaping again. A significant detail of the Sumerian story is that Gilgamesh captures Huwawa with a noose. This is the same device attributed to the captor Varuna in Aryan mythology. The triad of pursuers aside from Gilgamesh and Enkidu can be treated as complementary in this respect. They all figure in the Aryan tradition of Iran and are Nimrod-Varuna, RudraMagog and Madai-Ahura Mazda. These three can be conceived as complementary in function— Rudra as a violent destroyer akin to Shiva and sometimes identified with him, Varuna as the captor and Ahura Mazda as the jailer on the island of Hormoz or elsewhere. The intense dualism of good and evil in Iranian religion arises from the assumption by the captors that the conflict between Uruk and Aratta was strictly a matter of good versus evil. That is why the Aratta fugitives were banished from the “Land of the Living” into the Hades of the Arabian coasts including the land of Hadramaut based on Hazarmaveth, “Village the Dead.” The Chinese captives interpreted the exilic coasts of Arabia as their frightful inferno Feng-du, each coast or chamber with its own dreadful punishment. Because Nimrod himself had belonged to the Aratta faction at the head of the Austronesians, the god Varuna degenerated into Ahriman, the embodiment of evil in Zoroastrianism. Rudra-Magog can be considered intermediate in this respect because destruction can serve either good or evil purposes. Ahura Mazda emerged as the embodiment of good and not the least for racial reasons among an Aryan community biased toward Caucasoid whites. Madai was white Japheth’s white son by the second white matriarch Hamath-Saraswati. That is why fair-skinned Slavs of the same Satem Aryan stock linked Madai so closely with Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Japheth-Svarog under the name Svarogich, “Son of Svarog” and why Madai is Japheth Atab’s successor Ataba or Mashda in the First Kish dynasty. By naming the strait, island and at least one more town in Persia Hormoz, the Iranians have put Madai’s stamp on that key location in the Noahic world order just as the heartland of Media is named for Madai. The Indo-European language of Iran is divided into two forms, the Avestan to the east and Old Persian to the west. The Persians claim to have descended to Persia from the valley of Parhasa in the north. If this valley has not been pinpointed elsewhere, it suggests the valley of the Talkeh at Tabriz north of Mount Sahand. Kingship at Its Source suggests that the Persians were descendents of Ham and Uma and thus Satem Aryan counterparts to the Centum Aryans of Europe. In other words they were descendants of Ham-Jemshid, governor of Gutium in the First Kish order. Under his influence they came to Aratta and can be reckoned among the followers of Heth along with the Lagashite Sumerians. If so the descent from Parhasa is the Persian version of the flight and pursuit we have been seeking to define. In contrast the Avestan Aryans were Iranians who turned loyal at the outbreak of the war and submitted to the rulership of Madai and Magog of the seven Japhethite heroes of Uruk. This explanation assumes that the Medes were a branch of the Avestan stock. These loyalists account for the Iranian inhabitants of Media, Hyrcania and Ariana extending eastward from a location east of Gutium through the land south of the Caspian Sea to Afghanistan. All these people reached there homelands as a result of Gilgamesh and Nimrod’s drive to the east in the year 2298. The rest of the war shifted to the western theater of the Taranis Panel at the Khabur River and Carchemish on the Upper Euphrates. The campaign of 2297 at the Khabur River focused on the Aratta faction of North Amerindians under Cush, the Aztec-Nahua Tezcatlipoca, red-black god of the “smoking mirror.” The victors in the case were the East Taranis Griffin army consisting of North Semites (Aramaeans) and Hamites attached to Caphtor-Dôn under the general command of Aram-JoktanMeshech. The involvement of Caphtor- suggests that the army included ancestors of the Luwians of Anatolia and Minoans of Crete. In respect to mythology the campaign of 2297 generated the climax of the Egyptian myth of “The Deliverance of Mankind from Destruction.” The version of mankind, in this case, were chiefly Amerindians. After the gods agree in this Egyptian myth to send down Re’s Eye in the form of Hat-hor, we hear, “So then that goddess came and slew mankind in the desert” (Pritchard, 4). Because Hat-hor (Sin-Lakshmi) had been a ruler over the entire Hamitic stock at Sippar, the myth may mean nothing more than that the Hamites of the East Taranis Griffin sought a bloody reprisal against their red enemies of the East Taranis Leopard. At first Re thanks Hat-hor for “accomplishing this for me” as though Japheth were in communication with the Hamites after this victory. Because the myth is set anachronistically on the Nile, we cannot expect more than minimal contact with 105 factual detail. The most we can say for the Nile setting is that a basis in fact might be the Khabur River taken in the ritualistic tradition of Egypt for the Nile just as another ritual Egyptian myth refers to two warring cities as Dep and Pe without detailing anything about Uruk and Aratta, their actual counterparts. The Egyptian tradition was the most thoroughly ritualized, mythologized and ahistorical of the major early postdiluvian cultures. That is why such vast importance attaches to the great Hebrew leader Moses, who offered such a profound counter-culture to Egypt in achieving the sober, historical tone of the Pentateuch. The myth turns entirely ritualistic when Re gives instructions on how to trick Hat-hor into believing that he has annihilated the enemy by simulating blood by mixing red ochre with freshly made beer mash. “Then it was like human blood. Then seven thousand jars of the beer were made.” The ruse forms a complement to the climax of the Marduk Epic in which the supposed decapitation of Kingu results in the creation of mankind from Kingu’s blood. In this way extravagant mythic handlings of the Uruk-Aratta war by the Egyptians and Akkadians simulate the Creation and Flood realities established in Moses’ Book of Genesis. In his desire to protect mankind from destruction, Re instructs his servants to take the red-dyed beer to the place where “she expected to slay mankind.” “Then the fields were filled with liquid for three palms through the power of the majesty of this god” (5). At dawn Hat-hor drinks this beerblood, gets drunk on it “without having perceived.” The end of the war came in the campaign of 2296 with the clash of the Western Taranis Griffin and Western Taranis Leopard. The Aratta faction, in this case, was represented by ancestors of our white European race derived from the diluvian marriage of Ham and Uma. Defeat of the Centum Aryans resulted in a flight, capture and exilic migration from Lydia to the coasts of Arabia detailed in a fascinating way by a string of Germanic tribes extending southward from the Lower Vistula to Bohemia in the atlas based on the ancient Geography of Claudius Ptolemaeus. This sequence is described and interpreted in an appendix to Kingship at Its Source and a separate essay “The Teutons”; so it does not need to be repeated here. For the last campaign of 2296, we have the admirably detailed narrative of Snorri Sturleson’s Aesir-Vanir war with its emphasis on mutual exhaustion and exchange of hostages: “Odin took an army to attack the Vanir. They made a valiant defense of their country [Vanaland], and each side in turn had victory. Each plundered the others’ land, doing much damage. And when the two peoples had had enough of this, they set a peace conference, made a truce and hostages were exchanged. The Vanir gave their most distinguished men, the rich Niord and his son Freyr. In return the Aesir gave the man called Hoenir, saying he was very proper to have authority. He was a big man, very good-looking. With him the Aesir sent Mimir, a very shrewd man, and in return the Vanir gave the most intelligent in their group. He was called Kvasir.” - (R. I. Page, Norse Myths, 27). Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The dramatis personae in this summary are as follows: Odin, Aram-JoktanMeshech; Niord, Heth; Freyr, Lud-Peleg-Kingu; Hoenir, Asshur-Nimrod; Mimir, Mizraim; and Kvasir, Canaan. Each exchanged hostage carries political implications, not only for subsequent history, but for the status quo at the time of the campaign of 2296. If Peleg-Frey was fighting on the Vanir (Aratta) side, he maintained the same status quo with Niord-Heth that these two had established in the “Persian flight” of 2298. Heth and Peleg, founders of the rebellion, either escaped or talked their way out of the trap at Hormuz. Over the next two years, they made their way to the last stand of the Vanir on the Upper Euphrates. It is conceivable that they brought with them enough strength of numbers to create the stalemate suggested by the Norse tradition. On the other hand, the Upper Euphrates is the most probable location of the campaign in the East Indian tradition of Su-Dasa I, who claims to have defeated fifteen tribes. To reconcile these two traditions, we can assume that the hostage exchange occurred before the close of the campaign of 2296. After a lapse of time, the remaining forces of the Vanir may have renewed the conflict only to be defeated by Su-Dasa I at the head of the Aesir force at the Upper Euphrates. Although the Centum Aryans were now put to flight westward to Lydia, the biased Norse tradition preferred to remember only the stalemate prior to the final defeat. In fact it may be possible to distinguish between North Teutons and either West or East Teutons in this respect. Sturleson’s North Teutons of Iceland recalled the stalemate as though they ended their part of the war at that point; whereas the West and East Teutons experienced the final defeat at the hands of Su-Dasa’s forces. A translation of the Battle Hymn appears in L. A. Waddell’s Makers of Civilization in Race and History. Waddell explains that the poem appears in the Aryan Vedas under the title “Su-Dasa’s Battle-Hymn over the Ten confederated Kings.” The poem begins with Su-Dasa’s crossing of the flooded Parushni with the supernatural aid of Indra. The author identifies the River Parushni with the Euphrates. He has given Su-Dasa the alternative Indian name Tarsi, consistent with our view that this conqueror is Phoenix-Tarshish, the belligerent Enkidu of the Sumerians. SuDasa’s crossing of the Euphrates to meet the enemy is consistent with the view that, over the interval from 2298 to 2296, he has returned to the East Indian colony in Phoenicia with Indian followers, having left others of the same race to guard that position. These Indian people are identified in the hymn as the Tritsus. The translation opens as follows: “Though the floods spread widely, Indra made them shallow and easy for SuDasa to cross; He (Indra) worthy of our praise, caused the Simyu foe of our hymn, to curse the river’s fury. Eager for spoil was (the enemy leader) Turvasa Puro-Das, fain to win wealth, like Matsya (fishes) urged by hunger; The Bhrigus and the Druhyus quickly listened to him; friend joined friend amid the two distant peoples. Together came the Pakthas, the Bhalanas, the Alinas, the Sivas, the Vishanins; to (Su-Das’) Tritsus came the Aryans’ comrade (Indra) to these heroes in war and spoil.” (172) 107 My essay “The Indian King Lists” enumerates all the enemy tribes at fifteen, interprets them as remnants of the Aratta alliance derived from fifteen of the sixteen half protoplasts of the Noahic world and attempts to identify them as follows: Anu (Uralo-Altaics), Yakshu (Finno-Ugrians), Bhrigu (Iranians), Druhyu (rebel East Semites), Bhalana (rebel West Semites), Aja (rebel Egyptians), Siva (rebel Balto-Slavs), Bheda (rebel South Semites), Paktha (Amerindians), Sigru (Black Hamites and Congo-Niger race), Vishanin (Austronesians), Vaikarna A (Sino-Tibetans), Vaikarna B (Austroasiatics), Simyu (rebel Sumerians such as the Lagashite followers of Heth), Alina (Centum Aryans as represented by Hellenes). The reason for putting forward the Hellenes as representatives of the whole Centum Aryan stock is that the Hellenic patriarch, Titan Iapetus, identifies with Ham’s son Put, leader of the West Taranis Leopard on the Upper Euphrates. Another name from this analysis suggests a cognate match between the East Indian and Norse traditions: “The fleers rushed like kine unherded from the pasture, each clinging to a friend as chance happened; But the Maruts driving dappled steeds [Indra’s cosmic horsemen] sent down by Prishni gave ear, these warriors and their harnassed horses. The King who (singly) scattered one-and-twenty houses of both Vaikarna tribes with glory—As the skilled priest clips grass within the shrine, so hath the hero Indra wrought their downfall. Thou thunder-armed Indra overwhelmest in the waters the famous old Kavasha, and then the Druhyu; Whilst thy votaries, O Indra! with thy friendship were made joyful.” (172-173) It is not altogether clear whether “famous old Kavasha” is a man or a tribe in parallel with the Druhyu. In either case, the name recalls the Norse Kvasir, the patriarch Canaan as Vanir hostage to the Aesir. Because Su-Dasa represents the Aesir or Erechite cause, the implication is that Canaan has reverted to his Titan alliance with the other sons of Ham on the Vanir side in the interval between the stalemate and this renewal of final hostilities. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The text continues, “The foemen with reluctance abandoned to Su-Das all their treasured stores”; “Indra’s deniers, far o’er the earth he scattered them;” “He set them different roads (in flight), did he the paths’ Controller”; and “To thee (Su-Das) have all thy enemies submitted; e’en the fierce Bheda, hast thou made thy subject.” All this is consistent with a wind-up of the Uruk-Aratta war, including a final subjugation of the “fierce Bheda,” presumably ancestors of South Semitic Arabs. The title of the work enumerates ten enemy kings as though just ten of the Noahic elite still led the Vanir cause by the time of this last battle in 2296. “Famous old Kavasha” figures as Canaan-Kvasir among these. Belonging to the first postdiluvian generation, Canaan could not have been any older than 222 in 2296— rather young by the standard of Noah-Indra’s age at 862. A reason for naming Canaan “famous old Canaan” is that this patriarch, son of Ham and white Uma, became the chief progenitor of the Centum Aryans of Europe, the race who formed the core of resistance at the Western Taranis Griffin on the Upper Euphrates. Two more of the ten Vanir leaders at this last point included the hostages Hoenir-Nimrod and Mimir-Mizraim (Egyptian Min). A convincing way to explain the other seven is that the hostage Mizraim claimed to bring with him to the Vanir cause seven of his eight biblical vassals, excluding only Zud-Susuda who was already in Lower Egypt founding Buto. If Mizraim actually succeeded in taking with him seven of his vassals, we are faced with the paradox that two of them, Noah and Japheth, turned rebels against their own essential cause! The only way we can accept such a paradox is that it seemed the only way to achieve peace after seven summers of war at the time of the hostage exchange. Japheth and Noah had joined the Mizraim clan in hope to colonize Egypt. Now they found themselves joining a rebellion that Japheth, at least, had fought against from the start. This strange state of affairs suggests how Noah came to be the greatest of the Aryan gods, Indra, in the Vedic tradition prior to the rise of the Hindu Trimurti (excludes him). To begin with, the Aesir hostages sent to the Vanir did not fare well according to Sturleson’s account: “When Hoenir came to Vanaland, he was given authority at once. Mimir taught him everything he should say. And when Hoenir was in attendance at legal moots and gatherings without Mimir at hand, and had any difficult came before him, he always gave the same answer. “Let someone else decide,” he would say. Then the Vanir suspected that the Aesir had tricked them over the hostage agreement. They seized Mimir, cut off his head and sent it to the Aesir. Odin picked it up, smeared it with herbs so that it would not rot, and chanted spells over it. This gave it such power that it spoke to him, telling him many occult secrets.” 109 Mizraim actually was decapitated but not until the year 2181 with his three brothers in Lower Egypt. Like the decapitation of Huwawa, this one of MimirMizraim refers to the loss of some leader, presumably, Mizraim himself by one of the Mizraim tribes. The commitment by Mizraim and Japheth to colonize Egypt was too great to expect them to serve the Vanir rebellion resulting from Heth’s reaction against that plan. Whether the part played by Mimir-Mizraim and Hoenir-Nimrod part in the hostage exchange was pure fraud for the purpose of espionage remains to be seen. We know from the history of the Dynasty III period beginning in 2278 that Heth and Peleg fared much better among the Aesir. Heth became the powerful ruler Ur Nanshe at Lagash and Peleg an even more powerful ruler at Adab, also in Sumer. Sturleson’s narrative bears this out: “Odin set up Niord and Freyr as sacrificial priests, and they were cult leaders among the Aesir.” So these two suffered no ill effects from have led the rebellion that caused the great war. Such was the privileged state of the early postdiluvian elite and particularly of Peleg as Shem’s fourth imperial heir. Kings of the Eanna Dynasty after Enmerkar 2398-2278 Hallo identifies the hero Lugalbanda as a king of Uruk contemporary with Enmerkar in the third dynastic “generation,” 2302-2298. We have seen that, as Marduk, Lugalbanda-Shelah won his great victory over Tiamat by defeating the South Amerindians in the first summer campaign of 2302. That timing left Lugalbanda free to return from the western theater to Uruk and take over the government of the Eanna regime while Enmerkar was in the field in the eastern theater at Aratta. Hallo names the contemporary ruler at hostile Aratta Suhkeshdanna; but that name appears to be a variant reading of Peleg’s name Ensuhgirana in the epic Enmerkar and Ensugirana. Lugalbanda heads a four-deep family group of rulers covering the third through the sixth “generation” of the period— the years 2302 to 2286. Contemporaneously a three-deep genealogy reigned at Ur over the years 2298 to 2286; and a father-son pair at Kish, over the years 2298-2290. All nine of these rulers are high ranking Noahic elite; and three individual rulers at Kish are also important figures. An inscriptional figure unrecorded in the Sumerian Kinglist. Mesilim appears to be Japheth under his Mizraim-Algonquian name Maslum (Malsumis). The entire body of identifiable Eanna period rulers is as follows: Term: 2308-2305 2305-2302 2302-2298 Location: Uruk Uruk Uruk Uruk Sumerian Name: Utu Meskiaggasher Enmerkar Lugalbanda Hebrew Name: Japheth Meshech-Joktan Abimael Shelah-Marduk Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 2298-2294 2294-2290 2290-2286 2286-2282 2282-2278 Aratta Kish Uruk Ur Lagash Adab Kish Uruk Ur Kish Kish Uruk Ur Kish Uruk Ur Lagash Kish Kish Uruk Ur Hamazi Suhkeshdanna Enmebaraggesi Mesilim Dumuzi fisherman Gilgamesh Mesannepadda Lugal-sha-engur Salkisalsi Aka Ur-lugal Aannepadda Susuda Enna-Il Utul-kalamma Meskiagnunna Dadasig Lahbashum Elulu Enhegal Magalgalla Uhub En-nundarana Balulu Hatanish Peleg-Kingu Ham Japheth Riphath Tubal-Eber Arphaxad I Mizraim Peleg Obal ZudNimrod Almodad/ Sheleph Shem Canaan Arphaxad I Japheth The kings left blank in the last column are of uncertain identity and may not be Noahic elite. Some uncertainty also attaches to the two successors of Gilgamesh at Uruk— Ur-lugal and Utul-kalamma. The hypothesis here is that these two fill out the sequence begun by Shem’s second and third heirs with Peleg and Reu-Nimrod as forth and fifth. The list of identities places Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I twice in this dynastic period, first as Mesannapadda, founder of a line at Ur where he appears as the chief god Nanna. The suggested second appearance as En-nundarana at Uruk is uncertain and based on little more than a resemblance between the element “darana” and Arphaxad’s Celtic name Taranis. If Ur-lugal and Utul-kalamma are Peleg and his heir Reu-Nimrod, their appearance here, soon after the war, seems quite humble in contrast to their grand later appearances as Lugalannemundu of Adab and Sargon of Agade. The two names at Uruk can be studied for possible insight into the roles of these two fallen leaders from the lost cause of Aratta. “Ur-lugal” means “Champion of the King” without specifying which king. Whoever this king is, the name seems to be a humble endeavor by Peleg to maintain the good will of the victorious party at Uruk. If a representation 111 of Nimrod, the name Utul-Kalamma may have a bearing on the mysterious Calneh, fourth city of Nimrod’s “kingdom” after Babel, Agade and Uruk in Genesis 10:10. The International Bible Encyclopedia favors the view that Calneh represents Nippur, the northernmost of the four primary cities south of the land of Akkad and therefore a kind of entrance into Akkad. Nippur was founded by Nimrod’s grandmother Kali, mother of Cush. It was the shrine city of Enlil, whose identity was taken over by Cush after Nimrod-Ninurta’s conquest of the Enlilship in overthrowing Shem-Lugalzaggesi as Sargon in 2244. Ninurta is termed the “chief warrior of Enlil” linking him closely to Enlil’s cult center at Nippur. Every identification in the tabulation above has a possible bearing on how the Noahic elite sought to deal with the aftermath of the great war. Certainly the lists have the look of restoration with all five of Shem’s heirs located at Uruk and Ur as well as Ham and Mizraim at Kish. With Mizraim and later Canaan at Kish, these two have not yet begun their roles as “Ocean Dragon Kings” on the coasts of Arabia; and the Arabian exilic scheme has not yet begun although we have left three major exilic peoples— Austronesians, Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics— penned up conceivably on Hormoz Island waiting for transportation to Hadramaut. The rebel Heth has not yet begun his reign as Ur Nanshe of Lagash and fails to appear in our list of identities here. For that reason Kingship at Its Source suggests that he was located during these years in the north laying the groundwork for the Hittite empire of the following second millennium. We have seen that the closing campaigns of the war shifted from the eastern to the western theater. The Norse tradition identifies Heth as Niord, “father” of FreyPeleg, with both men functioning as hostages and priests among the Vanir of Uruk. That tradition might prompt us to search the list for some version of Heth were it not for the concept that the end of the war in the western theater left Heth and his sons inclined to find a substitute for Martu in the northwest at Anatolia. The whole body of northerners speaking eccentric versions of Indo-European such as the Hittites, Lydians, Luwians and Hurrians suggests some such period of colonization in the north or northwest. Meanwhile we have seen the Hamites of the griffin armies were scheduled to colonize Lower Egypt. Kingship at Its Source adds that Semites from the same griffin armies were founding northern Semitic cities such as Ugarit, Ebla, Mari and Assur. With the victorious Hamites holding Martu on their route to Lower Egypt and their Semitic allies founding cities from Phoenicia eastward to Assyria, the defeated followers of Heth, no matter how reconciled to the Eanna regime, sought to find homelands farther afield. The Japhethite dominance in Iran cut them off from the northeast; so the northwest was the only option available to them. Kingship at Its Source suggests that they attempted to create a matrix rather like the one they had once held in Martu and programmed according to the swastika pattern that has turned up among Hittite artifacts. In filling out such a design I reasoned that Heth used his five sons as he had the sons of Shem at the four corners of Martu. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Four Additional Domains - 2302-2286 No matter what roles Heth’s sons played, a peace alliance of 2296 called for the creation of four new domains and the forfeiture of guilty Mahadevi-Tiamat’s Gutium to a new owner. Five claimants were a balanced set of two sons of Japheth, two grandsons of Ham and a son of Shem. Sidon and Heth claimed two of the two domains. In passing over Ham’s sons and favoring these two grandsons, the new arrangement established the tradition known to the Hellenes as the Titan-Olympian distinction between Ham’s fallen sons and favored grandsons. The arrangement took shape as Heth became the Vanir hostage Niord among the victorious Aesir, a divine race equivalent to the victorious Olympians in the Teutonic tradition as well as in the Hellenic. The sons chosen by Japheth were his first two, Gomer and Magog. Shem chose his son Hul. These selections achieved a racial plenitude of yellow Gomer, red Magog, black Hul and two sons of white Canaan. The new domains formed a horizontal rectangle similar to the square at Martu and modeled on it to satisfy Heth’s grievance at losing Martu to the Hamites. The center lay at the core of the western theater around Haran. Magog-Hurricano claimed it for his people the Hurrians (biblical Horites). In the northwest lay Heth’s Hittites in the heart of Anatolia, presumably at a prototype of Hattusa. Sidon. as sea god Poseidon, took the island of Cyprus known for the Javanite Kittim derived from his grandson Khetm-Cadmus. Gutium became the southeast quarter of the scheme under the new lordship of Gomer and his vassal Ashkenaz, Yarlagan of the Gutians. The northeastern corner became the new domain of Urartu encompassing Lakes Van and Urmia and equivalent to the shortlived domain of Aratta. In fact the biblical rendering of Urartu as “Ararat” suggests that this name is the same as Sumerian “Aratta.” Kingship at Its Source identifies the chief Urartian god Khaldi with Hul, whose Negroid influence accounts for Herodotus’ observation of the Colchi at the east end of the Black Sea north of Urartu. Thus the land of Urartu can be labeled the Domain of Khaldi. The five domains can be tabulated as follows: Domain: NE Khaldi SE Yarlagan C Hurricano NW Hatti SW Alashiya Ruler: Hul Gomer/Ashkenaz Magog Heth Sidon/ Elishah Point: Coordinates: Van (Turkey) 38.28 N 43.20 E Sanadaj (Iran) 35.19 N 47.00 E Harran (Turkey) 37.00 N 39.15 E Alaca/ Hattusa (Turkey) 40.10 N 34.51 E Larnax/ Citium (Turkey) 34.55 N 33.38 E The ethnic groups located at these respective points were the Urartians, Gutians, Hurrians, Hittites and Kittim. 113 These newly defined domains correlate with the imperial reigns of the first five heirs of Shem at Uruk and Ur in the Eanna period. As “Belus” of Sidon’s “Libyan” family, Shelah-Lugalbanda is the imperial counterpart to his brother Agenor-Elishah at Alishiya-Cyprus. Gilgamesh-Eber accounts for the Hebrews at Padan-Aram surrounding the center point of Terah’s Haran. Peleg-Ur-lugal corresponds to the Lydians and Phrygians that eventually attached to Heth’s colony of Hatti in Asia Minor. The two eastern domains of Gutium and Urartu require closer analysis. Arphaxad I-Mesannepadda of Ur appears twice in the system of the Gundestrup Caldron, which he himself devised. He is both the god Taranis of the Taranis Panel and identically the same figure in the viewer’s upper left corner of the Trinity Panel of his mother Durga The smooth-shaven god wearing a torque in the upper right corner can be either of Durga’s two most important sons, Ham’s Mizraim or Japheth’s Gomer. Because Gomer belonged to the new scheme of domains and Mizraim-Aka did not, the god appears to be Gomer as ruler of the Gutian domain forfeited by Mahadevi. Gomer is to Lorestan, impinging on Gutium, what Kurdistan is to Gutium itself. The Kurds or Kardouchi of Assyrian times derived from Gomer-Llyr’s grandson Caradoc through Bran-Javan. These are clearly the Noahic elite relevant to the domain of Gutium. All of the Gundestrup exterior panels convey some theme in addition to representing one of the survivors of the Flood. We can ask why Durga is portrayed with Arphaxad and Gomer, excluding Mizraim. First her own linguistic, the SinoTibetans, are best represented by the Arphaxad’s Chinese descendents. The Japanese of Mizraim (Amenominakanushi) belong to the Uralo-Altaic rather than the SinoTibetan stock. The complementary preoccupation with Gomer arose from the same circumstance that caused Gomer’s father Japheth to receive the same name Sheba as Durga in Genesis 10. The two sons pictured in the Trinity Panel were both Erechite loyalists, Arphaxad I as Taranis of the western theater and Gomer as one of the Erechite heroes of Genesis 10:2. The panel seems to declare that Durga herself was a Erechite partisan despite the defection of the Sino-Tietans to Aratta. The Urartians of the northeast corner were direct heirs of Aratta under the imperial rule of its erstwhile leader Nimrod, Utul-kalamma of Uruk in the postwar period. As Peleg’s heir Nimrod-Sargon revived the cause of Aratta in his own way. That is why Sargon’s conquest of Ionia in southwestern Asia Minor left three of his names among the Hellenes who eventually took possession of that land. As the Alina tribe of Su-Dasa’s hymn, the Hellenes represented the last stand of the Aratta cause in 2296. Despite their genetic derivation from Ham’s son Put, their association with Nimrod was profound— so profound that we can consider the Hellenic Empire of Alexander as an Indo-European-speaking counterpart to Nimrod-Sargon’s East Semitic Akkadian Empire if not to the Assyrian Empire as well. Distinct in race and language from the East Semites, the Hellenes bear the stamp of Nimrod-Sargon’s personality on the deepest level of their tradition. They played an integral role in the creation of the northeastern domain of Urartu in the Eanna period. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations A mysterious element in Hellenic tradition is the eponym “Hellen,” supposed son of Prometheus, son of the real Hellenic patriarch Put-Iapetos. Iapetos and Prometheus belong to the most convoluted genealogical tradition in the history of Noah’s family: Uranus (Ham): father of Hyperion (Cush), Oceanus (Mizraim), Put (Iapetus), Cronus (Canaan) Iapetus (Put): “father” of Prometheus (Peleg) Prometheus (Peleg): “father” of Hellen (Nimrod-Reu) Hellen (Nimrod-Reu): “father” of Xuthus (Cush), Achaeus (Mizraim), Aeolus (Put) and Doros (Canaan) Xuthus (Cush): father of Ion (Nimrod) This construction ends where it begins— with Ham’s four sons— but transformed from fallen Titans into eponymous fathers of the Hellenic tribes. In the process it has inserted Shem’s fourth and fifth heirs, leaders of the original Aratta rebellion. The name Hellen emerges a fourth version of Nimrod in the Hellenic tradition in addition to Ion, Orion and Helios. “Hellas” or Greece is named for Nimrod. This overwhelming emphasis on Nimrod tells us that the great European nation that descended from Ham’s son Put not only took the last stand of the Aratta cause in the Western Taranis Leopard at Carchemish in 2296 but adopted the tribe name “Alina” or “Hellen” directly from Nimrod as their supreme leader. Where did they get that name for Nimrod? The latter part of Nimrod’s Eanna name Utulkalamma gave rise, not only to the biblical city name Calneh for Nippur, but to the ethnic name “Hellen.” This relationship suggests an explanation for the origin of the Hellenes in the Danube Valley prior to their descent into Greece. This explanation complements the one that brings some of the Hellenes by ship from the Nile Delta to the Danube Delta at the west end of the Black Sea. Although the Urartians of Madai’s son Arurim are not to be confused with the Hellenes, we now have reason to believe that Nimrod as Utul-kalamma brought some of the Hellenes with him to establish the domain of Khaldi in the northeast along with the Urartians. The Hellenic presence explains why the Urartians should take Shem’s 115 son Hul as their chief god Khaldi. Hellenic tradition identifies Hul as Hyllos, son of Herakles-Shem. In analyzing the double colony of the Fish and Rider in the First Kish order, we have seen that the Hellenes shared that version of Nimrod’s city of Agade with the Illyrian-Albanians, whose name “Illyroi” derives from Hyllos (Teutonic Hullr). We have also noted that the physical sons of black Hul appear in history as the Colchi at the east end of the Black Sea north of Urartu. These relationships indicate that one or more of the Hellenic tribes accompanied Utul-kalamma in 2288 from Uruk to join the remnant of the Aratta colony under Arurim to form the domain of Khaldi. These Hellenes and Hul’s Colchians then migrated northwest from Urartu to Colchis. At some point the Hellenes gained access to ships and crossed the Black Sea to the Danube Delta in the reverse direction of the Argonautic voyage eastward across the Black Sea to Colchis. Depending on where we place the Argonautic voyage in Noahic history, the westward crossing of the Black Sea by the Hellenes serves to match Jason’s return voyage from Colchis to Greece. The name Iason can even be considered a fifth Hellenic version of Nimrod, similar to Ion. According to this scenario, the Argonautic voyage was Nimrod’s bold attempt to coordinate the new domains of Kittim and Khaldi at the southwest and northeast extremes of Cyprus and Colchis. Hellenic legends of the Golden Fleece and of Prometheus chained to “Mount Caucasus” both derive from the mountainous isolation of Prometheus— and Phrixus of the Golden Fleece narrative— as the remnant of Peleg’s Aratta colony in the northeast. Prometheus personified the remnant of Aratta in the northeast. In taking the name Urartu from Arurim, son of Madai (Mashda), the Urartians made contact with Madai’s Teutonic identity as the fire god Logi. The element of fire emerges as the symbolic goal of both sides of the Uruk-Aratta conflict, with Madai of the seven Erechite heroes as one version of the fire priesthood and Prometheus-Peleg as his fire-stealing rival, represented as the fire priest Bhrigu among the East Indians and the fire god Nergal among the Sumerians. The scenario pictures Nimrod, as Utul-kalamma, sending Arurim and Hul into the northern mountains to found the domain of Khaldi (Hul). There Arurim created Urartu and Hul, Colchis in company with at least one Hellenic tribe. Nimrod then undertook the prodigious task of linking Cyprus to Colchis by traveling to Phoenicia with sufficient followers to execute the Argonautic voyage, not just from Greece but from Cyprus via Greece. The Argonautic tradition identifies Herakles as one of the voyagers, suggesting that Shem sought to link up with his son Hul in Colchis. On a return voyage the Hellenic tribe or tribes then crossed the Black Sea to the Danube Delta. Any consideration of the Argonautic voyage raises the perennial issue of how Noah and his two black children made their way to Colchis to act as the hosts Aeetes, Absyrtos and Medea.* The chronology of their presence there must reckon with Noah’s presence in Egypt as the third vassal of Mizraim, Lehab- (Algonquian Glooskap). Our analysis of the pre-dynastic scheme dates Noah’s project at Bubastis Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations from 2284 just four years after Utul-kalamma set the Domain of Khaldi in motion. Those four years from 2288 to 2284 define the beginning and end of the initiatives we have been describing. Those strict limits suggest an isochronic process with a module of a single year: 2288-2287. Arurim and Hul journey to the mountains and Arurim founds Urartu. Nimrod journeys to the Domain of Alashiya at Cyprus. 2287-2286. Hul, Noah and his black children reach Colchis in company with ancestors of the Colchians and at least one Hellenic tribe. Nimrod-Jason and his Argonautic companions voyage from Cyprus to Argos,named for Nimrod as Sargon. In the process they colonize Crete with Minoans (Caphtorim) and Philistines from the coast of Asia Minor under Mizraim’s vassals Beli and Dôn. 2286-2285. Nimrod and his voyagers reach Colchis and rendezvous with Hul, NoahAeetes-Geb, Riphath-Absyrtus-Osiris and Arvad-Medea-Isis. [* An alternative view of the chronology of the Argonautic voyage appears on page 169 below.] 2285-2284. Nimrod voyages back into the eastern Mediterranean with Noah-LehabGeb, Riphath-Pathrus-Osiris and Arvad-Medea-Isis to the Nile Delta where Noah builds Bubastis and begins a pre-dynastic reign from 2284 to 2272. Hul either accompanies them or is otherwise remembered at Athribis as Kemur, “Black Bull.” Riphath was just one of Noah’s three postdiluvian sons. At this time all three were functioning as vassals of Gomer as they appear in Genesis 10:3. We have seen that Ashkenaz took charge of the Domain of Gutium and established his Gutian identity as Yarlagan long before he reigned under that name in the 22nd century. Riphath put his stamp on Colchos. The other son of Noah, red Togarmah, established the intervening homeland of the Armenians at Lake Sevan. Christian Armenians have always claimed descent from Togarmah through a son named Hayk. Racially Armenians I have known confirm the truth of that tradition by conforming to the union of yellow-black Noah with red Mahadevi under the environmental influence of whites in the Indo-European stock. They are either swarthy or red and exhibit Mahadevi’s aquiline or hooked nose as do the Hittites of Togarmah’s half brother Heth. In sorting out these settlements of the mountainous north, we can point out that the Zagros Mountains at Sanandaj are to Gutium what Lake Urmia is to Aratta, 117 Lake Van to Urartu, Lake Sevan to Armenia and the East end of the Black Sea to Colchis. To complete the picture the capital of Georgia and its isolate Caucasian stock is Tiflis-Tblisi, named for Tubal-Eber-Gilgamesh. The isolate language reflects the way the Caucasus was colonized earlier in the late First Kish period in the south-tonorth sequence of Utu-Japheth’s “weather demons” from Lorestan through the Caucasus to Sarmatia. Tbilisi lies straight north of Lake Sevan at a distance of about a hundred miles. The modern nation of Georgia combines ancient Iberia (named for Tubal-Eber) on the east with Colchis on the west. Ptolemy’s Chart XVIII shows both lands filling out two thirds of the Caucasus between the Black and Caspian Seas. The easternmost third is Ptolemy’s Albania on the western shore of the Caspian. Ptolemy shows Colchis and Iberia as bordering on the north of Armenia. These activities by Nimrod in the Eanna period confirm the deep association between this fifth heir of Shem and the Hellenes. Aside from being Centum Aryans and committed to the cause of Aratta for that reason alone, they came to personify that cause as the “Alina” of Su-Dasa’s battle hymn. The epic 5th century struggle between Greece and Persia represents a renewal of hostility between the Aratta faction, embodied in the Hellenes, and the Erechite faction as represented by the Iranians of Gutium— a struggle between the Centum Aryans born of Ham and the Satem Aryans of Shem inherited by Japheth. In 480 BCE the Greeks avenged the defeat of Aratta as representatives of the Centum Aryan race who met defeat and were exiled to eastern Arabia. The connection between the Hellenic tradition and Nimrod’s version of the cause of Aratta is so close that the Book of Daniel applies to Alexander’s Hellenic Empire the image of a leopard. This image not only represents Nimrod personally but also the West Taranis Leopard where the Centum Aryans— including the “Alina” ancestors of the Hellenes took their last stand in 2296. We have seen that Sidon and two of his Javanite grandsons, Khetm and RoDanaus, acquired their identities as pre-dynastic pharaohs in Upper Egypt by joining Japheth’s scheme for colonizing Lower Egypt after 2308. Destined to reign last in the pre-dynastic scheme, these three took positions farthest east in the conquest of Aratta and necessarily got involved in the war. As Javanites, Khetm and Ro complemented Tarshish-Enkidu, who as Su-Dasa I claims to have won the war outright. All these enkidus or Javanite “creatures of Enki” were involved in the war up to their necks. In that sense the domain at Cyprus served the cause of pacification by removing them to the corner farthest from Urartu-Aratta. The Javanites were so essential to the Erechite victory that the Akkadian Naram Sin— heir of Sargon-Nimrod’s revived version of the cause of Aratta— singled them out for execution in 2181. As for the northwest quarter of the scheme, there is strong evidence that Heth formed two distinct families. As a member of the second postdiluvian generation, he might be expected to follow Riphath-Seba’s pattern of generating a complete racial tetrad. His five sons of the Ur Nanshe Plaque were destined to become the Wu-Di emperors of China and appear to have been the children of Heth and either Durga or Durga’s daughter Sin-Lakshmi. The latter’s claim to the domain of Palestine helps to Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations explain why Ur Nanshe launched a colonial enterprise resulting in the foundation of Tyre after the reported voyage of the founders from the Persian Gulf to Phoenicia ending in the use of Palestine for the needed transition from the Lower Sea to the Upper Sea-Mediterranean. The Hittites of Anatolia were a “red” hook-nosed people consistent with Heth’s mother Mahadevi. The isochronic process for colonizing the new system of domains began at the close of the war in 2296, half-way through the reign of Lugalbanda. From that point forward, the five new colonies were created at each successive mid-point. Each ruler spent two years in Sumer and then set out on a colonizing task over the following two years. Lugalbanda began the process by colonizing Cyprus in company with his brother Elishah and nephew Khetm. Lugalbanda-Shelah gave his East Indian name Surya to Sur or Tyre founded in the Dynasty III period. That port lies on the Phoenician coast southeast of Cyprus. He had served in the colony of Martu and therefore knew the land between Sumer and Phoenicia. The colonization of Cyprus between 2296 and 2294 figures as one of the first, if not the first, maritime effort of its kind in postdiluvian history. In the Nomadic Age Noah’s family had crossed the Persian Gulf and Red Sea but never with the immediate goal of colonization. An interpretive challenge is to determine what people followed the three members of the “Libyan” family to Cyprus. The inter-testamental identification of the name “Kittim” with Alexander’s Macedonian equates that Javanite name with the Thraco-Phrygian stock to whom the Macedonians belonged. Kingship at Its Source claims that Thraco-Phrygians colonized the Aegean under the leadership of the “Olympian” fraternity of Noah’s family after Lugalzaggesi-ShemZeus fell to Sargon in 2244. It now appears that the first step in this Thraco-Phrygian effort began a half century earlier at Cyprus. In the First Kish period, Thraco-Phrygians had been the Indo-European branch populating the capital city of Kish under Peleg. If Thraco-Phrygians colonized their traditional lands from Phoenicia and Cyprus, they escaped the Arabian fate imposed on defeated members of the Aratta faction. Despite their location at Peleg’s Kish, it now appears that they acted like the Satem Aryans and joined sides with Uruk in the war. While Japheth and the rest of the Mizraim clan continued to colonize Lower Egypt southwest of Cyprus, Thraco-Phrygians began their drive to colonize Macedonia, Thrace and Phrygia via the Aegean by colonizing Cyprus between 2296 and 2294. Gilgamesh-Eber came to power in 2294 and launched his colonial enterprise in 2292. His colony of Hebrews at Padan-Aram shared Syrian Mesopotamia between the two rivers in the western theater of the war with the Hurrians (biblical “Horites”) of Kurum-Hurricano-Magog, Japheth’s red son. As West Semites the Hebrews formed part of one of the griffin armies in the war, namely Eber-Tubal’s West Medb Griffin in the eastern theater. In order to reach Padan-Aram they had to return by the 119 usual route through Gutium and down the Diyala River. As followers of Eber, they returned with him to Sumer by 2294 before setting out for Padan-Aram in 2292. Their route from Sumer to Padan-Aram set a precedent for the migration of Abram’s father Terah to Haran in the 22nd century. It must be kept in mind that Terah and Abram were not originally Hebrews (howbeit descendents of Eber) but derived from the East Semitic family of Akkadian Emperor Naram Sin-Nahor I. The Hebrews were a distinct people who shared their West Semitic language with Abram’s family at Haran. Nevertheless Abram’s East Semitic ancestors knew Padan-Aram from having served Lugalbanda-Shelah-Marduk at the Central Taranis Griffin in the western theater. Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I reigned as Mesannepadda of Ur in the same time frame as Gilgamesh, between 2294 and 2290. He set out on his own colonizing expedition to Gutium in 2292. His colonists were the same Satem Aryan Iranians who had inhabited the same land of Gutium in the First Kish period. His task was to replace the discredited Ham-Jemshid. In the process he canceled the Nomadic Age claim of the even more discredited Mahadevi-Tiamat to Gutium, leaving her as Ereshkigal, Empress of Arabia (biblical Havilah in the Joktanite list). Arphaxad’s role at this time resulted in the Persian name “Arphaxad” given him in the Hebrew Bible. The kindred East Indians refer to him as Daksha I, a god of the moon as in other cultures as Nanna, Suen and Yerikh. As in the Bible, East Indians denominate his grandson Shelah as Daksha II, the Arphaxad II of Genesis 10:22. One clue that the Arphaxad of Shem’s genealogy and the Arphaxad of 10:22 are two different persons is that Arphaxad I was clearly Shem’s son and heir; whereas the Arphaxad of 10:22 is placed below Elam and Asshur for thematic reasons and is actually Arphaxad’s grandson and heir Shelah-Lugalbanda-Arphaxad II. Evidence that Ham had been demoted from the governorship of Gutium is that he reappears as Enmebaraggesi at Kish in the same time frame as Gilgamesh and Mesannepadda. This return to Kish where the first colonization of Gutium began meant canceling of his mandate to govern that Iranian state. Two notable facts about Enmebaraggesi are that he “smote the weapon of the land Elam” and that his successor at Kish, Aka-Mizraim, gave trouble to Gilgamesh as defender of Uruk. A Sumerian text quoted by Kramer states that Aka tried to challenge Gilgamesh until the Sumerian hero marched on Kish and frightened it into submission. Peleg began his reign as Ur-lugal in 2290 before joining Heth in the colonization of Anatolia in 2288. Because Thraco-Phrygians were already on the move, it makes sense that Peleg brought ancestors of the Phrygians named for him to accompany Heth and his Hittites in their northwestern colony at Hatti. An objection to this view is that the Phrygians do not appear in history until classical times. In discussing the lands of Asia Minor west of Hatti in classical terms, I am adopting historical anachronism for the purpose of approximating geographic locations engaged there in the third millennium. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Capture of the Western Fugitives in Asia Minor 2292-2290 The northwestern colony of Peleg and Heth possessed a special mandate from the Noahic Council of the Eanna regime. They were to capture fugitives from the western theater of the war who had fled westward into Asia Minor and who threatened a possible revival of the militant cause of Aratta. The fugitive divisions were three in number and, in that respect, matched the three races who fled from the eastern theater before being captured and detained at Hormuz. The coordinated strategy of both sets of races was to build up their strength east and west and then fall on Mesopotamia from either direction. The “decapitation of Huwawa” ended the hopes of the eastern three. Peleg and Heth could inform the western fugitives of that fact if they did not already know. The two leaders were best suited to be persuasive because they were the two men who had initiated the Aratta rebellion in the first place. Hellenic tradition identifies Eber-Gilgamesh as the Phrygian hero Atys and gives him three sons with eponymous relationships to the Tyrsenians, Lydians and Carians of Asia Minor: Tiras-Tyrsenos, Peleg-Lud-Lydos and Joktan-Aram-Car. In the 2292 effort to subdue the western fugitives, these three sons of Eber led armies made up of linguistic isolates. The Tysenians were the same people as the Rasana or Etruscans who eventually colonized Tuscany. These are the isolate race of Japheth’s seventh vassal Tiras. Peleg and Joktan led into Asia Minor the two isolate tribes who had joined the First Kish colony of Martu. These were Minoans under Peleg-Lydos and the related Luwians of Arzawa under the command of Joktan-Car. Without the persuasive powers of Peleg and Heth, these isolate armies were too weak to conquer the western fugitives. Their adversaries consisted of Amerindians in Phrygia, Canaanites (Aratta faction Semites) and the Centum Aryan stock from which most of us in the English-speaking world descend. It is amazing to reflect that these defeated westerners were destined to colonize Europe, America and the Palestine-Israel that gave us the Bible so vitally important to the cultures of Europe and America. In effect the Amerindians surrendered to Etruscans; the Canaanites to Minoans; and proto-Europeans, to the obscure Luwians of Arzawa. Interestingly the Minoans of Crete belonged to the Mizraim clan, whose white Hamites of Egypt especially despised the Canaanites of Palestine as though they knew the heritage of 2290. The Oxford Bible Atlas locates Arzawa southeast of the Maeander River (modern Turkish Büyük Menderes) between it and the coast northeast of Rhodes. Unless further evidence alters our estimate, the proto-Europeans had settled in this land between the end of the war in 2296 and their surrender and captivity by 2290. R. R. Palmer’s Atlas of World History (1957) shows that, in the time of the Athenian 121 Empire in 450 BCE, this entire land south of the Maeander was inhabited by the Carians in keeping with our view that victorious Joktan took the name Car at this time— or at least that this name was imposed on his memory vis-à-vis the surrender of the Centum Aryans there. From this moment, we can assume, the Teutonic branch of the Centum Aryans began to take Joktan-Aram for their chief god Odin. Another of Palmer’s maps confirms that Peleg and Heth took responsibility for the fugitives located in Lydia. A map of the Hittite Empire in 1400 shows this empire extending westward to the Aegean coast in a strip extending just south of the Maeander and just north of the Hermus (modern Gediz). That naturally defined region between two rivers corresponds to classical Lydia and suggests where the fugitive Aratta Semites took refuge after 2296. Thus we can picture the three fugitive peoples taking refuge in three lands north of the Hermus (Amerindians), between the Hermus and Maeander (Canaanites) and south of the Maeander (Centum Aryans). The second chapter of Kingship at Its Source is at pains to describe how six nations defeated at Aratta were exiled to coasts of Arabia. It recognizes that the Austronesians, Sino-Tibetans and Uralo-Altaics formed a distinct group settled temporarily at Hadramaut. The book also emphasizes how another set of three nations— Centum Aryans, Canaanites and Amerindians— joined in a rebellion against the exilic scheme and made their way up the Red Sea to engage in two battles, one in Lower Egypt and the other at Carchemish. What is missing is a decisive understanding of the two theaters of the Uruk-Aratta war. As a result the trio of nations at Hadramaut and the rebel trio elsewhere in Arabia are not handled quite categorically enough as a system of two fallen groups from the two theaters. If that categorical explanation is put in place, we can handle the two groups more flexibly. For example the fate of the Amerindians can be refined. The book locates the entire Amerindian protoplast at one location, Hejaz, on the east coast of the Red Sea. The lack of community of languages among the Amerindian people suggests a different explanation. The book interprets Sumerian, Hellenic and Chinese traditions to suggest that Arabia was conceived as an underworld of the dead: the realm of Sumerian Ereshkigal, Hellenic Hades and the fearsome Chinese Feng-Du. The Feng-Du tradition posits ten chambers, most of them given to frightful tortures. If I had realized then that the Amerindians were divided into ten branches in the First Kish order and also known that Marduk’s effusion of Kingu’s blood referred specifically to the overthrow of the Amerindians in 2302, I would have realized that the Amerindians were dispersed over all ten chambers of Feng-Du after their surrender to Tiras in Phrygia by 2290. Those chambers correlate with the Hellenic tradition that Hades contained five rivers. The chambers were located at the opposite ends of these “rivers”— five coasts of the Arabian Peninsula on the Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean, Gulf of Aden and Red Sea. Without challenging the chronology of the Arabian scheme as stated in KAIS, we can suggest here how the ten Amerindian divisions were distributed throughout this system of coasts. As for chronology, we can assume that Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the dispersion of the six criminal nations did not occur until the initial “Phoenician voyage” in the time of Ur Nanshe after 2278 as recounted by the Phoenicians of Tyre to Herodotus. It would be instructive for students of this subject to observe how I tested two contrasting hypotheses to determine how the ten Amerindian language families were sequenced at ten points along the coasts of the Arabian Peninsula. The first hypothesis failed decisively. I reverted to the eleven names of the Canaanite list that formed the basis for the eleven colonies of the First Kish order. In the first two instances this procedure succeeded because the Caddoans and Muskogheans at Eridu and Uruk happened to be families under the initial Sidon’s command. Failure began once I tried to place the Dakotans of Heth’s Martu colony. For one thing, I reasoned from the premise that the first coast beyond the Persian Gulf— Oman on the Arabian Sea— was a domain claimed by the tenth Canaanite Zemar-. In view of that relationship, I skipped Oman to place the Dakotans at the east end of Hadramaut. I found no reinforcement of that view or for any other member of the Amerindian stock. The second hypothesis succeeded just as decisively at all ten locations along the Arabian coasts. It obtained a sequence by following a south-north survey of the First Kish order wherever Amerindian families had been located prior to 2308. In one instance this approach gained confirmation from an ancient Arabian tribe, the Omamitae, who gave their name to Oman. The general source of confirmation, however, was entirely different. By grouping the Amerindian families in pairs at the ends of five Arabian coasts, I found that these pairs also conformed to matching pairs at their American destinations. For example this approach called for locating the Caddoans and Muskhogeans from Eridu and Uruk at western and eastern ends of the Arabian coast of the Persian Gulf. Instantly I recognized that the Caddoans and Muskogheans share the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico from Louisiana and East Texas at the western end to the Muskhogean tribes extending eastward from Mississippi (Choctaw) and Alabama (Muskogee) through Georgia to North Florida. This successful hypothesis results in a double replication of the Amerindian stock at three different parts of the world in three stages of postdiluvian history: the First Kish order of Mesopotamia between 2338 and 2308, the punitive scheme in Arabia for losers of the Uruk-Aratta War after 2278; and the eventual colonization of the Americas by this stock in a period identified by Kingship at Its Source as 21622146. The locations of the Amerindian families in the First Kish order are given on pp. 33-35 above. The locations of these same families on the coasts of Arabia can be tabulated here: Arabian Coast: Persian Gulf A Persian Gulf B Family: Caddoan Muskhogean Source Colony: Eridu Uruk 123 Rationale: Gulf of Mexico A Gulf of Mexico B Oman A Oman B Hadramaut A Hadramaut B Gulf of Aden A Gulf of Aden B Red Sea A Red Sea B Amazonians, Mayans Lagash Teutonic markers Cauchi, Omani, Quadi (Cauac, Oman, Kuat) Yumans Umma Omamitae (Uma, Jobab) Iroquoians Kish Great Lakes A Algonquians Agade Great Lakes B Dakotans Martu Western USA A Uto-Athabascans Sippar Western USA B Northwest Pacific Phoenicia Pacific A Andeans Gutium Pacific B These rationales are all more or less self-explanatory. As noted on p. 34, the colony at Nippur (intervening between Umma and Kish) did not include an Amerindian family. Ur Nanshe and the Arabian Penal Colonies 2278-2248 In one respect the Dynasty III period follows the same pattern as in First Kish and Eanna. Hallo assigns to it a chart consisting of eight “generations” as in his two previous charts. According to the same pattern as at First Kish and Eanna, I view the period as consuming thirty years by assigning three years each to the first two “generations” and four each to the rest. But there are two major differences. Instead of featuring a single dynasty as in the two previous instances, the Sumerian Kinglist proliferates into twelve “dynasties.” On top of that, the Kinglist fails to acknowledge the existence of the most powerful, well-developed and best documented dynasty of the period— the one at Lagash founded by Heth under the name Ur-Nanshe. Something very strange is going on. The deliberate effort to erase Lagash follows from what we know about its founder Mahadevi. In her role as Tiamat, she lost her domain of Gutium and henceforth appears in the Sumerian pantheon as Ereshkigal, goddess of the underworld, nominally the realm of the dead but actually the Arabian Peninsula as a set of concentration camps for nations defeated in her Aratta rebellion. A Sumerian mythological text translated in Diane Wolkstein’s and Kramer’s Inanna: Queen of Heaven and Earth acknowledges that Inanna-Medb shared in that defeat despite her pretension to being the goddess of heaven, that is, the new owner of the defeated Uralo-Altaic stock. The title From the Great Above to the Great Below is an apt way to characterize land masses north and south of the 30th parallel of north latitude. Inanna’s descent to the underworld signifies her guilt and punishment for the Aratta Schism in having to join Mahadevi-Tiamat-Ereshkigal in Arabia. In the text Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations she claims that she has come to the underworld to attend the funeral of the “Bull of Heaven,” meaning that she has come to Hadramaut to observe her newly acquired Uralo-Altaic people. We have not yet developed a time frame for these mythological events. After she dies and is hung from a hook, she recovers and is allowed to return to Sumer by offering up her lover Dumuzi the Shepherd. Because Dumuzi represents Ham as antediluvian possessor of Abel’s priesthood of lamb sacrifice (the Dumuziship), his condemnation corresponds to Ham’s share in the Titan downfall of his sons together with his mandate as the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Ping to rule over one of the Arabian colonies. A detail at the close of the Sumerian text explains the peculiar image of the ram-headed serpent in the western theater of the Taranis Panel. To escape his fate Dumuzi begs his brother-in-law Utu to “Change my hands into the hands of a snake. Change my feet into the feet of a snake”(72). The ram’s head signifies Ham as priest of lamb (ram) sacrifice. The action of the myth, from this perspective, refers to the war period when Ham became Inanna’s lover by leaving Gutium to ally himself with her at Aratta. He then accompanied his mother Mahadevi as head of the chiefly Amazonian army of the ram-headed serpent and was defeated by Lugalbanda-Marduk in 2302. The rest of the myth, however, is hardly tied to that chronology but refers to a later period when the punitive scheme was being executed in Arabia. Mythological texts like From the Great Above to the Great Below are thematic rather than chronological in construction. Of all the nations of the world, the Amazonians have preserved the clearest version of the name “Tammuz” for Ham outside the Semitic-Sumerian sphere. They name him “Tamusi” and couple him with Riphath-Dumuzi-abzu under the “Tamil” name “Tamula.” After the defeat of the Amazonians, the best evidence is that Ham transferred to the nearby army of the Taranis West Leopard where he joined the Centum Aryan descendents of himself and Uma. If he had remained with the defeated Amazonians, he would have been forced into exile with them at the point of Oman B. The Amazonians preserved the name “Oman” as a god name referring to Heth-Ur Nanshe as the Hellenic Hades or overlord of the entire Arabian sphere together with his mother Mahadevi. After the defeat of the Centum Aryans in the last year of the war, Ham was exiled to Oman after all since that land was assigned to the defeated Aryans. The Teutonic tribe Omani preserves this Amazonian name of Ur NansheHeth just as the Quadi reflect Ham’s son Canaan as “Kuat” in the same Amazonian tradition. These Amazonian god names Tamusi, Tamula, Oman and Kuat are one of the best evidences of integral Amerindian membership in the Noahic world family. Ham’s relationship to the Arabian scheme was so dominant that his name Tammuz-Dumuzi appears in tribe names at the opposite ends of the scheme— Thamydeni toward the east end and Thamyditae at the west end. The Latin “y” of the atlas made from Ptolemy’s Greek Geography represents the upsilon or “u” of the Greek alphabet. The Thamydeni lie inland (to the west) of the Abucae at the 125 northernmost point of the Persian Gulf coast of Arabia in Kuwait— the Persian Gulf A point reserved for the Amerindian Caddoans from Eridu. The Thamyditae are located at the extreme northwestern end of the scheme at Red Sea B either at or near the Gulf of Aqaba. The latitudes of Kuwait and Israeli Elat on the Gulf of Aqaba are comparable at 29.30 N and Elat at 34.57 N. As we have suggested the 30 th parallel of north latitude is the dividing line between the “Great Above” and Arabian “Great Below.” The actual latitude of the Thamyditae is virtually identical to Abucae and in close conformity to the 30th parallel. Note that that same 30th parallel— easily measurable in general terms in the ancient world— formed Ashkenaz’ colonizing route from Caddoan Louisiana to Yuman Baja California at the outset of the North American scheme in the 22nd century. In that sense North America is to the “Great Above” of the Noahic world what the lands from Mexico south to Chile and Argentina are to the “Great Below” of Arabia. The Amazonian interim settlement in Oman is equivalent to the Amazonian lands of Venezuela and Brazil. Now that we know that ten pre-existing divisions of the Amerindian stock acted as guide to the exilic process, we can recognize more clearly who the leaders were. Chinese tradition furnishes all ten as the five Ocean Dragon Kings and the five Wu-Di emperors, sons of Ur Nanshe at Lagash as depicted in the Ur Nanshe Plaque at the Louvre. Ur Nanshe-Heth came to power, among other things, to initiate the exilic process. His grandfather Ham and father Canaan appear in an inscription as Gurmu and Gunidu but only as Ur Nanshe’s fathers, not necessarily as having reigned at Lagash. Hallo places the name Gunidu in parentheses and locates him in the first “generation” of the Dynasty III period chart. Because we have always found that the first two reigns of these thirty-year eras are three years in length, three years become the module for the ten Amerindian settlements in Arabia. The Caddoans took the first settlement at Kuwait in the first “generation,” 2278-2275. Before tabulating the scheme according to this schedule, we must add more to it. First we must answer several questions: (1) Why were the Chinese so committed to remembering the leaders of the scheme? (2) How were the ten leaders distributed among these locations? (3) What other ethnic groups were also distributed as the Amerindians were? In Kingship at Its Source I leave all the exilic linguistic stocks as units in Arabia. I am still inclined to take that position in regard to the Centum Aryans, Uralo-Altaics, Austronesians and Canaanites. But the Sino-Tibetans are another matter. The Chinese adoption of all ten leaders into their tradition suggests that Sino-Tibetans were distributed at eight of the ten locations according to their preexisting divisions. An extrapolation among them according to the same process as the Amerindians— by their south-to-north positions in the First Kish order— results in several minor and one major reinforcements. In that major instance, the Chinese proper drew the same Gulf of Aden B position (near the city of Aden) as the UtoAthabascans, a people whose language is known to resemble Sino-Tibetan in general and Chinese in particular. Depending on how long the two peoples shared the same colony, the Amerindian ancestors of the Uto-Athabascans could have come under the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations influence of the more fully developed Sino-Tibetan language and adopted some of its features. Sino-Tibetan association with Uralo-Altaics and Austronesians in defeat at the Persian campaign of Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living was so close that they remained centered in Hadramaut along with the other two defeated stocks. Hadramaut formed the center of their eight-point distribution pattern, meaning that they covered the second through the ninth Amerindian points. That is why the Thamydeni and Thamyditae marked the first and tenth points to signify that these settlements belonged exclusively to the Dumuziship of the Amerindians rather than to the Nannaship of the Sino-Tibetans. The result of this arrangement is that the Chinese of Kish formed the seventh Sino-Tibetan branch from the south and fell in with the UtoAthabascans, the eighth Amerindian branch from the south and located at Sippar. The discrepancy between eight Sino-Tibetan families and ten Amerindian families complicates the task of identifying leaders from among the five Ocean Dragon Kings (Ham and four sons) and five Wu-Di emperors (Heth’s five Lagashite sons). To begin with, it is difficult to arrive at a stable set of names for Heth’s sons. Only one of these, Ur Nanshe’s son and successor Akurgal, is named by Kramer and Hallo. All five are named in the Ur Nanshe Plaque; but the two authorities see no need to name the others since they never became rulers in Sumer. Instead they served in Ur Nanshe’s overseas empire in India and Arabia. Nor does Hebrew tradition help us. None of the five sons of Heth appears in Genesis 10. In fact there is reason to believe that Heth and his sons and later heirs of the Lagashite dynasty formed a separate clan of eleven members identified as eleven “monsters” in the Marduk Epic. When the Aratta forces met defeat, this clan dropped out of what might have been a place in Genesis 10. As it stands, we have three possible sources of names for Heth’s five sons: L. A. Waddell’s readings from the Ur Nanshe Plaque, his matching names from East Indian king lists and the Chinese names of the Wu-Di emperors. Each of these sources has something to recommend it and displays certain drawbacks. Unfortunately Waddell’s Sumerian readings of the plaque are suspect because he weights them to match East Indian names. For example he reads Akurgal’s name as Amadgal in order to match the Indian name Mogalla. The Chinese names of the Wu-Di are the most dignified and most appropriate for matching five colonies of the Sino-Tibetans; but the Chinese language is so peculiar that it never yields a single cognate to names in other languages, making identifications almost impossible. Waddell takes the name Mogalla or Mudgalla from the Puru branch of the Indian lunar line of kings. From the other lunar branch, the Yadu, he gives UrNanshe’s second son the name Jya-Magha. This last name suggests a tribe, the Macaei, shown by Ptolemy at the extreme eastern end of the Arabian Peninsula beyond the Strait of Hormuz. Two other historic names in the region, on the Iranian 127 side of the Gulf of Oman, seem to reflect the same name: Makran— the north coast of that gulf both in southeastern Iran and southwestern Pakistan— and Maka, an ancient name for Iranian Gedrosia shown in the Oxford Bible Atlas. Maka lies about midway from the Strait of Hormuz to the Indus in western Pakistan and is more or less equivalent to the land of Baluchistan named in modern maps of both Iran and Pakistan. Heth’s second Lagashite son, embodied in the Macaei, is located just where he ought to be in the third settlement of the Arabian system at Oman after the first son Akurgal accounts for the second settlement and first of the Sino-Tibetans at Persian Gulf B. The Sino-Tibetan branch under Akurgal at that settlement is the Thai. The second branch under Jya-Magha at Oman A is the Lower Burmese. Both branches are classed among the Tai portion of the Sino-Thai division of the stock including Chinese and Thais. Waddell interprets the Indian name Jya-Magha to mean “overpowerer of Magha Island.” In the context of our study, that title suggests the suppression of a revolt on Hormoz Island or wherever the captives were being kept. Despite calling Jya-Magha the third brother instead of the second, Waddell cites Indian sources as stating that this son of Heth was a conqueror: “And the third brother Jya-Magha or “Overpowerer of the Island of Magha,” and “Sea-lord Commander” [Anunpad] in the Sumerian, went forth to conquer new lands, including “Madhya-Land, Mekala and the Shuktimat Mountains,” and established a Cidi or Cedi or “Phoenician dynasty,” presumably in Phoenicia. (Makers of Civilization,” 115). The Phoenician connection is the major theme of Waddell’s treatment of the Ur Nanshe dynasty along with his claim that this dynasty established a colony in the Indus Valley. The author applies to the dynasty the Indian tribe name Panchala, identifies this name with “Phoenix” and attributes to it the voyage from the Persian Gulf to Phoenicia which the inhabitants of Tyre reported to Herodotus. This voyage encompassed the Arabian Peninsula and necessarily holds the key to the Arabian system of penal settlements. Because sequence is so important, we need to disentangle Waddell’s account of the five sons of Ur Nanshe as sequenced in the plaque. The correct sequence will dictate that of the Wu-Di emperors in Arabia. The issue is complicated by a second set of names based on titles both in the Sumerian plaque and in the Indian king lists. We can re-tabulate Waddell’s lists of the five sons under four headings as follows: Sumerian Name: Sumerian Title: Indian Name: Amadgal Lakh-Madgal Mudgala (Akurgal) (“The Shepherd Madgal, the Warrior”) Sirim Anunpad Srin-jaya (Sea-lord, Commander) Indian Title: Ruk-Meshu (“Shining Arrow”) Jya-Magha (“Overpower of Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Barid-ishshu Aniarra Mugamimla Sagashduk Brihad-ishu (“Duke of Troops”) Urupal Yavinara (“Pal the Protector”) Adturta (“Child of Kampilya His Father”) Magha Island”) Prithu-Rukma (“Prithu of the Shining Disc”) Palita (“The Protector”) Harita Given all these names for five persons, I still find it difficult to settle on any one set of five. For one thing we have established a cognate from one of the seemimgly casual East Indian titles. The Sumerian and Indian names have never been very productive in this respect. Nevertheless I will adopt Hallo’s Sumerian name Akurgal and combine it with Waddell’s Sumerian names Sirim, Barid-ishshu, Aniarra and Mugamimla. Waddell names the second Jya-Magha (Sirim) as the “third brother” because the Indian title appears third in an Indian source. The coincidence at Oman A (Jya-Magha and the Macaei) requires that the Sino-Tibetan part of the scheme began with Akurgal at Persian Gulf B after one of the Ocean Dragon Kings settled at Persian Gulf A in Kuwait. But that does not tell us how the remaining four sons of Heth were distributed over the remaining seven colonies of Sino-Tibetans. Assuming that an Ocean Dragon King also reigned at Red Sea B, three Ocean Dragon Kings and three sons of Heth remained to govern the remaining six colonies from Oman B through Red Sea A. We can argue that the presence of Canaanites on the Gulf of Aden— a belief established in Kingship at Its Source— requires Canaan as the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Kwang to have reigned at one of the two colonies on the Gulf of Aden. The close association between Sino-Tibetans with the other two stocks located in Hadramaut implies that two of the sons of Heth took governorships of both Hadramaut A and Hadramaut B. The relatively high importance of the Chinese at Gulf of Aden B also suggests one of the three Wu-Di there. We can then fill in the intervals at Oman B, Gulf of Aden A and Red Sea A with Ocean Dragon Kings. Because Red Sea A lies nearest Ethiopia, the logical choice for governor there is Cush as the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Shun. KAIS argues that Cush was reckoned the Ocean Dragon King of the north as father of Nimrod at Mesopotamia, the “land of Nimrod.” But the present context of ten rulers favors Cush’s position near Ethiopia, the traditional land of Cush. By similar logic, proximity of Red Sea B to Egypt places Mizriam as Ao-Jun, over that colony. Another transparent choice arises from the belief stated in KAIS that the Centum Aryans settled on a coast of Oman. Because the entire Centum Aryan stock was labeled “Alina” or “Hellene,” the only appropriate choice for Oman B was the Hellenic patriarch Put as Ao-Chin. Ham as Ao-Ping took the position in Kuwait at the start of the process and established the pattern of the two “Tammuz” tribes there. 129 It is conceivable that the Abucae in Kuwait represent some title such as “Abucham” or “Father Ham.” These relationships enable us to resume color coding and define the ten penal colonies as follows: Position: Persian Gulf A Persian Gulf B Oman A Location: Kuwait Abu Dhabi Muscat Governor: Ao-Ping (Ham) Akurgal Sirim Oman B Oman Ao-Chin (Put) Hadramaut A Eastern Hadramaut Barid-ishshu Hadramaut B Western Hadramaut Aniarra Gulf of Aden A Eastern South Arabia Ao-Kwang (Canaan) Gulf of Aden B Aden Mugamimla Red Sea A Yemen Red Sea B Gulf of Aqaba Ao-Shun (Cush) Ao-Jun (Mizraim) Ethnic: Caddoans Thais, Muskhogeans Lower Burmese, Teutons Amazonians Shans Hellenes Yumans Uralo-Altaics Burmese Iroquoians Austronesians Assamese Dakotans Canaanites Nepalese Algonquians Chinese Uto-Athabascans Tibetans Andeans North West Coastal Domains in India - 2278-2248 In the Dynasty III period, the Noahic system of domains extended into India. To explain how this happened, we need to take stock of the entire body of clans in Genesis 10. We have seen that the Canaanite clan of 10:15-18 took command of the First Kish order of Greater Mesopotamia. The Mizraim clan of 10:13-14 then began to colonize Lower Egypt in the war period of the early Eanna Dynasty. Later in the Eanna period a new system of domains planted the Javanite clan of 10:4 on Cyprus; and from there Javanites spread their domain throughout the Eastern Mediterranean. Both the Shemite clan of 10:22 and Aramaean clan of Shem’s physical sons in 10:23 concentrated on the Semitic-speaking world north and west of Sumer. The remaining clans of Genesis 10 all created new domains in India in the Dynasty III period even though Gangetic India was not yet populated by its Satem Aryan race. These clans included the Japhethites of 10:2, Gomerites of 10:3 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations (postdiluvian sons of Noah), Cushites of 10:7 (including the four diluvian males), the extra-biblical Hittite clan of the Lagashite regime and the closing Joktanite clan of 10:26-29. An internet source shows three major Indian tribal zones spread out along the Ganges from a point east of the Indus to the Ganges Delta: Waddell asserts that the Aryans of Gangetic India did not populate the Ganges until after they were driven from the west by the Assyrian Empire in 717 BCE. If that is true, India was claimed but not colonized except for Riphath’s Dravidians as early as 2278 to 2248. Riphath-Tamula established a “Tamil” colony on the Indus in the name of his Gomerite clan of 10:3. From there Gomer’s Indian pantheon name Himavan was eventually applied to the Himalayas. In the 22nd century Ashkenaz and Togarmah crossed the Himalayas with the Uralo-Altaics to colonize their domain in Siberia, Mongolia and Central Asia. [See Ancient Gangetic India. www.viewzone.com copied May 16, 2008] Each of the four major Gangetic tribes reflects one of the remaining Genesis 10 tribes at a time when the old domain system of the Nomadic age was decaying under the impact of the penal colonies. The Kuru represent Magog’s Gutian name Kurum and therefore represents the clan of 10:2 to which Magog belongs. Waddell emphatically identifies the Panchalas with the Ur Nanshe’s dynasty there, identifying that Indian tribe with the Hittite clan identifiable with the Lagashite regime but not included in Genesis 10. The map also shows a lesser tribe, the Ceda, identifiable with Waddell’s tribe name Cedi whom he places in the Phoenician settlement of East Indians in the First Kish period. Anthropologists distinguish between a round-headed Indian strain, whom they identify with the Phoenician settlement, and a more Nordic race of Aryans from Ariana in Afghanistan. The name Kosala is identifiable with Inanna’s Joktanite name Uzal, accounting for the Joktanite clan. This set of thirteen includes the entire Mahadevi tetrad of diluvian wives under the names Ophir (Kali), Sheba (Durga), Havilah (Mahadevi) and Jobab (Uma). The clan also includes the family of Ur under the names Hadoram (Arphaxad I-Nanna, Indian Daksha I), Uzal (Inanna, Indian Diti, daughter of Daksha I) and Obal (Nanna’s son Utu). Instead of featuring Obal as its sun god, the Indian pantheon gives that honor to Shelah-Marduk both as Surya, son of Kasyapa-Sidon and Diti, and as Daksha I’s “son” Daksha II— Shelah’s identity as Arphaxad II of 10:22. Shelah also appears in the Joktanite list under the name Diklah. So the Kosala tribe symbolizes some of the Noahic wealth of the Indian tradition. Finally, the Videha tribe at the Ganges Delta represents the Cushite clan with its four male survivors of the Flood. The name Videha seems cognate with Cush’s Teutonic name Vidar, the god of forests equivalent to the Maori version of Cush as Tane-mahuta, “Father of Forests.” At the Bay of Bengal, the Ganges Delta serves as an alternative point of departure for both the Austronesians and Sino-Tibetans contrary to the colonization models created for these two great stocks in Kingship at Its Source where I fail to realize that Gangetic India might have been established with 131 small settlements long before 717. Another factor is the close interweaving of SinoTibetans and Austronesians posed by the Austroasiatics in Southeast Asia. The Ganges Delta can be regarded as a gateway into Southeast Asia opposite Burma to the east. The unconventional idea of a pre-colonization of Gangetic India in the 23rd century needs to be confirmed with evidence. Thus far the only such evidence is Waddell’s claim to have deciphered Indus Valley seals left there by the Ur Nanshe dynasty coupled with two other factors: the identification of Ur Nanshe and the Indian king Haryashva and the equation of the Ur Nanshe dynasty in Sumer with the Panchala dynasty named for the tribe shown in Gangetic India. Even that equation does not demonstrate the pre-colonization of the Ganges because Waddell maintains that the only dynasty in view is the one in Lagash governed by Sumerians whom he mistakenly views as speakers of Aryan. We can agree with Waddell that the Indian king lists reach back in time and give Indian names to rulers in Sumer but not that Sumerians were Indo-Europeans.We will see from the section on the Aegean War, however, that Indo-Europeans continued to inhabit their First Kish locations in Sumer down to the 2240s. Apart from Waddell, what is the consensus concerning the origin of Gangetic India? One internet source, www.nzetc.org, summarizes a 19th century theory that Polynesians derived from a Gangetic race of high antiquity. This view confirms my theory, stated in Kingship at Its Source, that the Austronesian protoplast was transferred from penal Hadramaut to India before being dispersed by Riphath into the traditional Oceanic world. By terming ancestors of Polynesians a “Gangetic race,” this internet theory suggests that the Austronesians served to carry out the Gangetic pre-colonization we are looking for. A more attractive possibility is that the precolonists of the Ganges were four different protoplasts transferred from the Arabian system to India. KAIS suggests that the Centum Aryans exiled to Oman were originally intended to colonize India but rebelled along with the Amerindians and Canaanites and eventually made their way westward to Europe instead. If that is so, the four main tribal regions of Gangetic India represent a row of protoplasts made up of the intended Centum Aryans, Austronesians, Uralo-Altaics and Sino-Tibetans. The relationship between the four Gangetic tribe names and respective Genesis 10 clans is easily recognizable.We have suggested that the Videha represent the Cushite clan under versions of Cush variously named Teutonic Vidar and Maori Tane-mahuta as kindred forest gods. That logic places the Austronesian protoplast just where we would expect it at the Videha Ganges Delta on the Bay of Bengal entranceway into the Austroasiatic and Austronesian world. Identification of the Panchala region with the Ur Nanshe dynasty implies that it was here that the Centum Aryans were supposed to have settled. Heth, at the head of the dynasty, fathered an Indo-European Hittite race living in Anatolia almost on the edge of the Europe in that Centum Aryan Hellenes eventually colonized Ionia and Aeolia on the coast of Asia Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Minor. Only the Thraco-Phrygians intervened between the Hittites and the classic people of Europe. The Thraco-Phrygians themselves inhabited Europe in Thrace and Macedonia. The Kosala tribe, embodying a version of Inanna’s Joktanite name Uzal, instantly places the Sino-Tibetan protoplast at that tribal location. Uzal, her brother Obal-Utu and father Hadoram Arphaxad I all derived from Ur, the city founded by Durga, mother of the Sino-Tibetan race. Arphaxad I-Hadoram was the foundational Jade Emperor of the Chinese nation. China can regard the Kosala region of the Ganges as a step in their ancestral origin. The Uralo-Altaics attached themselves just as clearly to the Kuru region named for Magog-Kurum, traditional ancestor of the Scythians, Satem Aryans living on the western edge of classic Uralo-Altaic territory. When the Jagatai Turk Babur launched the Mogul empire of India in the 16th century, he stood as representative of the Uralo-Altaic stock which had once inhabited the Kuru region. The Moguls established their capital at Delhi on the Jumna a tributary of the Ganges and not far to the west of the Upper Ganges. The region of the Kuru extends eastward between the Upper Indus and the Jumna (ancient Yamuna); so we are safe in saying that the Moguls found their way back to the land of Kuru. The Panchala region straddles the Jumna and Ganges. The only Centum Aryan people who ever reached this land appears to be the Tocharians bound for Sinkiang precisely between China to the east and Turkic Central Asia to the west, thus reproducing north of the Himalayas the sequence of Ural-Altaic Kuru, Centum Aryan Panchala and Sino-Tibetan Kosala. Finally Kosala lies up river from the Videha, establishing the sequence from the Sino-Tibetans to the Austronesian world starting with the continental Austroasiatics. It is impossible to imagine a more logically arranged pattern of world ethnology. In search of a chronological guide to the colonization of India in the Dynasty III period, attention shifts to the Elamite dynasty of Awan for which Hallo gives a full list of eight rulers in each “generation” of the period. This concept is all the more plausible because linguists refer to an Elamo-Dravidian linguistic stock based on migration from Elam to India. A number of the kings at Awan have transparent or at least plausible Genesis 10 identities: Peli, Peleg; Tata, Shem; Ukkutahesh, Heth; Shushuntarana, Arphaxad I; Kikku-siwe-tempti, Riphath; and Luh-ishan, Japheth. I conceive of these leaders as establishing settlements by means of isolate peoples in advance of the great Asian stocks who followed in the Akkadian age between 2248 and 2188. The five Indian regions, the isolates and their leaders can be tabulated in advance as follows: Region: Indus Valley Kuru Isolate: Dravidian Australians Leader: Riphath Japheth 133 Name at Awan: Kikku-siwe-tempti Luh-ishan Panchala Kosala Videha Elamites Olmecs Andamanese Heth Shem Peleg Ukkutahesh Tata Peli The match between Riphath-Seba and Kikku-siwe-tempti is the weakest of the lot but makes little difference because Riphath-Tamula was the father of the Tamil Dravidians in any case. The match between Japheth and the Australian isolate arises from the belief that this race represents a delayed product of the diluvian marriage between Japheth and black Kali. Support for the match also comes from certain clan names of the Australians. Admittedly these matches result from a selection from a large number of clan names. Still the resemblances are impressive: Australian Clan: Alura Arrernte Eora Goreng-goreng Kurung Kuringgai Maya Variants: Aranda Kameraigal Camera-gal Cammera Curang-curang Queensland Goorang Koreng-koreng Koren Victoria New South Wales Maia Western Australia Mandara Martu Region: Northern Territory Central Australia Sydney Western Australia Mardu Western Australia Japhethite Association: Lugalure (Gomer) Argandea (Ashkenaz) Gomer (Cimmerai) Kurum (Magog) Kurum (Magog) Kurum (Magog) Maia (Mahadevi, mother of Magog) Mandaru (Mizraim, feudal lord of JaphethMasluh) (Martu crossing by Japheth and Mizraim). Various names of the Goreng-goreng point to Magog-Kuru of the Indian Kuru as the location of the isolate Australians. The Kurung of Victoria reinforces the same point. Queensland and Victoria form the eastern and southeastern part of the continent. The combination of Gomer and Magog is the same as in Celtic Britain where Cymru-Gomer is to British Wales what Magog is to Gaelic North Britain. I have stated elsewhere my reasons for believing that the native Australians are a kind of “black Welsh.” Lugalure is a Sumerian ruler at Uruk in the Sumerian Kinglist for the Dynasty III period. Hallo locates both Lugalure and his successor Argandea at Uruk Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations in the final, eighth “generation” of the chart, suggesting the years 2251-2248. Lugalure is Gomer under a Sumerian compound name at the root of his Welsh name Llyr. Argandea represents Gomer’s vassal Ashkenaz under a name cognate with his Gutian name Yarlaganda or Yarlagan. Thus, the Alura and Aranda of Northern Territory and Central Australia echo those two reigns at Japheth’s city of Uruk in the mid-23rd century. The cluster of names in Western Australia call to mind Japheth himself as Mizraim’s vassal Masluh- in the context of a clan arrangement that was colonizing Lower Egypt via Martu. The native Australian names Martu and Mandara are particularly striking as unaltered echoes of Lord Mizraim under his Amorite-Martu name of Mandaru. Exactly the same transliterated form Mandara is given for Mizraim in West Africa among two other definitive names of the same patriarch Akan for Mizraim’s name Aka at Kish and Moshe for his Hebrew name with the dual ending – aim. The relative location in Western Australia is another example of spatial replication in echoing Martu to the west of Mesopotamia. The Maya are another exact match to the Amerindian and Hellenic representation of Magog’s red mother. To return to the kings at Awan, the name Ukkutahesh combines the Amerindian –Kota given to Heth in Martu with a final syllable based on the Hebrew form of that name. Hallo locates Ukkutahesh in the third “generation” of the Dynasty III period after Heth reigned as Ur Nanshe in the second. Therefore, we find Heth in two successive reigns, one at Lagash and the other at Awan over the cumulative seven years from 2275 to 2268. The same thing happened to Peleg in reverse as he reigned as Peli at Awan in the first “generation” and then as the emperor Lugalannemundu at Adab in Sumer during the second. These reigns covered the years 2278-2272 and made the familiar duo of Peleg and his half brother Heth Sumerian contemporaries at Adab and Lagash. Adab is located between Nippur to the northwest and Umma and Lagash to the southeast nearer Elamite Awan. The interplay between these reigns in Sumer and Elam indicate a deliberate policy at the foundation of the colonization process both of penal Arabia and non-punitive India. In keeping with Waddell’s labeling the East Indian record of the Ur Nanshe dynasty as the “Panchala” dynasty, Heth took control of the colonization of the Panchala region of Gangetic India. There he headed the Elamite or Elamo-Dravidian isolate group. Similarity between the Elamite and Dravidian languages implies that the Dravidians who had been living with the East Indian Aryans in the First Kish order made their way from that northwestern colony to southeastern Elam— the domain of their matriarch Kali through Riphath-Tamula. Elam became, in fact, the chief point of departure for all colonists except for the Sino-Tibetans, Austronesians and Uralo-Altaics who had resisted and were tracked eastward, trapped at Hormuz and banished to Hadramaut. 135 Heth’s Panchala region was the one that was supposed to have been colonized permanently by the Centum Aryans who rebelled against the plan, escaped westward and eventually made their way to Europe. Kingship at Its Source speculates that Heth was privy in advance to this rebellion in Arabia and helped plan it along with his father Gunidu-Canaan and great-grandmother Mahadevi-Tiamat. This speculation assumes that Heth, if not Peleg, never repented of the Aratta rebellion and was biding his time to revive it while reigning at Lagash and Awan. That plausible theory explains why Heth chose the isolate Elamites to colonize the Panchala region, knowing that it would never be colonized by Centum Aryans as other members of the Noahic Council were misled to believe. That deception led to the origin of the Centum Aryan Europe that we ourselves descend from. Gangetic India was eventually settled by Aryans but of the other Satem variety. Except for Heth’s scheme, our European ancestors might have been keeping company with cobras and tigers on the Ganges rather than yodeling in the Alps or dreaming up Narnia at Oxford. Read Rudyard Kipling’s story “At the End of the Passage” for some idea of what our ancestors escaped. Of course they would have made their own adjustment to life in India and in that way avoided the miseries of British colonials living there in the 19 th century. At Awan Shem took the name Tata in the second “generation” after reigning at Kish as Dadasig in the seventh “generation” of the Eanna period (2286-2282)— still another instance of interplay between Sumer and Elamite Awan. The name Dadasig is a compound of “Dada” or Adad— Shem’s name as the Semitic storm god of Syria— and “Sig,” Norse version of Shem as the Teutonic storm god Thor. Shem’s Elamite name Tata is an unvoiced variant Dada. As a son of Noah, Shem figured as a member of the Uralo-Altaic fraternity of the sons of Noah-Kudai Bai Ülgön. The Elamite name Tata accounts for the Tata Mongols or Tatars of the Uralo-Altaic world. At Kosala Shem planted the Olmecs of his son Hul where they awaited union with the Sino-Tibetans, resulting in the origin of the Olmecs in China favored by Chinese scholarship today. Association between Peleg and the isolate Andamanese at the Videha region needs no comment in view of the Puluga tradition. However Peleg could not have planted the Andamanese at Videha immediately following the end of his reign as Peli in 2275. He left that task to his twin sister, Andamanese Bilika, wife of Cush and mother of Nimrod-Reu. He reigned over the years 2275-2272 at Kish and could not be active in India at the same time. As for the Austronesian selection of that region in India, the Andamanese went on to settle permanently in the Andaman Islands, which extend northward from the the Nicobar Islands. The Nicobarese speak a variety of Austroasiatic, an exotic seventh of the Austronesian stock. Thus Andaman and Nicobar in the Bay of Bengal neatly summarizes the union of the Andamanese isolate with the great Austronesian stock at the Videha land toward the Ganges Delta at the top of the Bay. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The occurrence of two virtually Hebrew rulers’ names at Awan— Peli and Ukkutahesh— remind us that “Elam” is the name given to Eber as a vassal of Shem in Genesis 10:22. A tribe bearing a name cognate to “Eber,” the Apiru, existed in Elam in Sumerian times. That tribe name helps us complete the identification of all eight kings at Awan. One of these kings, Napilhush, bears a name constructed out of a combination of Eber’s East Semitic name Nabu (biblical Nebo) son of Shelah-Marduk and a variant of the tribe name Apiru in semi-vowel exchange of r and l. NapilhushEber is the third of several kings at the middle of the list and representing heirs of Shem. The importance of these three is that they conveyed the three great Far Eastern stocks— Uralo-Altaics, Sino-Tibetans and Austronesians— to their interim settlements in Gangetic India. The first of these Hishur represents an Elamite version of Nimrod-Reu’s name as Shem’s vassal Asshur. As Maori Rehua (Reu) he took command of the Austronesians at Videha where his mother Bilika planted the Andamanese. The next king Shushuntarana represents Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I, given an Elamite name with the familiar “Taranis” root occurring in the last three syllables. As the Chinese Jade Emperor, Arphaxad took command of the Sino-Tibetans at Kosala. NapilhushEber took command of the Uralo-Altaics at Kuru where his identity as Japheth’s vassal Tubal made him a fellow clan member to Kuru-Magog for whom the Gangetic tribe was named. Magog and Tubal in Scythia and the Caucasus became regional complements to Uralo-Altaics in Central Asia. Once all eight Elamite kings are identified, chronology follows because of our standard interpretation of Hallo’s “generations” within the Dynasty III period. A conflict emerges between the dates of settlement in India and ones in punitive Arabia. However this discrepancy will be resolved by considering how the defeated stocks were handled in differently in Elam and in Hormuz. A tabulation of the eight Elamite kings, the last years of their reign and their colonial activity in India is as follows: Elamite: Hebrew: Peli. 2275 Peleg Tata: 2272 Shem Ukkutahesh. 2268 Heth Hishur. 2264 Asshur Shushuntarana. 2260. Arphaxad I Napilhush. 2256 Elam (Eber) Kikku-siwe-tempti.2252 Riphath Luh-ishan. 2248 Japheth Location: Videha Kosala Panchala Videha Kosala Kuru Indus Kuru People: Andamanese (settled by Bilika) Olmecs Elamites Austronesians Sino-Tibetans Uralo-Altaics Dravidians Australians The penal colonies in Arabia were created over the same span of years according to a three-year module. The leaders were entirely different from the ones listed here; so there is no discrepancy in that respect. But the great stocks of the Far 137 East could not be both in Arabia and India unless they had been divided on some other basis. For example the Uralo-Altaics and Austronesians are shown at Hadramaut A and B, indicating points in time fifteen and eighteen years into the era at 2273 and 2270. Although it was physically possible to settle the Austronesians in Hadramaut in 2270 and move them on to Videha by 2264, a penal era of only six years makes little sense for such an expenditure of effort. The ultimate objection is to the treatment of the Sino-Tibetans who were scattered over eight locations in Arabia down to the year 2251 nine years after they were supposed to have settled at Kosala. This apparent discrepancy clearly indicates that each of the great stocks had been divided into separate bodies according to whether they surrendered to Erechite leaders in Elam or resisted further and had to be pursued to Hormuz. Punishment in Arabia was for the fugitives at Hormuz. The Austronesians, Sino-Tibetans and UraloAltaics led to Gangetic India by Asshur, Arphaxad and Elam made up of members of these stocks who had surrendered in Elam. In that sense, the Elamo-Dravidian language symbolized a different dimension of the the postwar settlement, embodied in the Elamite dynasty at Awan. Redefinition of the Domain System Kramer details the wars of Lahash against neighboring city states in this period, especially in the reign of Ur Nanshe-Heth’s grandson Eannatum. We need not duplicate that narrative here. What concerns us is the strange expansion of “dynasties” from one to twelve in the Sumerian Kinglist over these compact thirty years together with the omission the dominant dynasty at Lagash. Assuming that the omission arose from traditional hostility against Lagash as a foreign power, we can add it to the twelve “dynasties” and arrive at a total of thirteen. That total is meaningful in two respects. It harminizes with the Joktanite list of Genesis 10; and it represents a sum of the original eight domains with five new ones in India. At the head of the colonizing dynasty at Awan, Peleg the divider moved to Sumer, became the hegemonist Lugalannemundu at Adab and proceeded to declare himself lord of the eight original domains. In doing so, he excluded India in the knowledge that five domains would be created there under some other leader comparable to himself. The other leader might have been any of his successors at Awan such as Shem-Tata or Heth-Ukkutahesh. Shem ranked as East Indian Brahma, creator of the Indo-European stock. However the five domains were designed for interim settlements by great Asiatic stocks independent of the Indo-Europeans. The logical choice as “Emperor of India” was the ruler Waddell singles out as the primary colonist of India, Ur Nanshe (Heth) of Lagash. The Sumerian Kinglist omits Lagash precisely because the Sumerians knew that it was the head of domains lying outside the circle of Lugalannemundu’s inscription. It is far from clear that Lagash was inhabited at this time exclusively by Sumerian speakers. Lagash was the “Foreign Capital” of Sumer, founded by the thoroughly alienated Mahadevi-Tiamat, “Empress Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations of Arabia.” The Bible reflects this same “Foreign Capital” idea by omitting from the Genesis 10 system the “Hittite” clan embodied in the rulers of the Ur Nanshe dynasty. The significance of the Joktanite thirteen is that it includes the entire Mahadevi tetrad as the last four names of the “Table of Nations,” including Mahadevi-Tiamat under the ancestral name Havilah. In totaling thirteen, the Joktanite list professes to contain both the original eight domains and the five new ones in India. That honor went to Joktan-Aram-Meshech, one of the most powerful of all early postdiluvians. But where was this man located in the Dynasty III period? After appearing in First Kish as Tizkar and as the foundational Meskiaggasher of Eanna, Joktan fails to appear in Dynasty III, at least in the reckoning of Chapter Seven of KAIS. A special feature of the Kinglist period of Dynasty III, however, is that it introduces into the Sumerian system one of its “dynasties” at the Semitic city of Mari about halfway up the Euphrates from Akkad to Padan-Aram. Semites, who won the Uruk-Aratta war, busily set about building cities such as Mari and Ebla after the war. Hallo identifies as the first ruler at Mari a figure named Ikun-Shamash. The name Shamash refers to the Semitic counterpart to the sun god Utu. We have seen that Joktan, as Meskiaggasher, founded the Eanna dynasty as professed son of Utu. The element Ikun is conceivably a version of Semitic “Joktan” reduced by phonetic habits of the Sumerians from South Semitic “Khitan.” Interaction between “Ikun-Shamash” and the Arabs explains why they emphasized Utu-Shamash as their sun god Hobal bearing a name cognate with Utu’ West Semitic (Hebrew) name Obal. As a ruler of Hallo’s first “generation” Joktan makes sense as a contemporary to his brother Peleg at Awan. This complementary relationship between brothers underscores our concept that Peleg was to the original eight domains what Joktan was to a combination of these with Heth’s Indian set of five. If Heth’s following at Lagash included Satem Aryans, the three sets of domains were distinguisbale by linguistic stock: the original eight under Peleg as Sumerian at Adab; the Indian under Satem Aryan or Hittite Indo-European leadership at Lagash; and both sets treated as a unit under the Semitic leadership of Joktan at Mari. The Semitic credentials of Joktan are established by the note in Genesis 10:30 where the Joktanites are said to have inhabited a region from Mesha to “Sephar the mountain in the east.” Scholars have agreed that this region refers to Semitic Arabia. Enemies of biblical monogenesis have pointed to the humble nature of such a locale to ridicule the supposedly provincial nature of Genesis 10. The International Bible Encyclopedia affirms confidently that the Joktanite names refer to places in South Arabia. None of the authorities has bothered to question that those places exhaust the meaning of Joktan and his sons. I not only question the glib assumption but reject it with such contempt that I am not interested in wasting my time with the conventional view. Suffice it that Joktan cast his lot with the Semites in the period from 2278 to 2248 and presumably established a presence among South Semitic Arabs who claim the “Beni-Khitan” for themselves. Like all the other clans of Genesis 10, the 139 Joktanites represent a large fraction of the world’s population among a variety linguistic stocks inhabiting nearly every continent of the globe. Four of the “BeniKhitan” are female survivors of the Flood and bearers of all the ancestors of the presently existing human race. So much for the provinciality of “Mesha and Sephar.” Although the reference to South Arabia possesses great importance for our study, the Bible does not waste its time on a patch of sand to be smiled at by condescending European philosophers and unbelieving seminarians and professors of atheistic theology. The Joktanites bear the same relationship to South Arabia that the Canaanites to Palestine. Originally conceived to govern eleven divisions of the Indo-European stock, the eleven names of the Canaanite clan were attached to Semites who defected from their brothers and joined the Aratta faction. As punishment they were exiled to the Gulf of Aden, that is, to the same region of the earth named in Genesis 10:30. The Joktanites of that region figure as a South Semitic group selected to replace the Semitic Canaanites in that part of the world. They hardly exhaust the meaning of the clan, which includes a variety of important Genesis 10 patriarchs and matriarchs such as Shelah-Marduk under the name Diklah and and the entire triad of Ur under the names Hadoram (Nanna), Uzal (Inanna) and Obal (Utu). As confirmation, the Arabs knew Hobal as a sun god equivalent to Utu. There is nothing essentially provincial about the Joktanite list. However the biblical record attaches remarkably high importance to the settlement in South Arabia. There has to be a reason why; and it is not to persuade glib readers that Genesis 10 is provincial. Given our understanding of Arabia as the setting of a series of penal colonies and of the “prison break” that brought the Canaanites to Palestine, we can view the Joktanites of South Arabia as the result of an effort to restore order damaged by the rebellion. A more specific explanation is that the South Semites were commissioned to reestablish the domain system in that part of the world. None of this can be clearly understood, however, until we understand when and why the thirteen persons included in this clan were selected as they were. It would also help to trace the movements of South Semites from the First Kish period though the war era down to Joktan’s accession as Ikun-Shamash. Each of the five griffin armies of the war era included a distinct division of the Semitic linguistic stock as sourced in the four corners of Martu in the First Kish order. South Semites originally inhabited the northwest corner, anticipating a transition to the southeast corner in Kedar-Arabia. As Aram, Joktan gave his name to the Semites who began in the southeast corner and eventually migrated to the northeast corner as Aramaeans of Syria. The patriarch’s dual names Aram and Joktan index these two divisions of the Semitic stock— North Semitic Aramaeans and South Semitic Arabs. If the combined vassals of Aram and Joktan are totaled, they number seventeen— two fewer than the total of nineteen domains arrived at it the Eanna period from a sum of the original eight, seven added after the Nomadic family Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations migrated into Arabia and the net addition of four in the Eanna period when the domain of Gutium was restablished and new domains were added at Cyprus, Anatolia, Urartu and the Hurrian territory between the the Upper Euphrates and Tigris. Now, in the Dynasty III period, the creation of five domains in India did not increase the total from nineteen to twenty-four. Instead the total fell back to the seventeen symbolized by the vassals of Aram-Joktan. The implication is that the seven domains created in the southern stage of the Nomadic process had been destroyed by the use of Arabia for penal colonies. These reduced the total from what would have been twenty-four to seventeen. The seven lost domains from the Nomadic Age numbered three in Arabia, two in Africa and two in the West Semitic sphere including Palestine. The seventeen remaining domains consisted of the original eight, the four added in the Eanna period and the five added in India in the Dynasty III era. These constitute the realm of legitimacy sanctioned by the Noahic Council and completed in the text of Genesis 10 with the Aramaean and Joktanite clans. The loss of Egypt to this realm is symbolized by the appearance of rival sun gods to Utu-Hobal: Atum Re (Japheth) and Amun Re (Nimrod) in both Lower and Upper Egypt. The first vassal of Joktan, Almodad, bears a compound name. Kingship at Its Source ignores this compound and identifies Almodad as a great-grandson of Shem on the basis of Hellenic tradition. The compound leads to the same conclusion without recourse to the Hellenes. If it were not for the Inanna Succession taking heirs of Shem from Sidon’s union with Arphaxad’s daughter Inanna, Shem’s direct, male-line greatgrandson would have been his third heir instead of Elam-Eber. The compound Almodad reads “Elam-Adad” and signifies the direct-line counterpart to Elam in the line of Adad-Shem. The Hellenic argument for the same result begins with an equation between Arphaxad’s son Utu-Obal the sun god and the Olympian sun god Apollo with an apparent metathesis of the vowels. Apollo’s two sons Orpheus and Asklepios— the gods of music and medicine— are then identified with Almodad and Sheleph through a cognate match among Asklepios (Aesculapius), the Sklavi or Slavs and Sheleph. Orpheus and Almodad are then equated on the basis of genealogical context. The explanation of “Almodad” as a compound of “Elam” and Dada-Tata of Awan identifies this name at the head of the Joktanite list with Kali’s domain of Elam-Lumma as the commencement point of Joktan’s redefinition of the Noahic domain system. His brother Sheleph-Asklepios, father of the East Slavs, then becomes the Joktanite claimant of Gutium, extending northward from the mountainous northern section of Elam. In effect the first two vassals of Joktan have replaced Kali and Mahadevi respectively as rulers of the old domains of Elam and Gutium. Note that the only tribe I know to bear a version of the compound name Almodad— the Arabian Alumiotae shown by Ptolemy— displays a “u” in the second syllable consistent with the Sumerian name Lumma for Elam. As for Sheleph and Gutium, one 141 of the Gutian kings bears the name Shulme. Although KAIS identifies Shulme with Shelah, that now appears to be a mistake. The name “Shulme” contains a labial semivowel m which can degenerate into a labial b and then ph. The original formation underlying this name of second vassal Sheleph could have been another compound of Elam such as Ask-Elam or Asku-Lumma. In any case, the Joktanite list begins with new claimants to the Elamite-Gutian continuum east of Sumer and Akkad. The third Joktanite Hazarmaveth appears under the name Mot in Ugaritic mythology as a son of “Bull El”-Shelah and a brother of Yamm-Eber-Elam and Athtar, the Joktanite Jerah. In West Semite Ugaritic “Mot” means “Death” just as the West Semitic maveth in “Hazarmaveth” means “death.” Hazarmaveth clearly refers to Hadramaut in southern Arabia; but that land has been cancelled from the domain system and replaced with one of the Indian domains in the Dynasty III period— the Dravidian Indus. Dravidians are the black race of Riphath, who is identified in Amorite tradition as Adamu, in Sumerian as Adapa and Dumuzi-abzu, in East Indian as Shiva, in Egyptian as Asir-Osiris and in Hellenic-Colchian Absyrtos. All these figures are identified with sin and/or death. He is the son of female Dumuzi-abzu, Kali, the Indian goddess of death. Thus Mot-Hazarmaveth took the domain of the Dravidian Indus as Indian counterpart to Hadramaut, the land of death symbolized as a prone corpse in the Braided Goddess Panel. The exiles to Arabia were reckoned living dead in the manner of Hindu tradition as exhibited by Kipling’s story “The Strange Ride of Morrowbie Jukes.” Mot’s brother Athtar attached himself to a very different part of the domain system. There is direct interplay between the tradition of Ugarit on the coast of Syria and that of Troy on the Phrygian coast of the Aegean. The Hellenes took their tradition of the Dardanian line of Troy from an unpointed Semitic text sourced at Ugarit. They are known to have created their alphabet from a Semitic source in Phoenicia. They identify Shem as Dardanus in a context identifying Ham as Hermes and Japheth as Lacedaemon. The name Dardanus does not occur, to my knowledge at Ugarit, but turns up in general use as “Tartan” among the Assyrians. Dardanus begets Erichthonius, a name formed from Arphaxad’s West Semitic name as moon god Yerikh. The unpointed text then dictates Arphaxad’s son Shelah in a remarkable way. Ugaritic mythology names Shelah as its major god Tr Il or “Bull El.” The Hellenes misinterpreted the text to mean two different men, Tros and Ilos. One of these then begets Assaracus, a clear counterpart to Tr Il’s son Athtar. KAIS identifies Athtar with Joktan’s fourth vassal Jerah merely from context. As a brother of Yamm-Elam and Mot-Hazarmaveth, Athtar rounds out “Bull El’s” family in the same way that Jerah rounds out the Joktanite subsection of the first four vassals. If Jerah originally read Yerak, there is reason to place him in the northwestern Domain of Hatti as inclusive of Trojan Phrygia. The Luwian-Minoan isolate inhabited Arzawa of the Hittite Empire before the Minoans made their way to Crete from there. The Greeks eventually renamed the major Cretan city of Candia Iraklion on the basis of the popular name Herakles. Because Herakles originated as a demi-god Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations version of Shem analogous to Dardanus, Jerah-Athtar-Assaracus figures as a kind of Herakles II in the explicit line of Dardanus or Herakles I. The rest of the Joktanite list consists of two more tetrad subsections on either side of Joktan’s begotten son Abimael— Enmerkar of Uruk-Eanna. The second subsection is appropriately headed by Hadoram, Joktanite name of Shem’s son and first heir Arphaxad I. We have seen how important the name Hadoram is to the ItalicLatin genealogy of Saturnus where the subsequent heirs Shelah, Eber and Peleg are almost undecipherable as Picus, Faunus and Latinus. As Taranis of the Taranis Panel, Arphaxad I-Hadoram now claimed the “new” Domain of Haran, otherwise given over to the Hurrians of Kurum-Magog. Because the biblical Hebrews originated in the western part of this domain known as Padan-Aram, we have considered the hypothesis that these Hebrews, despite taking their name from the third heir Eber, actually took shape under the first heir Arphaxad. In the time of the Assyrian Empire when this domain was known as Bit-adini or Beth-eden, the town of Arpad west of the Upper Euphrates derived from Arpachshad, a variant of Arphaxad. The sixth Joktanite Uzal is Arphaxad’s great daughter Inanna-Ishtar, heaven goddess of Uruk and embodiment of the lost cause of Aratta as Medb from the same Celtic pantheon as her father Taranis. Because she claimed the Anship of the UraloAltaics, we might have placed her at the Ural-Altaic interim camp at Kuru in India; but that is not the case. After the rise of Sargon in 2244, she took the Nannaship of her father Nanna-Arphaxad-Hadoram, joined the exilic fraternity of the Olympians, took on a new identity as the moon goddess Artemis (Diana) and thus complemented her brother Utu-Obal-Apollo. The two of them are said to have been “born”— redefined theocratically— on the island of Delos in the chain of islands running southeast from Attica and Euboea. These Aegean islands, the Cyclades, were conceived as an extension of the domain of Alashiya-Cyprus. The seventh member of the Joktanite clan is Tr Il-Bel-Marduk himself, Shem’s second heir Shelah, under the Joktanite name Diklah. Akkadian tradition identifies Marduk, in effect, as the lord of the capital zone of Akkad, originally claimed by Shem and handed down to his imperial heirs but especially this second one. A series of Joktanite tribes in Sarmatia-Russia (owing to Joktan’s identity as Japheth’s vassal Meshech) includes the Borusci or original Satem Aryan “Prussians,” who recognized Diklah-Shelah as Tukla, the god of good luck. That theme probably derived from Shelah’s quasi-miraculous recovery at Mount Hurum in the Sumerian tale of his exploits as Lugalbanda titled Lugalbanda in the Wilderness. Another member of the Prussian pantheon, Babilos, is a god of the bees. The name refers simultaneously to Ham and his abortive attempt to gather mankind into the Hamitic “beehive” of Babel. Tukla and Babilos are complementary in their close relationship to the capital zone of Akkad. 143 This central and most powerful subsection of the Joktanite list is rounded out by the sun god Obal or Hobal of the Arabs, Apollo of the Hellenes, Utu of the Sumerians and Shamash of the East Semitic Akkadian-Babylonians and Assyrians. In this setting he took the domain of Subir-Assyria, the land colonized for the Semitic stock by Nimrod-Sargon. He and Diklah shared between them the heart of ancient Mesopotamia, excluding Sumer but only because the Semites overpowered the Sumerians after 2244. Study of the Assyrian cult of Shamash will probably shed light on how Obal actually related to the governance of early Assyria, a land named for Asshur-Nimrod, not for him. In the Assyrian pantheon Nimrod figures as the war god Ninib (Ninurta), distinct from Shamash. By yielding the solar identity to a god distinct from Nimrod, the Assyrians were admitting that Obal rather than Nimrod-Asshur possessed the chief claim over Assyria at one time. Abimael stands out as Joktan’s only begotten son in the list and the illustrious Sumerian King Enmerkar, nominal victor in the Uruk-Aratta war. As a fixture of Sumerian tradition, Enmerkar-Abimael emerges as the Joktanite claimant to the domain of Eanna-Sumer. He stands as a fifth member of the central subsection along with the claimants of Akkad and Assyria farther north. When we read the names Diklah, Obal and Abimael in Genesis 10:27-28, we are viewing the classic theocracy of Mesopotamia as defined by the time of Sargon the Great, Nimrod in the “land of Nimrod.” The Mahadevi tetrad of the diluvian wives and their postdiluvian daughters appear in two parallel lists at the ends of the Joktanite and Canaanite lists respectively. Those two clans are presented alike in that Semitic representatives of the two are located geographically by the biblical text. Parallelism between the two clans is obvious. I have read the two female tetrads as strictly parallel in that Sheba’s daughter Sin- (Indian Lakshmi) leads the Canaanite subsection; Ophir-Kali’s daughter Arvad- (Parvati) follows; Havilah-Mahadevi’s daughter Zemar- (Ganga) is listed third; and the white matriarch Jobab-Uma’s white daughter Hamath-Saraswati occurs at the end of the Canaanite list as Uma occurs at the close of the Joktanite. As members of the Joktanite clan, the Mahadevi tetrad took command of four Gangetic domains. These replaced the original domains claimed by these four female survivors of the Flood. Kali, for example, gave up Elam but took on the domain of Videha reserved for her Austronesian stock. Once this stock dispersed into their traditional island world, the “Domain of Kali” became the entire Austronesian realm from Malagasy to the state of Hawaii. These macrocosmic values attached to all of the Gangetic domains. After Durga took command of Kosala and hosted the SinoTibetans, the Domain of Durga expanded to include China, Tibet, Nepal and most of Burma. At Kuru Mahadevi acted on behalf of her husband Noah, received the UraloAltaics and saw them expand into a domain extending from Manchuria, Japan and Korea on the east to Finland, Hungary and Bulgaria on the west. Because Noah never became a member of the Joktanite clan and had lost practical control of the UraloAltaics in 2359, we cannot refer to a Domain of Noah for the Uralo-Altaic world. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Instead the title Domain of Mahadevi labels both Uralo-Altaic Eurasia and both Americas reserved for her Amerindian people, who escaped from Arabia and made their way to Libya before reaching the Americas via the Atlantic. Except for the rebellion the so-called “landbridge” colonization from the Far East to the Americas via the Pacific would have actually taken place. In the case of the Olmecs and Mayas, it apparently did. The rebellion in Arabia also affected the Domain of Uma at Panchala, reserved for but denied the Centum Aryans. Even though the Centum Aryans never colonized India (except for the British colonials of modern times), the Domain of Uma is nothing less than the entire Indo-European world from India, though Iran, Scythia and Sarmatia to the Centum Aryans in Europe. These vast areas of the earth all conformed to the Gangetic version of the Mahadevi tetrad but excluded Arabia and Africa with their former domains from the Nomadic Age. These last two lands, on either side of the Red Sea, corresponded to the westernmost Indian domain of India, the Dravidian Indus (actually in Pakistan). We recall that the patriarch of the Dravidians, Riphath-Seba-Tamula, was the same Asir-Osiris who claimed Egypt as his domain in the Nomadic Age. Although Riphath never became a Joktanite, his colony at the Indus served as focus for the great domain of Arabia and Africa to the west of the Indian subcontinent. Setting aside the Aramaean sons of Shem, the only Joktanite left to take command of the Red Sea lands is Joktan himself. That is where the carefully specified Semitic Joktanites of southern Arabia come in. They established a presence essential to making Arabia and Africa the super-domain of Joktan. The formidable presence of Arabs on the African continent makes the point. How many of these claim to be beniKhitan is unknown to me; but the symbolic association is established. The remaining issue is how Joktan was able to take up Riphath’s claim to Egypt and make it the basis for defining Africa-Arabia as his domain. As a son of mulatto Eber, Joktan was at least a quadroon. With his seventeen vassals, he was important enough to have begotten a racial tetrad by Noah’s four postdiluvian daughters. As Sumerian Enmerkar, Abimael figures as his white son. The Khitans of Inner Mongolia imply a yellow son. The South Semitic Arabs imply a red son by Zemar-Ganga. She had taken the domain of Oman in the Nomadic Age. A union between her and Joktan provides the most likely explanation for the great South Semitic race. Two lines of reasoning connect the union of Joktan and Arvad-Parvati with the Niger-Congo people of West Africa while continuing to maintain that the Bantu division of that stock derived from Sabtah-Ganesha, son of Shiva-Riphath and Parvati. Aside from the plausibility of such a match in the origin of a black African people, we have seen the importance of Joktan’s father Eber in West Africa as the god Ebore and in such West African tribes such as the Igbo and Ewe. When we use the compound label Niger-Congo, we might as well add that a son of Joktan and Parvati 145 is to the “Niger” element what the “Congo” or Bantu element was to Sabtah, son of Riphath-Seba and Parvati. Thus, the Domain of Joktan took root at Riphath’s colony at the Indus and spread to Arabia via an unnamed son of Joktan and Ganga and to Africa by means of an unnamed son of Joktan and Parvati. We have seen that, in the Nomadic Age, Parvati-Arvad claimed Ethiopia as her domain. Through her unions with Riphath and Joktan, she established the great Niger-Congo race, ancestors of our Afro-Americans. Riphath made the Bantu world of his son Sabtah an extension of his domain of Egypt; and Joktan did likewise by making West Africa an extension of Parvati’s claim to Ethiopia. The remainder of the universal domain system involved Shem’s four sons as vassals of Joktan under the name Aram. These four took command of three of the original domains and one of the four created in the Eanna period. Shem’s red son Uz appears in three pantheons: in the Elamite, as Human; in the Assyrian as Umman; and in the Sumerian as Martu. This last name reveals that, following his service among his three brothers at the unified Semitic domain of Martu, he took command of the domain as a vassal of Aram. Thus the “land of Uz” named in the Book of Job lies somewhere in the Martu domain of Syria-Jordan. Tradition maintains that Uz founded the city of Damascus, which lies northwest of the Syrian Desert and therefore at the northwest corner of original Martu, north of the southwest corner at the Dead Sea. As Khaldi, chief god of the Urartians, Shem’s black son Hul claimed the domain of Urartu, extending as it does northward to Colchis. This domain was the only one of the Aramaean group not to have been part of the original eight of Lugalannemundu’s inscription. In the Eanna period it was conceived as the northeast corner of four domains subsequently claimed by the Joktanites Sheleph (Gutium), Jerah (Hatti-Phrygia) and Uzal (Cyprus-Aegean). Thus Urartu-Colchis can now be labeled the Domain of Hul as complement to Uz’s Domain of Martu. Similar logic applies to Japheth’s original claim land of Marhashi-Syria, now re-claimed as the Domain of Mash, named for Math, the white son of Shem-Aliyan Bal and HamathSaraswati-Anath. Bal and Anath are well-defined as a sibling couple, both children of Dagon Noah by the white matriarch Uma. Shem’s yellow son Gether claimed the old domain of his mother Durga— “Cedar Mountain” Persia. This domain now extended all the way along the northern coast of the Persian Gulf to the domain of Mot-Hazarmaveth at the Indus. Gether’s domain encompassed the Persia of Persepolis, Carmania of Kermanshah and Gedrosia, named for Gether explicitly. In analyzing Joktan’s vast realm of Arabia and Africa, I have referred to the Indus colony as Riphath’s owing to his paternity of the Dravidians. In the Joktanite system, however, the Indus colony was the Domain of Mot-Hazarmaveth, Tr Il’s son and therefore a brother to Yamm-Elam-Eber, Joktan’s father. Once again the Elamo-Dravidian linguistic continuum links the Dravidian realm in southern India to ancient Elam. These two lands were once held by the brother’s Mot and Yamm at either end of Gether’s domain of Greater Persia. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Without establishing dates so far, we can tabulate the Joktanite reduction of the “orbis terrarum,” a realm somewhat larger than the stretch between “Mesha and Sephar”: Joktanite- Alternate Aramaean: Almodad Sheleph Hazarmaveth Jerah Name: Orpheus Asklepios Mot Athtar, Assaracus Arphaxad I Nanna, Taranis Inanna, Artemis Shelah, Marduk Utu, Shamash Enmerkar Durga Kali Mahadevi Location: Elam Gutium Indus Valley Hatti Uma Aram Martu Khaldi Panchala Southern Arabia Martu Urartu Persia Marhashi-Syria Hadoram Uzal Diklah Obal Abimael Sheba Ophir Havilah Jobab Joktan Uz Hul Gether Mash Math Domain Extension: Dravidian South India Hittite Empire, Phrygia, Minoan Crete Beth-Eden Cyprus Aegean Akkad Akkadian Empire Assyria Sumer Kosala Videha Kuru Assyrian Empire China Austronesia Mongolian Empire, Turkish Empire, Americas Europe Arabia, Africa Babylonian Empire Colchis Carmania, Gedrosia Some of the extensions listed in the last column took place much later than the Dynasty III era, some in the 22nd century, others millennia later. But the locations in the third column require a tight chronology. For the colonies in India, we have already established a chronology based on the reigns at Awan. These dates, however, do not relate directly to Joktan as Ikun-Shamash of Semitic Mari. Our challenge is to associate that reign with the Semitic Joktanite tribes in Southern Arabia. Those colonies pertain in some way to the system of penal colonies on the Arabian coasts. The “prison break” rebellion that brought the Centum Aryans and Amerindians up the Red Sea included the Semitic Canaanites, whose location in Canaan is specified in parallel with the note on the location of the beni-Khitan. The implication is quite clear. The Joktanite clan took command of the South Semites when they heard of the 147 Arabian rebellion and migrated to southern Arabia to re-colonize the land vacated by rebel Canaanites. They did this to reestablish the integrity of the universal domain system that they were commissioned to create. Genesis 10:19 and 30 testify to a divine initiative to maintain integrity in the face of criminal upheaval. The Arabian Prison Break 2252-2248 The reason for the dire commandment given by God to invade and exterminate the Canaanites lies in the fact that these people— alone among all the Semitic stocks of Martu— joined Peleg’s rebellion, were defeated and then renewed it even while Peleg was reigning as a legitimate monarch in Sumer. Peleg’s reigns as Peli at Awan and Lugalannemundu at Adab reveal the extent to which he repented and sought to fit in with the scheme of universal domains after 2278. The Canaanites refused to repent and continued to drag their version of the Semitic stock into the rebellion. Even their adoption of the name “Canaan” signified this inveterate rebelliousness in a way that their allies the Amerindians and Centum Aryans avoided. From the moment of Noah’s curse forward, Canaan had no right to represent the Semitic linguistic stock. In 2359 he made that point abundantly clear by usurping from Noah the Anship of the Uralo-Altaics in compensation for his loss of the Semites. Whoever created the West Semitic Canaanite stock and joined the cause of Aratta under that banner was an arch-criminal of Noahic times. Just when Ikun-Shamash learned of renewed rebellion in Arabia depends on the terminus a quo of the rebellion itself unless he learned of it in advance from the conspirators at Lagash. At this point we turn to the Sumerian Myth of Adapa for direct evidence that Sumerians learned of a heinous crime of rebellion committed at the south end of the world. They myth attributes the crime to the patriarch of the Amorites, a man who appears more often in Genesis 10 than any other member of the Noahic elite— Adamu, Adapa, Riphath, Seba, Pathrus-, Amor-, Asir, Absyrtus, Shiva, Tamula, Dionysos— all the same man. A translation of the myth is available to me in Pritchard’s collection The Ancient Near East. Pritchard introduces the myth by stating that “The story of Adapa shares with the Epic of Gilgamesh the motif of man’s squandered opportunity for gaining immortality” (76). The myth survives in Semitic fragments in which Enki is named Ea and An Anu. The salient points can be outlined. (1) Ea, the god of wisdom, gives Adapa enough wisdom to “disclose the designs of the land.” (2) Adapa set sail from Ea’s city of Eridu in an attempt to catch fish. (3) Adapa commits his ritual sin of “breaking the wing of the south wind” out of anger at its upsetting his boat and sending him to “the home of the fish.” Troubled by the failure of the south wind to blow for seven days, Anu inquires and learns of Adapa’s crime. (5) After Anu sends for Adapa, Ea instructs the mortal how to behave. First he must flatter the gods Tammuz and Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Gizzida by affirming that they are the two gods who disappeared from the land. After this good advice Ea gives him fatally bad advice by warning him not to eat the “bread of death” or drink the “water of death” offered him.(6) After pleasing Tammuz and Gizzida with his answer, Adapa gains admission to Anu’s presence and confesses, “In the wrath of my heart, I cursed the south wind. (7) Anu asks Tammuz and Gizzida, “Why did Ea to a worthless human of the heaven/ And of the earth the plan disclose,/ Rendering him distinguished and making a name for him? (8) Without knowing how Ea has instructed the mortal, Anu offers him bread and water of life— not death. (9) Obeying Ea’s advice, Adapa refrains from eating the bread of life and drinking the water of life and, therefore, forfeits his chance at immortal life. As with Gilgamesh in the Land of the Living, it is impossible to give this story concrete meaning without invoking a concrete context and engaging in logical allegorization. St. Augustine’s form of allegorizing was for the purpose of giving concrete biblical narratives moral and spiritual meaning. My approach is the reverse— to bring concrete value to mythological narratives assumed to allude to real events of high importance but in a veiled way. One detail of the story reinforces the equation between Adapa and East Indian Shiva. After Adapa has committed his ritual sin, Ea advises him to approach Anu in mourning garb and with “unkempt hair.” Shiva is depicted as a disheveled wild man in a story where he gets angry at not being invited to a banquet of the gods, cuts off Daksha’s head and replaces it with the head of a goat. By drawing on the Mesopotamian and Indian stories, we can gather how Riphath-Seba managed to cause the fatal crime of the Semitic Canaanites in abandoning their penal colony in South Arabia. In both cases the sinners were provoked to wrath, Adapa by being dunked and sent to the “home of the fish” and Shiva by not being invited to a banquet. To make concrete sense of this, we must place Riphath-Seba in space and time appropriate to a lead-up toward the rebellion of the Canaanites. To start with, Riphath-Seba was a member of the Canaanite clan under the name “Amor-“. When these members dealt with Indo-Europeans in the First Kish period, Riphath’s membership meant control of the East Indian protoplast. When the clan took on its value for Semites, his name identified him with the Amorites, making East Indians and Amorites representatives of the same leader in two different contexts. Eventually the rebellious crime of the Canaanites took the form of the moral collapse of the “iniquity of the Amorites.” The savage, immoral behavior of the Amorites was so grievous that any reader of the Bible can understand why it was punished so harshly. The initial criminality of the Canaanites in South Arabia was subtler and must be clarified. Sin and rebellion is always definable in a context of practical goals and pursuits. In the early postdiluvian world all leaders understood and agreed with the premise their chief goal was to create nations and fit them into well-designed imperial cosmos. Mere survival was strictly for barbarians as it is in all generations and as it was among 149 the doomed antediluvians. Man does not live by bread alone. There must always be a greater goal. That is why the Canaanite rebellion in breaking ranks set the stage for Amorite savagery among a race said to have been corrupted by nothing more than “fullness of bread.” In order to interpret the two stories, we need a career profile for Riphath-Seba from the outbreak of the Uruk-Aratta war down to the time of the Canaanite rebellion. In the Taranis Panel, Daksha-Arphaxad I defines the western theater of the war centered at his northern lunar cult center of Haran. Shiva’s act of cutting off his head and replacing it with a goat’s head suggests some pivotal act by Riphath during the war. Unlike the Aratta Canaanites, Riphath’s Amorites joined the Erechite cause and made up the Semitic part of one of the griffin armies. As Nomadic Age claimant of the domain of Egypt, Riphath-Osiris was ideally suited to unite Amorites with Hamites in one of those armies. That role gave him the power to cause trouble among the Erechite allies. The theme of Riphath-Shiva’s offense at being slighted should be taken as literally as possible. The outline of Erechite forces on pp. 72-73 does not mention any of the three sons of Noah (vassals of Gomer) in Genesis 10:3. Nor does it analyze which divisions of the Semitic stock from the four corners of Martu joined which griffin armies. The nearest approach to incorporating 10:3 is Gomer’s place as Japhethite commander of the West Taranis Griffin. It was here that Gomer must have established his identity among the Centum Aryan Celts as Llyr and among the Hamites of the 22nd century Dynasty IV as Khufu. The outline states that the head of the Semitic division at the West Taranis Griffin was the hostage Peleg as Shem’s vassal Lud. He had replaced an earlier leader of that Semitic division because, in an earlier stage of the war, he led the Aratta faction in the eastern theater. In order to link the war to the “prison break” after 2252, we must analyze how specific Semitic divisions were aligned to the five griffin armies. We have affirmed that the East Semitic division was split in half to accommodate the defeated hostage Nimrod by making him Shem’s vassal Asshur at the head of a proto-Assrian division at the East Medb Griffin. This logic requires that the other East Semitic division, Akkadians, formed part of the complementary West Medb Griffin. As Amor- of the Canaanite clan, Riphath was available to take charge of the Amorite division from Tidnum at the northeastern corner of Martu. The outline on p. 72, however, assigns this division to the hero Lugalbanda-Shelah-Marduk as Shem’s vassal Arphaxad II at the Central Taranis Griffin.We might have expected him to head the Akkadian division of the West Medb Griffin. Shelah-Marduk, however, doubled as commander-in-chief of the entire Erechite armed force under King Enmerkar and could use the assistance of the Amorite patriarch in keeping control of the Amorites at the Central Taranis Griffin— assuming that they were the Semitic division located there. The reason for believing so is the way the Amorites of Hammurabi in the early second millennium supplanted or complemented the Akkadians of Marduk in creating their dynasty at Babylon in the capital zone. Shelah-Marduk became one of the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Amorite kings in the course of his career— Belu, known to the Hellenes as Belus of Sidon’s “Libyan” family as well as to the Babylonians as Bel, father of Eber-Nabu. The picture of the Semitic armies grows clearer when we notice that the outline lists Joktan-Meshech as both a Japhethite commander and Semitic leader of the East Taranis Griffin. Unfortunately, we face an equivocation at this point since Meshech had two different Semitic identities as Aram of the North Semitic Aramaeans and Joktan of the South Semitic Arabs. Either the Aramaeans or Arabs might have been the Semitic contingent at the East Taranis Griffin. All we know is that this army excluded the Amorites, whom we have suggested served Shelah-Belus at the Central Taranis Griffin. Our problem boils down to how to align the North and South Semites with the Erechite armies flanking the Central Taranis Griffin east and west. That issue is decided by reflecting on the complementary roles of Peleg and his brother Joktan at the heads of these two flanking armies. Unlike Joktan, Peleg possessed almost no Semitic identity but was chiefly a Sumerian and secondarily an Indo-European known as Frey to the Teutons and Cernunnus to Gallic Celts. The final solution to our arrangement of the Semites depends on whether Peleg harmonized better with Aramaeans or South Semites. The western location of his Indo-European Lydians answers this question. As Lud of the Lydians, Peleg served as a vassal of Shem in 10:23 even though the Lydians were never Semitic speakers. The Arameans of Syria held land at the gateway to Cappadocia, Anatolia and Lydia. Therefore we conclude that Peleg’s Semitic contingent at the West Taranis Griffin consisted of Aramaeans. The Semitic followers of his brother Joktan were the beni-Khitan Arabs named for him at the East Taranis Griffin. Consequently the Semitic divisions of the five griffin armies were as follows: West Taranis Griffin. Central Taranis Griffin. East Taranis Griffin. West Medb Griffin. East Medb Griffin. Aramaeans Amorites Arabs Akkadians Assyrians Our question on the role of the sinner Riphath-Adapa now shifts to how the three vassals of Gomer served the Erechite cause in the western theater. We have seen that an analogous vassal of Javan took over the entire Erechite cause as Su-Dasa ITarsi (Tarshish) and virtually won the war “singlehandedly.” But what were Ashkenaz, Riphath and Togarmah doing. Riphath led the Amorites as their patriarch Amor-. Togarmah turned up in the 2120s as Birsha, king of Gomorrah, among the same Amorites. Even Ashkenaz appears in Slavic mythology as the “love god,” Yarilo, as though he too attached himself to the morally loose Amorite stock. As such 151 these three sons of Noah do not reflect much credit on their diluvian father. Some might choose to blame their laxity on their feudal father Gomer especially because Birsha’s doomed Amorite city Gomorrah could have been named for that worthy. After probing the mystery of Adapa’s sin, we need to consider the Amorite king list of the Assyrians where Riphath-Adapa appears under the remarkable cognate name Adamu— Adam. First just how did Riphath-Shiva “cut off the head” of Daksha I— Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I-Taranis at the head of the Taranis panel. It is as though Riphath pasted the decapitated head of Taranis to the panel! We have seen repeatedly that mythological decapitations mean the removal of leaders from their followers. The conclusion to be drawn is that Arphaxad governed the Aramaean Semites of the West Taranis Griffin before Riphath took action resulting in his removal and replacement by the “goat’s head” of the hostage leader Peleg. Shiva’s motive was having been somehow slighted, presumably by Daksha-Arphaxad I. Logically, as a son of Noah, Riphath felt disgraced by being passed over when a war council decided to put the five Semitic divisions under five vassals of Shem, all of them younger than he and some such as Peleg-Lud with relatively no experience among the Semitic stock such as he enjoyed with the Amorites. The Indian story implies that Riphath was somehow responsible for electing Peleg to replace Arphaxad. This narrative crux could only be because Riphath had a voice in naming the vassals of Shem in the first place. All three sons of Noah felt that they should have been named as vassals of Shem rather than vassals of Gomer. Shem’s clan could have been built on the same plan as Japheth’s by combining his four sons of 10:23 with three additional figures analogous to Tubal-Eber, MeshechJoktan and Joktan’s brother Tiras. The sons of Noah would have made an ideal choice for the additional three. In the context of the prevailing Eanna dynasty, JoktanMeskiaggasher’s power and prestige as Enmerkar’s father was too great for that. He prevailed on the Noahic Council following the defeat of Peleg and Nimrod by 2300 to make Arphaxad I, himself, his father Eber, his brother Peleg and Peleg’s heir NimrodReu into Shem’s vassals Aram, Elam, Lud and Asshur respectively. The section on the Aegean War below will explain how Arphaxad I was replaced in 10:22 by Shelah as Arphaxad II. Angered by this decision, Riphath singled out Arphaxad I as Shem’s eldest vassal and cast a determining vote in the Noahic Council to remove him as commander of the West Taranis Griffin and replace him with Peleg, the erstwhile enemy. This action foreshadowed the way Arpaxad I was expelled from the set of five vassals during the Aegean War later in the 22nd century. Knowing that Riphath harbored a grudge against the legimate Noahic Council of the war era for passing over him and his brothers for special honor we return to the Myth of Adapa and to a setting late in the Dynasty III period. We have seen that Riphath became a king at Awan as Kikku-siwe-tempti, next-to-last ruler of the dynasty over the years 2256-2252. At the accession of Japheth as Luh-ishan (Celtic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Lugh), Riphath set out on the obligatory colonization mission beyond the Persian Gulf. This was the fishing trip to which the myth refers and dated in the years 22522248, down to the end of the Dynasty III era. The ritual act of “breaking the wing of the west wind” meant enabling the Canaanites to break out of captivity on the Gulf of Aden to make their way via the Red Sea to Palestine. Riphath’s practical means to that end was the fleet he raised in 2252 to transport his isolate Dravidians from Elam to the Indus Valley. The myth requires an immediate provocation equivalent to the south wind’s capsizing Adapa’s boat and sending him off to the “home of the fish.” In early postdiluvian symbology, wind means the Enlilship of the wind god of the Semitic stock. The winds of four ordinal directions refer to the four divisions of the Semitic stock divided in that way by modern scholars in the same way that the Sumerian mythologist must have done. The myth, therefore, requires that Riphath met some form of Semitic opposition during the course of his voyage. That could only be from the South Semitic Arabs under Joktan, who completed his reign as Ikun-Shamash early in the period in the year 2275 and had more than twenty years to act with the South Semites. The simplest explanation is that Joktan settled the South Semites at the Indus and contested its possession with Riphath and the Dravidians when they arrived there after 2252. This Semitic “south wind” of opposition compelled Riphath and his Dravidians to “go down to the home of the fish.” In this case we remember that Heth, as founder of the Lagasite dynasty, took the name Ur Nanshe, “Champion of the Fish Goddess.” That goddess was one of the Sumerian versions of the white matriarch Uma. The “home of the fish” therefore refers to the penal colony of the Centum Aryans, derived from Uma and Ham, on the coast of Oman. At this moment Arabs were holding the Indus. Riphath and the Dravidians were wondering what to do with themselves at Oman. Whether or not Riphath and Canaan coordinated the scheme in advance, Noah’s son decided to retaliate against Joktan and his South Semites by setting the Arabian “prison break” in motion. He began with the Centum Aryans, knowing that they would be willing to join with the Canaanites because of a common origin. The Centum Aryans arose immediately after the Tower of Babel fiasco as fair-skinned former Semites willing to adopt Shem’s Indo-European language to acknowledge his right to possess the Semitic rather than the founder Ham. The Babel fiasco persuaded them that Ham offered them a false future. In contrast Canaanites were diehard rebels against that conversion by retaining the Semitic tongue and linking it to the name of Canaan, who no longer possessed any right to represent the Semitic stock, especially after he usurped the Uralo-Altaics from Noah. The Canaanites became the only Semitic adherents to the Aratta Schism. They hoped that that the new order at Aratta would restore them to their ancient status quo as descendents of Ham speaking Ham’s original language, the Semitic. 153 Riphath and Joktan were decided enemies because of Riphath’s resentment at the way Joktan and other members of the Inanna Succession became honored vassals of Shem at his and his brothers’ expense. Riphath understood that Joktan was so loyal to the Noahic scheme of domains that if the Canaanites could be persuaded to abandon South Arabia Joktan would feel obliged to take the beni-Khitan there to fill up this rent in the fabric of domains. Once Joktan did so, Riphath would cross the Arabian Sea again to take possession of the Indus for the Dravidians. Genesis 10:30 reports the success, in effect, of Riphath’s plan to drive the beni-Khitan from the fertile Indus Valley to a harsher land of South Arabia. Riphath understood that he could not draw the Joktanites away from the Indus unless he could give convincing evidence that the Canaanites had actually abandoned their penal colony in the south. Leaving Dravidians in the south he loaded his fleet with Centum Aryans and Amerindians in sufficient force to overpower whatever guards watched the Canaanites, sailed from Oman to the Gulf of Aden, recruited the Canaanites to his plan, gave them some of the ships of his fleet and selected a witness capable of convincing Joktan that this escape had actually occurred. The governor of the Canaanite penal colony at Aden was Canaan, the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Kwang. Canaan was Joktan’s great-great-grandfather through Sidon, Shelah and Eber. As an Ocean Dragon King, he was under mandate so severe that he was eventually executed at Metelis in 2181 for little more than failing in his duty to keep control of the rebel Canaanites. Riphath could easily have taken him by force if that was necessary. In any case he made a convincing witness to the breakdown of his penal colony because he could not have plausibly fallen into Riphath’s hands in any other way. Convinced by this testimony, Joktan set sail with his own ships and as many of the South Semites he could carry and reached South Arabia to find it in the condition that Canaan and Riphath reported. Riphath used his remaining ships to transport the Dravidians from Oman to the Indus. Kingship at Its Source details a plausible scenario for what became of the rebel Canaanites, Amerindians and Centum Aryans once they reached the north end of the Red Sea. That scenario involves the history of Nimrod’s rise as Sargon and of his Akkadian Empire down to 2188 and beyond. Lugalzaggesi and Sargon 2248-2244 When Kramer reports what he knows about the conflict between the Sumerian Lugalzaggesi and East Semite Sargon, he never dreams that he is dealing with Noah’s son Shem, on the one hand, and Shem’s fifth heir Reu-Nimrod on the other. The story of this conflict exists both as sober Sumerian record and as the Sumerian Myth of Zu in which Ninurta-Nimrod wins back the Enlilship of the Semitic stock from a mythological bird Zu representing Shem. Conflict between Shem and Nimrod also emerges from the historical record, not only in Sargon’s overthrow of Lugalzaggezi Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations but in the latter’s prior destruction of the cult center of the god Ningirsu at Lagash. Ningirsu is just another name for Nimrod-Ninurta, the “mighty hunter” god of the Sumerian pantheon equivalent to East Indian Varuna. Two factors in the showdown between Shem and Nimrod were the end of an odd-numbered ninth era and the likelihood of reports of what was happening in Arabia. Each odd-numbered era, as we have seen, were dominated by the Shem-Noah faction and their principles as opposed to the handover of power to the Ham-Canaan faction in even number eras. We have seen what the Hamite faction could do in the sixth Tower of Babel era and the eighth war era. The seventh era of the First Kish order meant the Shem-Noah principle of linguistic diversity; and the eighth Dynasty III era saw the rapid development of political diversity in the form of thirteen “dynasties” in a thirty-year span. At the same time the Dynasty III era saw the expansion of the domain system synonymous with ethnic diversity. After 2248 what could we expect from the the traditional Hamite commitment to world unity? The answer came in the form of an empire so well defined that secular scholars have not hesitated to declare it a historical fact. Before that empire took shape Shem’s fifth heir Nimrod had to dispose of Shem, leader of the opposing faction. Nimrod and his imperial successors then threw legitimacy to the winds by extending the empire beyond the thirty-year limit and claiming for both Sargon-Reu and his grandson Naram Sin-Nahor I concurrent reigns of 56 years from 2244 to the close of the eleventh— rather than the tenth— postdiluvian era in 2188. When we come to the eleventh era beginning in 2218, we will observe how what remained of Shem’s faction responded to this unprecedented suspension of due process in the sharing of power. Something caused Shem to attempt to take power as Lugalzaggesi at the end of the ninth era just as Peleg had attempted to do at the close of the seventh. Like Peleg Shem failed. Peleg managed to create a spectacular schism. Shem turned to a humbler approach and destroyed the cult of Ningirsu at Lagash— seat of HamGurmu, Canaan-Gunidu and Heth-Ur Nanshe and his sucessors throughout the ninth era. That one genuine dynasty, in a series brief reigns, saw the extension of Ham’s bloodline through six generations beyond his own: Canaan-Gunidu, Heth-Ur-Nanshe, Akurgal, Eannatum and Enannatum I, Entemena and Enannatum II, all outlined as a bloodline in Hallo’s chart of the Dynasty III. The premise behind Heth’s power in the odd-numbered ninth era is that his central share in Peleg’s Aratta rebellion was conducted in the name of reviving the status quo of First Kish when Peleg “ruled them all” in the name of Shem’s principle of diversity. The friends of diversity became rebels in the even numbered eighth era of the Eanna regime and what amounted to its pro-Hamite (pro-Egyptian) policy. In the odd-numbered ninth era, they figured as loyalists to the “Old Cause” of Shemite diversity. Now after 2248 they and Shem became rebels again. 155 But if Heth was an ally to Peleg and Peleg an ally to Shem, why did Shem strike down the cult at Heth’s Lagash? In fact why were Shem and his fifth heir and second vassal Nimrod-Reu-Asshur-Sargon enemies? We learn from the Hurrian myth of Kumarbi that the Shem came to regard the Inanna Succession and the heirs and vassals that he acquired from it were a disaster— serpents in the nest. Ham’s blood was thicker than the water of political allegiance that these heirs and vassals swore to him. The vitally revealing Hurrian Song of Kumarbi should be discussed here. This myth affirms in graphic terms that the heirs of the Inanna Succession and/or the five vassals derived from the same set were a catastrophe for Shem and his cause. The Song of Kumarbi is a logical sequel to the Alalu-Anu myth which establishes our belief that Noah lost the Anship to Canaan in 2359. Gary M. Beckman, editor of Henry A. Hoffner’s second edition of Hittite Myths (1998), summarizes the connection between the two myths. This summary of Hurrian myth reaches implicitly into the heart of early postdiluvian politics: “The central theme of the entire cycle is the competition between Kumarbi and Tessub for kingship over the gods. As pointed out by Hoffner, the sequence of divine rulers in the Song of Kumarbi is not a father, son, or grandson, but an alternation of two competing lines. Alalu, driven from his throne by Anu, is the father of Kumarbi, who in turn drives Anu from his throne. Furthermore when Kumarbi emasculates Anu to forestall his own removal by any descendent of Anu, he inadvertently makes his own belly the womb for Anu’s seed, which produces Tessub, Tasmisu, the Aranzah River, and several other gods” (41). The dramatis personae begin with the antagonists of the 2359 myth— AlaluNoah and Anu-Canaan. Alalu’s son Kumarbi is Noah’s most loyal son Shem. The seed of Anu, swallowed by Kumarbi, is precisely the Inanna Succession: the bloodline of Canaan and Sidon “swallowed down” by Shem to become his troublesome heirs below Arphaxad I. Kingship at Its Source identifies the storm god Tessub as Peleg, confirming that Peleg took on the Indo-European storm cultus as the Prussian god Perkuna, both a storm deity and a name cognate to r versions of Peleg’s name such as Frey and Phrixus. The other deities such as Tasmisu are not listed in Chapter Seven of KAIS but are subject to identification with Shem’s other heirs. The determining factor is that these unwanted offspring are five in number as Anu tells Kumarbi in advance of their birth: “Stop rejoicing within yourself! I have placed inside you a burden. First, I have impregnated you with the noble Storm God (=Tessub). Second I have impregnated you with the irresistible Aranzah River. Third, I have impregnated you with the noble Tasmisu. (And) two (additional) terrible gods (perhaps A.GILIM and KA.ZAL) I have placed inside you as burdens. In the future you will end up striking the boulders of Mount Tassa with your head!” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Because A.GILIM enters into an immediate dialogue with Ea, ShelahMarduk’s father, we can adopt the hypothesis that this offspring is the second heir Shelah. However KA.ZAL also “took his stand before Ea.” So there is little to choose between these two as representations of Shelah. The parallel between the two can be taken as evidence that they represent Shelah and Eber. The all-capitals mean that these are Sumerian names substituted for unknown Hittite equivalents. KA.ZALU contains the element “Salah” or Shelah; and A.GILIM resembles Gilgamesh-Eber. Because the enumeration stops at five, we might prefer to view these five as the vassals of Genesis 10:22, all but one of whom— Joktan-Aram— double as heirs. It would help if the Hoffner edition could identify the River Aranzah. We learn elsewhere that Tasmisu is Tessub’s vizier. In another text The Song of the God Lamma, the all-capital name Ninurta is introduced to represent Tessub’s vizier. If that familiar Sumerian version of Nimrod is representative of the unknown Hittite name, we can take Tasmisu as the Hittite version of Nimrod-Reu, the vassal Asshur. Whatever the meaning of the River Aranzah (unidentified in Hoffner’s book), mere resemblance to Aram is enough to complete the list of vassals as follows: Elam (Eber). Asshur (Reu). Arphaxad II (Shelah). Lud (Peleg). Aram (Joktan). Agilim Tasmisu Kazal Tessub River Aranzah Such are the womb-offspring of Kumarbi-Shem as “inseminated” by AnuCanaan. Shem acquired these troublesome vassals in the war years when Peleg and Nimrod surrendered and became Lud and Asshur. The Hurrian myth suggests that their “births” came all at once as though the decision to convert heirs into vassals occurred at one moment during the war. Nimrod lost his duel of champions in the summer campaign of 2301. In reading the Hurrian myth, we can imagine Canaan standing in Shem’s presnce and issuing the warning about how much trouble these vassals from his male line would become. Vassalage means feudal sonship with an obligation to serve militarily. That is how Peleg and Nimrod were to serve as leaders of the Semites in the griffin armies at opposite ends of the Erechite alliance, Peleg in the west and Nimrod in the east. Between 2301 and 2244, something happened to Nimrod’s debt of feudal obligation to Shem. This fifth heir and vassal Asshur turned hostile, went to war against Shem, conquered him and sent him into exile. The corresponding Sumerian Myth of Zu is a piece of propaganda characterizing Shem as a thief of the Enlilship rather than its legitimate heir of it though Noah’s curse on Canaan. That propagandistic claim could not be made unless Shem were drawn into some violation of due process like the one 157 used in 2359 to destroy Noah’s authority. Shem’s destruction of the Ningirsu cult at Lagash drew a curse from its priest Urukagina. Perhaps that curse was sufficient to undo feudal obligation. In an inscription Lugalzaggesi claimed to have reigned for twenty-five years. Those years were a retroactive summary of the Dynasty III period from the time Shem ended his reign as Tata of Awan in 2272. Kramer sums up the rise and fall of this stage in Shem’s career in vivid terms: “Lugalzaggesi has left us one important inscription, the text of which was pieced together by Hermann Hilprecht more than half a century ago from hundreds of vase fragments. In it Lugalzaggesi describes himself as “king of Erech (and) king of the Land” as one who had made all the foreign lands subservient to him, so that there was nothing but peace, happiness, and prosperity throughout his realm, which extended “from the Lower Sea along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers to the Upper Sea.” But, as was said earlier, all this did not long endure; after some two decades of military successes and triumphs, he was brought in a neck stock to the gate of Nippur to be reviled and spat upon by all who passed by. His conqueror was a Semite named Sargon, the founder of the powerful Dynasty of Akkad, which began, consciously or not, the Semitization of Sumer that finally brought about the end of the Sumerian people, at least as an identifiable political and ethnic entity” (The Sumerians, 58-59). So much for the Dynasty III destiny of Shem, ancestor of at least a quarter of the human race who gave his name to everyone called a Semite, including Sargon, his descendent in the fifth generation, fifth heir, vassal Asshur and personal enemy. If Canaan could do this sort of thing to Noah, Nimrod could do it to Shem. This ignominious downfall must have seemed the fulfillment of Urukagina’s curse. In this extant curse, Lugalazaggesi (Shem) is referred to as “the Ummaite” since he reigned at the city of his antediluvian mother Uma as successor to his father Noah, named Ukush, a cognate to Noah’s pantheon name Ukko, a forest god of the Finns: “Because the Ummaite destroyed the bricks of Lagash, he committed a sin against the god Ningirsu; he (Ningirsu) will cut off the hands lifted against him. It is not the sin of Urukagina, the king of Girsu [Lagash]. May Nidaba the (personal) goddess of Lugalzaggesi, the ensi of Umma, make him (Lugalzaggesi) bear all (these sins)” (58). Did God, as offended El Gibbor, actually recognize this curse as authoritative, inasmuch as Shem went too far in destroying the “bricks of Lagash,” the city of Ham’s mother Mahadevi? That question depends on where one draws the line between Noahic theocracy and Christian theology. What is certain is that God allowed Shem’s fifth heir and vassal Asshur-Sargon to humiliate him at the gate of Nippur. The Ningirsu cult represented one of the eight theocratic cults agreed to by the Noahic Council. This Ninurtaship was the cult of the “Strong God” El Gibbor, a Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations divine name applied to the Messiah in Isaiah 9:6 where it means a powerful warrior. The Brown, Driver and Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon lists the root ‫ גבוך‬and interprets it to mean “strong, mighty” with an Arabic cognate noun meaning “one who magnifies himself, behaves proudly, a tyrant, who is bold, audacious.” Those words aptly describe Nimrod as traditionally conceived and as revealed in history as the overnight empire-builder Sargon. Shem’s attack on the cult of Ningirsu implies that he felt that Nimrod was misrepresenting God through tyrannical audacity even before took action as Sargon. If so, something in the wind triggered Shem’s sense that his fifth heir was a dangerous tyrant in the making. As soon as word arrived of the Arabian “prison break,” Shem began to draw that conclusion as though Nimrod as well as Riphath was responsible. We last saw Nimrod as King Hishur, one of the rulers at Awan, specifically in the fourth “generation” of Dynasty III, 2268-2264. In this role as Hishur, he undertook colonization of the Lower Ganges in the name of the Cushite clan at the head of Austronesians, the stock Kali created to represent the Ninurtaship of the “Mighty God.” That initiative at Videha on the Lower Ganges reinforced Nimrod’s identification with that cultus and therefore with the worship of Ningirsu at Lagash. Nimrod carried out the colonization of Videha between 2264 and 2260. Something happened during that colonization effort that must have raised Shem’s suspicions once he learned of it. In colonizing Gangetic India at first, colonists drew on the “good” members of each stock who had surrendered quickly in Elam at the start of the Persian campaign. Such were the Austronesians that Nimrod brought to the Ganges Delta. Owing to the distant relationship between the Polynesians and Indonesian languages, the “good” and “bad” stocks should be distinguished at that point, meaning between the Oceanic group of Polynesians, Melanesians and Micronesians and the more populous Indonesians, Malaysians and others toward the west. Two clues suggest that the Oceanic group were the “bad” or diehard Austronesians. First the east-west polarity of the Oceanics and Indonesians reproduces the east-west polarity of Hormuz and Elam at opposite southern corners of Iran. Second the river name Sangarius in far off Phrygia appears cognate with the Polynesian name Tangaroa given by the Maoris to Ham’s son Mizraim. The transfer of such a name to Phrygia follows from the premise that Nimrod used the “bad” Austronesians to create a shift in balance of power enabling him to conquer Mesopotamia in 2244. Two other names support the same idea. The Maori god Rehua is clearly Reu, Nimrod-Sargon’s biblical name as Shem’s fifth heir. The name Maori itself might be identifiable with Nimrod’s name Orion, left to the Hellenes by the troops serving the Sargonic cause on the island of Chios during the Aegean War. 159 These “bad” Austronesians were transported by Heth’s Lagasite son Aniarra to Hadramaut B in the sixth time frame of the Arabian scheme, the years 2263 to 2260, almost identical to the years in which Nimrod was at work on the Ganges. Sargon could come to power as he did only if he possessed an army larger than the ones available to oppose him at the city states of Sumer. His own people, the East Semites, were probably insufficient for the task. In theological terms, the Austronesians of the Ninurtaship were supposed to be the most warlike race on earth. At Hadramaut B, the “bad” Austronesians shared a settlement with ancestors of the Dakotans, the most warlike of the Amerindian families with the possible exception of the Araucans of Chile. Shem’s assault on the Ningirsu cult at Lagash meant that he was attempting to retaliate theocratically because he knew that Nimrod was gathering strength from the Austronesians of the Ninurtaship in the south. An inconsistency in our theory of which Austronesian group served in Sargon’s army arises at this point. It was the Polynesians, not the Indonesians, who are believed to have once inhabited Gangetic India. The “bad” group settled in the penal colony of Hadramaut, not at Videha on the Ganges. Because Indonesia is much nearer India than Polynesia, it might appear that the “bad,” more populous share of the stock arrived late in the region of the Bay of Bengal, pushed the Polynesians out of the region and proceeded to populate Austroasia, Malaysia, Malagasy (far to the west), Indonesia and perhaps Tagala Philippines. However, the group who served Sargon as far off as Phrygia arrived even later at Videha once Sargon’s need for them lapsed in the West. The “good” group who had settled at Videha earlier pushed them out of the Ganges and into Oceanic in keeping with the west-east arrangement that existed in Elam and Hormuz. It was the Oceanic share of the stock that Nimrod harvested at Hadramaut B and who became his advantage in conquering Mesopotania in 2244. It took twenty years beginning in 2264 for this army to be formed by covert means. During those twenty years Mesopotamia was dominated by the likes of Lugalannemundu and Lugalzaggesi— Peleg and Shem, Peli and Tata of Awan and, as we will see, the Olympians Hephaestus and Zeus after 2244. In order to recruit the “bad” Austronesians into his army, Sargon-Nimrod had to voyage covertly to Hadramaut B after colonizing the eastern Ganges with the “good” share. He accomplished this task by setting sail with a newly constructed set of ships, sailing down the Bay of Bengal by using India as a screen, passing the Palk Strait and Gulf of Mannar at Sri-Lanka, crossing the Arabian Sea at latitudes between 8N and 14N and arriving at Hadramaut B by the end of the ninth era in 2248. With more than a decade to work with between 2260 and 2248, Nimrod probably explored the East. The Nepalese chief god, Nemuni, for example, could represent Nimrod. His arrival at Hadramaut B by 2248 had to have been pre-arranged with Riphath and the latter’s designs on the Canaanites immediately east of Hadramaut B in Gulf of Aden A. Riphath became the king of Awan Kikku-siwetempti in the seventh “generation” of Dynasty III after Nimrod had reigned as Hishur Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations in the “fourth” generation twelve years earlier. It was at Awan that the two prearranged a joint assault on the penal colonies of Southern Arabia at the remotest point from Sumer. If they had failed to persuade the exiles located there to follow their plan, Shem-Lugalzaggesi would have maintained the balance of power in Mesopotamia and early postdiluvian history would have followed a different course. The Semitization Kramer refers to may never have occurred, and the Sumerians might still be a people identifiable in modern Iraq. In short, Austronesians destined to become Indonesians, Malaysians and Austroasiatics such as the Vietnamese enabled East Semites to succeed in their epochal takeover of Sumerian Mesopotamia. The joint exploit of Nimrod and Riphath tipped the balance of power in their direction. In effect the people of Ninurta strengthened the Semitic people of Enlil to make Mesopotamia into the “land of Nimrod” rather than the “land of Shem.” That is the basic reason why Sumerians referred to the god Ningirsu-Ninurta as the “chief warrior of Enlil” and why the myth of Zu claims that Ninurta recovered the Enlilship from Shem-Zu. The names Zu, Sumu, Zeus and even Zaggesi (Zax) are all versions of the name “Shem.” As a result of Lugalzaggesi’s downfall in 2244, the “Semites” ceased representing Shem as though reverting to primitive times before Noah’s curse. Kingship at Its Source adopts what looks like the a bold and naive hypothesis that Shem, following his disgrace in 2244, gathered elite followers, took command of Thraco-Phrygians with the assistance of Peleg, migrated to the Aegean, colonized islands and the Greek mainland with these non-Hellenes and laid the foundation for the tradition taken up by the Hellenes as the sect of Olympian gods and goddesses. Despite its naïve appearance in drawing on the overly familiar Olympian names, this hypothesis is the only one that makes sense of Shem’s career after 2244. Any charge of naivety arises from what our culture has made of the Olympians and what empiricists such as Robert Graves have believed about the supposed nonentity of these famous names as developments out of flotsam. This concept is now developed further by suggesting that Shem’s followers were not confined to Thraco-Phrygians. Instead all Indo-Europeans within range of the event in 2244 rallied to his cause except for the East Indians.The Centum Aryans exiled to Arabia had not yet arrived on the scene from the “Arabian prison break.” But representatives of all eleven Indo-European stocks had sided with Uruk in the eighth era and were still living in their original First Kish colonies. That is why L. A. Waddell discovered that the Indian king lists treat Mesopotamian kings as their own and refer to Sargon as their own ruler Sagara. The rest of the Indo-European world still living in ten of the old colonies, joined Shem, went into exile with him to the Aegean, fought against Sargon’s forces there and are identified in Indian tradition as ten tribes conquered by Sagara. The Thraco-Phrygians still figure as the most populous of this group because none of their number had joined the Aratta faction to be exiled to Oman. Ancestors of the Macedonians, Thracians, Phrygians and 161 Armenians played a substantial role in the conflict that resulted from Shem’s disgrace at the hands of his fifth heir. We know from biblical assertion that Shem lived on until 2016. He was not executed by Sargon, who would have damned his own reputation from one end of the world to another by such an act. Kramer suggests that Sargon might have granted him a minor office in the new regime. But the proud son of Noah would never have accepted such subordination to his own fifth heir. The only course open him was to follow the example of Peleg in withdrawing to a separate part of the world to renew his power. Shem continued to take this course under his Centum Aryan identities as Celtic Teutates and Teutonic Thor. He began the process as Hellenic Zeus. The Mesopotamia of his original domain of Akkad was denied him; but he was not about to abandon the entire world to Sargon. If the Semites were no longer in his power, he would make something out of Aryans. The fact is that Nimrod’s tyranny was so readily apparent to the whole Noahic Council that it made allies of the old enemies Shem and Ham and Canaan. The Aegean War 2244-2222 Shem began the Olympian stage of his rally by persuading Thraco-Phrygians and other Aryans to follow him as they once served Peleg at Kish. From the beginning of the First Kish era, Shem had been a Mesopotamian leader: Balih of First Kish, Dadasig of the late Eanna period and Lugalzaggesi of Umma after his Elamite reign as Tata. Members of the Noahic elite living in Mesopotamia in 2244 were appalled at the spectacle of his Samson-like humiliation at the gate of Nippur. Thraco-Phrygian exemption from exile to Arabia meant that they had sided with Uruk, in substantial numbers, in the Uruk-Aratta war. In contrast, the Aratta Indo-Europeans consisted of Centum Aryans and the Hittite followers of Heth. Centum Aryan families were six in number: Celts, Teutons, Italics, Hellenes, Illyrian-Albanians and Tocharians. With the Hittites, the Aratta faction claimed seven of the eleven Indo-European branches except for smaller numbers of these branches who remained in their original colonies to avoid fighting their brethren in the Aratta alliance. Four branches substantially loyal to Uruk were East Indians, Iranians, Balto-Slavs and Thraco-Phrygians. In order to recognize why the Thraco-Phrygians were the chief stock available for Shem’s Olympian initiative in 2244, we need to analyze further the make-up of forces in the Erechite alliance as shown in the Taranis and Medb panels. The Erechite forces are represented by nine figures in the two panels: in the western theater the figures of three griffins, Lugh and Taranis; and in the eastern, two griffins and two elephants. The five griffins specifically symbolize combinations of Semites and protoEgyptian Hamites. Lugh is the Celtic version of Japheth. His high importance as Svarog of the Slavs identifies the figure of Lugh with the Balto-Slavs as Erechite Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations loyalists. The two elephants have been identified as two divisions of Sumerians, possibly with one representing Finno-Ugrians as Erechite loyalists akin to the people of Sumer. The East Indians and Iranians were held in reserve to the west and east of the two theaters in their original First Kish colonies of Phoenicia and Gutium. Process of elimination identies the figure of Taranis with Thraco-Phrgygians, whom he took up when he discovered that his own race, Sino-Tibetans, were lost to the Aratta faction. The behavior of Sino-Tibetans and Thraco-Phrygians was curiously complementary. After their subordination to Peleg at Kish, the Thraco-Phrygians refused to join him in the Aratta schism. The Sino-Tibetan Chinese, despite being Arphaxad’s genetic family, abandoned him and joined Peleg at Aratta. All our focus pinpoints to the Thraco-Phrgygians, who held TaranisArphaxad’s position around Haran during the war. That land soon came into the possession of Hurrians from Mount Hurum (Lake Van region) and Hebrew Semites in Padan-Aram. The most likely scenario is that the Thraco-Phrygians at Haran marched to the Euphrates at Carchemish to back the East Indians in their final victory over the remaining forces of the Aratta alliance. In a sense this alliance of Thraco-Phrygians and East Indians anticipated the Thraco-Phrygian Alexander’s drive to India. After the battle, the East Indians pursued fugitives into Cappadocia where they made a new home, leaving the Thraco-Phrygians to take over Phoenicia and to colonize islands of the Upper Sea by sailing to Cyprus and forming the Domain of Alashiya. In fact we have every reason to believe that Thraco-Phrygians were the populace of the Javanites said to have colonized the “isles of the gentiles” in Genesis 10:5. Despite attempts to identify the Javanites with Hellenic Ionians, the Book of Maccabees clearly identifies Alexander with the Javanite Kittim. Under that suggestion we can see that a one-to-one relationship exists between the four Javanites of 10:4— all derived from the family of Sidon— and as many nations of the ThracoPhrygian stock. The Thraco-Phrtygians originally took a series of four Javanite positions running east to west from Phoenicia to Crete. Each of these colonies dissolved, however, owing to the Aegean war; and the four Javanite stocks took traditional locations on the mainlands to the north. Before describing this systematic shift in geographic locales, we should say something about the genetic make-up of the Javanite tetrad in Genesis 10:4. All four derive from the marriage of Poseidon and “Libya.” The name of the wife, meaning “Africa,” is much too vague to represent any one woman. Although Sidon was probably the fairest-skinned Caucasoid of the Noahic elite, he was born too early and became too important not to have begotten a racial tetrad like the ones in 10:2A, 10:3, 10:6 and 10:23. The Caddoan family of the Amerindian stock yields such a clear representation of three Javanite names that the stock must have been channeled through a red son. 163 One of the Thraco-Phrygian nations named by Baugh is the decidedly “red” (hook-nosed, red or swarthy) Armenians. Aside from deriving themselves from Noah’s red son Togarmah, this nation also takes the name “Armenian” by identifying with biblical Aram. The red Javanite was Tarshish-Phoenix, eponym of Phoenicia. As Sidon’s grandson through Agenor-Elishah, he took the first position in the first eastto-west Javanite scheme, namely, continental Phoenicia. As Thraco-Phrygian speakers, at least part of the Armenian nation derived from red Tarshish. In the minds of Armenians who settled around Lake Sevan, that meant that they came from the Aramaean land of Syria, hence the overlapping claim of descent from Aram. The red factor had to enter either through Sidon’s mate and mother of Agenor-Elishah or through Elishah’s mate and mother of Tarshish. The fact that red Caddoans include tribes for Elishah (Eyeish), Kittim (Caddo) and Tarshish (Pawnee Darazhazh) decides the matter. Sidon’s mate and mother of Agenor-Elishah was a red woman, either Mahadevi or some other. Thus Elishah, Kittim and Tarshish all had reinforced “Amerindian” blood. The one Javanite omitted among the Caddoans was Rodan-, Danaus, son of Belus-Shelah-Marduk rather than his brother Elishah. Therefore Shelah-Belus’ mother had to be someone distinct from the red mother of the other three Javanites. We know that Shelah’s son Eber had substantial Negro blood. Danaus had a brother Aegyptus, no doubt the version of Eber proper to the “Libyan” family of Sidon. I find no evidence that Shelah-Marduk was black. Shelah was Sidon’s son by a white woman— as we know Inanna, daughter of yellow-white Arphaxad by white Uma under the name Uma, “Great Lady.” The black element entered when Shelah mated with Kali or some other black woman and begot black Eber and presumably Rodan- as well. Both red Elishah and his son Tarshish were reckoned Sidon’s red offspring. The yellow element had to be Elishah’s mate and mother of both Tarshish and Kitt-. In summary, the Javanite family of Sidon was variously colored as follows: Red Elishah. - Son of Sidon and a red matriarch— named “Agenor.” Phrygians and Caddoan Eyeish. Red Tarshish. - Son of Elishah and a yellow matriarch— named “Phoenix.” Armenians, Phoenicians and Caddoan Pawnee. Yellow Kitt -. Son of the same parents but favoring the yellow mother— named “Cadmus.” Macedonians and Caddoan Caddo. White Shelah - .Son of Sidon by white-yellow Inanna— named “Belus” (Amorite Belu). Akkadians. Black Eber - Son of Shelah and a black matriarch— named “Aegyptus.” Hebrews. Black Rodan - Son of the same parents— named “Danaus.” Thracians. Note that whatever degree of negritude the Thracians possessed made them the complement to black Colchians at the opposite, eastern end of the Black Sea. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Apparently that sea came to be named by persons aware of the racial tendency of Thracians and Colchians. Javanite expansion into the Eastern Mediterranean occurred as early as the Eanna period through the creation of a Domain of Alashiya at Cyprus. Two of four Javanite locations were established then at Phoenicia and Cyprus. There is no reason to doubt that that Thraco-Phrygians under Javanite control continued the process into Rhodes and Crete before 2244. Why then did the newly formed Olympian sect from Mesopotamia seek to extend the process farther into the Aegean and Greece? When the Olympian sect reached Phoenicia and Cyprus, they realized that the Thraco-Phrygian realm had to be expanded in order to build up the sort of strength needed to stand against Sargon’s hostile empire. Just how necessary that effort was can be measured by the threat posed by one of Sargon’s campaigns. In Hallo’s summary of Akkadian history, he limits Sargon’s western reach to a place named Purushkhanda in Anatolia. Waddell’s amplification of the record through an identification of Sargon with an Indian king Sagara tells a different story. Drawing on an Indian narrative concerning Sagara, he includes among the monarch’s conquests the Yavanas, whom he identifies as Ionians. As anachronistic as that claim appears to be in placing Hellenic Ionians in Ionia in the time of Sargon, we have repeatedly pointed out how three versions of Nimrod appear in Hellenic tradition in and around Ionia at the southwest corner of Asia Minor: the eponym Ion son of Xuthus-Cush, Orion the “mighty hunter” on Chios and Helius son of Hyperion-Cush in the Heliadae of Rhodes. Someone conveyed a deep impression of Sargon-Nimrod to that region of the earth. From his version of Mesopotamian records, Waddell points out a western conquest by Sargon in the eleventh year of his reign equivalent to 2233. He quotes a text offering that eleventh year as the moment of his conquest “in the land of the West (or Sunset)” (Makers of Civilization, 220). The text goes on, “He set up his images in the West. Their booty he brought over as arranged.” Of course, there is nothing specific about “the West.” Conventional scholars are free to linit this reference to Purushkhanda in featureless Anatolia if they wish. However, I firmly believe in Waddell’s identifications of early Indian kings with major Mesoptamia rulers such as Sargon. I find this theory consistent with the presence of the East Indian protoplast in Phoenicia Syria from the period of First Kish forward. The Indians like all other races belonged to the world empire of Noah’s family and did not distinguish between imperial rulers of that world and kings of their own nation. The Indians did not yet constitute a nation. Sagara is not strictly an “Indian king” but a ruler of great magnitude whom the Indians reckoned to be their own for a variety of compelling imperial reasons. Hallo, Kramer and others treat the East Semitic followers of Sargon as though they were a nation. That assumption is anachronistic because rooted in the example of 20th century nationalism, the 165 “Nativist” bias of modern thought. Sargon no doubt lived amomg East Semites and spoke Akkadian; but he also had Indian, Austronesian, Sumerian and other followers, all belonging to the empire of mankind. Given the Indian references to Sagara’s dealings with the Yavanas and the triple presence of Nimrod-Sagara-Sargon in and around Ionia, I have no reason to doubt that Sargon’s campaign of 2233 reached Ionia. However I also agree with conventional scholarship against Waddell that his equation of Yavanas with Hellenic Ionians living in Ionia in the time of Sargon is anachronistic. Instead the Yavanas represent the family of Javan (Yavan), precisely the Thraco-Phrygian linguistic family whose spread into the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean we have been describing. The Indians recall that Sagara made war against the Yavanas. That means that he was in conflict with the Olympian sect of his enemy Lugalzaggesi as transplanted to the west. The conflict between Nimrod and Shem continued beyond 2244 to 2233 and shifted theaters from Sumer to the Aegean shores of Asia Minor. As for Hellenic Ionians, they identified themselves directly with NimrodSargon by naming him Ion son of Cush. If Waddell is correct in identifying them with the Yavanas, that can only be because a certain part of the Hellenic race remembered the history of Sargon’s war against the Javanite Thraco-Phrygians. If Thraco-Phrygian Alexander had no difficulty in learning from Hellenic Aristotle and regarding himself as a Hellene, he owed that sense of solidarity to a blend of ethnic identities between Thraco-Phrygians of the 23rd century and Hellenes who had supplanted them by the 5th. Details of the Indian tradition concerning Sagara throw an entirely new light on early postdiluvian history. Here we discover the origin of perennial conflict between Indo-Europeans and Semites in a culture war resulting from bitterness throughout the Indo-European world caused by what Nimrod, as East Semite, did to Shem— father of the Indo-Europeans— at the gate of Nippur. The irony is that one Indo-European people, the Indians, cast their lot with Semitic Sargon against the rest of the Indo-European linguistic stock, who were now arming against that ruler and, by extension, against the entire Semitic world. Waddell’s own anti-Semitism, triggered by a standard apostate contempt for the Bible, is sourced in four millennia of implicit hatred for Sargon, whom Waddell mistakenly identifies as an Indo-European in order to account for the Indian-Akkadian association! Waddell’s Indian text on Sagara’s enemies now ranks as one of the most revealing documents of early postdiluvian history: “Accordingly, when [Sagara] became a man, he put nearly the whole of the Haihayas to death, and would also have exterminated the Shakas, the Yavanas, Kambojas, Paradas and Pahlavas, Mahishikas, Darvas, Daradas and Khashas, but they applied to Vasishtha, the family priest (of Sagara) for protection” (203). The tribes listed here number ten and represent the original eleven branches of the Indo-European linguistic stock except for the Indians from whom the narrative Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations comes. Sagara is 36th member of a solar Indian king list in which the conqueror SuDasa I appears as 19th. The tribes listed in Su-Dasa’s Battle Hymn represent the full sweep of all the Noahic protoplasts as reflected in the Aratta half-world of mankind. The East Indian viewpoint, in that earlier instance, derived from the role played by Indians as a crucial element in the armed alliance of the Erechite regime against the regime of Aratta. Now, in the time of Sargon, the list of enemy tribes refers to ten branches of the Indo-European stock. This time the Indians have cast their lot with the Akkadian regime. Agade has become the counterpart in 2244 to Uruk in 2302. Although some of the names in the list are as obscure as the ones in SuDasa’s Battle Hymn, a number of them are clearly Indo-European. We have seen that the Yavanas represent Thraco-Phrygians rather than Hellenes. Waddell identifies the Darvas with the Hellenic Dorians. These act as part-for-the-whole representation of the Hellenes just as the Alinas of the Battle Hymn denote the Hellenes and connote the whole body of Centum Aryans some sixty years earlier. The name Pahlava is a familiar term for Iranian Persians and represents the Iranian branch of the IndoEuropean stock. Waddell explains the geographic range of this name: “Now Pahlavo was the ancient Iranic or Persian name for this central portion of Persia. It included Ispahan, Rai, Hamadan, Nikavand and Adarbaijan, and is supposed also to have comprised Media; and that name still survives in terms Pahlavi or Pehlvi applied to the Aryan dialect of the Zoroastrian Persians” (216-217). In the same passage, Waddell identifies the Paradas with the Parthians. This becomes a test case for our hypothesis that the ten names of the Indian narrative represent ten branches of the whole Indo-European stock. In other words this suggestion amounts to a “Nativist” or nationalistic observation since both the Parthians and Pahlava Persians belong to the same Iranian branch, making up only a tenth rather than a fifth of the stock. We meet this challenge by noting that ancient Parthia overlapped the land of Hyrcania to the southeast of the Caspian Sea. Hyrcania takes its name from Hurricano-Magog, the wind god Rudra of the Aryans. The Japhethites of Iran are matched by equally transparent occurrences of the member names in Celtic Western Europe where Christian Gaels of the Lebor Gabala Eirenn claim descent in elaborate detail from Magog. Therefore the Parthians or Hyrcanians are Satem Aryan counterparts to the Centum Aryan Gaels. In the East Indian or Satem Aryan context of the narrative, the name Parada represents the Celtic branch under a matching Satem Aryan name. A similar argument explains the Kambojas, whose name obviously resembles Cambodia of the Austroasiatic branch of the Austronesian stock. We have seen that Sargon was able to rise to power by recruiting the Austronesians of Hadramaut B. Austroasiatics of Vietnam extend the Austronesia sphere to the border of Yunnan Province in China in the same way that the exotic Tocharians— in Sinkiang north of the mountains at the source of the Vietnamese Mekong— extend the Centum Aryan 167 world as far east as China. The Cambodian tribe name Khmer suggests the Asian branch of Japheth’s yellow son Gomer. The Tocharians take their name from Gomer’s vassal Togarmah. If the Centum Aryans who came north in the “Arabia prison break” included Tocharians, these could have carried the name Kamboja as their exotic designation of their feudal lord Gomer. The Satem Aryan counterpart to Gomer, analogous to the Paradas, is the Lurs of Lorestan, showing a name cognate with Gomer’s Welsh name Llyr. The imperial scope of these names results in a wide range of associations. If the tribes named in the Indian narrative had the confined meaning required by Nativism, the Yavanas would have to represent provincial Ionians rather than the Thraco-Phrygian branch; the Paradas would be a purely local and insignificant part of the common Iranian stock; and the Kambojas would have to represent an anachronistic Indian reference to people living in Cambodia. Instead the Paradas and Kambojas stand as enemy branches of the hostile Indo-European stock in the days of Semitic-Aryan Sargon-Sagara. The same principle applies to the Shakas, whom Waddell confidently identifies with the Scythians. The Scythians were a Satem Aryan people living north of the Caspian Sea as Parthians lived to the south of it. Instead of being an Iranian redundancy the “Shakas” of Sargon’s time stand for two Satem Aryan peoples destined to share the world north of the Caucasus— Scythians to the east and BaltoSlavs to the west. The Hellenes knew of Scythians living north of the Black Sea in what amounts to Ptolemy’s Sarmatia, land of the Balto-Slavs. Ptolemy’s Chart XVII shows Sarmatia Asiatica, east of the Sea of Azov, bordering on Scythia. Quasi-Iranian Scythia and Slavic Sarmatia are the eastern and western parts of the same land. The “Shakas” of the narrative are to Balto-Slavs what the “Paradas” are to Celts. The Haihayas are a special case because Sargon’s enemy Zaggesi is said to have been their chief. This tribe, therefore, refers to an Indo-European branch with a particularly close tie to Lugalzaggesi-Shem. Waddell claims that Sagara hated the Haihayas and nearly exterminated them for murdering his father Bahu or Bahuka. Neither Sargon-Nimrod’s actual father Cush nor his nominal father Peleg died in the 23rd century. Waddell gives as variations for this father Puru and Buru-gin, yielding an intermediate form Puru-gin, an r variant for Puluga-Peleg. So we know who is supposed to have died. We have seen that Peleg is supposed have died but did not as Kingu in the Uruk-Aratta war. Another version of Peleg who is supposed to have died too early to match the fact is Hellenic Phrixus. As Freyr of the Norse tradition, Peleg was handed over by the Vanir late in the war as well as being “killed” by Marduk earlier. His supposed death at the hands of the Haihayas suggests the late war context when Peleg was involved in the western theater and witnessed by the Teutonic ancestors of the Norse. A case can be made that the names Haihaya and the German tribal name Cauchi are cognates, identifying the Haihayas as the Teutonic branch. The name Cauchi of a tribe at the mouths of the Weser and Elbe is one of four or five borrowings of German names from Amerindian gods. This one represents Ham as the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Mayan god Cauac. Ham is the first ruler whose name Gurmu is tied to Lagash, which the Teutons inhabited in the First Kish period. The palatal “ch” at the close of “Cauchi” can also be read as an h, resulting in a form “Cauaha.” The opening palatal can degenerate into an h and the diphthong be fronted into the form “Haiaha.” Of course a hypothetical match like this carries no weight unless reinforced by something more substantial. As chief of the Haihaya, Shem would have been particularly close to the Teutons, dominating half their pantheon as the great storm god Thor-Sig. Shem gave his name of the ninth era, Zaggesi or Zax, to the Saxones who complement the Cauchi by lying on the opposite, northeast bank of the Elbe from the Cauchi Maiores or “Greater Cauchi.” The Cauchi are to Ham what the Saxons are to Shem. So Sargon-Sagara’s hatred of the Haihaya for doing something or other to Peleg means a particular hatred toward ancestors of the Teutons. The tribe name Darada calls to mind Arphaxad I’s Celtic name Taran (Taranis) as foundational both to the Italics and Illyrian-Albanians under the Joktanite name Hadoram reflected both in the Italic Saturnus-Picus-Faunus genealogy and Albanian Zadrima-Puka-Fan sequence. An Italic name supplying a hypothetical form Taranta turns up as the port of Taranto (ancient Roman Tarentum) inside the “boot heel” of the Italic Peninsula. The name Saturnus appears stripped of the opening “Sa-“ (weakening initial “Ha-“ in Hadoram and “Za-“ in Zadrima) in the name of Turnus who fights Aeneas in the Aeneid. The Albanian tribe Shoshi suggests the first part of Arphaxad’s name Shushuntarana as king of Awan— in effect Shoshi-Taranis. To clear up the equivocal possibility that “Darada” might represent either the Italics or Albanian-Illyrians, we turn to the refractory-looking name Mahishika. A conclusion to be drawn from the emphasis on Hardoram-Arphaxad in both cultures is that both sent contingents to Arphaxad’s camp at Haran in the western theater of the war. Both branches identified themselves with Shem’s first heir Arphaxad. Baugh identifies the modern Albanians with ancient Illyrians, who complemented the Italics by living to the east of the Adriatic in what is now South Slavic territory (Serbia, Slovenia and the rest). Ptolemy’s Chart VI shows “Illyris” running continuously from the east of Italy down the Adriatic coast. In the northwest of Illyris and near the coast, he shows a tribe, the Maezaei. Each of the diphthongs can be read as broken in “Mahezahe,” a conceivable derivative from Sagara’s Mahishikas as representive of the Albanian-Illyrian branch of the stock. Finally, Waddell identifies the Khashas as the Kassites, an Aryan people who took possession of Sumer and Akkad around 1400 BCE as shown in Palmer’s Atlas of World History. This people figures as descendents of Heth’s “second family” based at Sumerian Lagash in the Dynasty III period. A millennium later they had gained enough strength to supplant the Sumerians and Semites in Mesopotamia. In Sargon’s time thae name represents the Hittite division of the Indo-European stock. Thus, we can tabulate the identities of Sagara-Sargon’s Aryan ten enemies in the order given in the text as follows: 169 Haihayas. Shakas. Yavanas. Kambojas. Paradas. Pahlavas. Mahishikas. Darvas. Daradas. Khashas. Teutons Balto-Slavs Thraco-Phrygians Tocharians Celts Iranians (Persians) Illyrians Hellenes Italics Hittites The engagement between Olympian leaders and Thraco-Phrygian people suggested in Kingship at Its Source must be expanded in scope to all available members of the Indo-European stock except the East Indian allies of Sargon. We must test the hypothesis that ten Olympians gained their fame by becoming chiefs of the ten stocks just as Shem headed the Teutons despite becoming Zeus, high god of the Hellenes. A definitive feature of the Olympian sect it that it consists substantially of females, including the daughters of Noah, original leaders of Canaanite IndoEuropeans at four cities of Sumer in the First Kish era. Now the Olympian sect of the tenth generation determined to rebuild a version of classic Sumer, on an IndoEuropean basis, in the western realm of the Aegean. For the most part, the Olympian sect duplicates the vassals of Canaan who governed the Indo-European divisions defining the eleven colonies of the First Kish order. Much water had passed under the bridge by 2244. Conditions were different and the pattern of leadership had to differ if only because the East Indians were lacking to Shem’s alliance. Shem had evidently switched to leading Teutons rather than Illyrians. Significantly the original leader of the East Indian colony, Riphath-Seba, appears as Dionysus, a late comer in the Olympian sect and of doubtful membership in it. Furthermore two of the most important Olympians, Apollo and Artemis, are the siblings Utu and Inanna of Ur and do not appear among the Canaanite eleven. Accordingly Zimmerman names “Twelve Great Olympians”— two more than we need to account for leadership of the ten tribes at odds with Sagara. Also, Zimmerman lists Hades-Heth as a doubtful, thirteenth member of the sect despite his importance of one of two sons of Canaan-Cronus. One way to approach this discrepancy is to treat Zeus and his wife Hera— Shem’s wife Anath-Saraswati— as a political unit. The same came be done with the siblings Apollo and Artemis. That adjustment reduces Zimmerman’s full list of thirteen back to eleven, one more than we need. Another Olympian who fails to appear in the Canaanite eleven is Pallas Athene, identified in KAIS with the white matriarch Uma. To reduce the total to the requisite ten, we might return to the diluvian marriage of Ham and Uma and treat Hermes and Pallas Athene as a unit although Greek tradition fails to treat them as a couple. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations If Shem succeeded in drawing his mother away to join the Olympian sect as Pallas Athene, he also succeeded in sending a stern message to the Sumerians, who inherited Uma’s domain and worshipped her as three of their goddesses. Shem’s humiliation at the gate of Nippur had turned the world upside down and his indignant mother no longer regarded Sumer as her home. The Hellenic tradition that Pallas came into existence by springing from Zeus’ brain signifies that this rally of the Olympians was his brain child and that he was determined to oppose Nimrod and his empire from this time forward. The story of Athene’s birth is just one of the myths of birth that punctuate what appear to be stages of location in colonizing the Aegean and Greece. ArvadAphrodite is “born” from the sea near Cyprus and thus initiates the process beyond the coast of Phoenicia. The siblings Apollo and Artemis are “born” on Delos, a small island in the middle of the Cyclades extending southeastward from Attica. That island is small enough that, if actual colonization took place there, Delos was selected to represent the whole Cyclades. Hellenic tradition regarded the archipelago as forming a circle with the sacred island of Delos in the center. Maia is said to have given birth to Hermes (Ham) at Mount Cyllene in Arcadia of the southern region of Greece known as Peloponnesus. Hera was “born” on the island of Samos off the south coast of Ionia. This island stands as the northernmost of another archipelago, the Sporades. The Titan mother Rhea (a version of Uma equivalent to Phrygian Cybele and Hittite Hannahanna) bore Zeus on another mountain in Arcadia, Lycaeum. A strong line of evidence demonstrates that the struggle between Nimrod and Shem in the tenth era revived the Uruk-Aratta politics of the eighth era with Shem in a renewed version of the cause of Aratta and Nimrod-Sargon taking up the cause of the Uruk. That conclusion can be reached from three or four different angles. Sargon’s Semites had served the cause of Uruk in the eighth era of Eanna. The prime movers of the Aratta Schism, Heth and Peleg, now reappeared on Shem’s side as the Olympians Hades and Hephaestus. The eighth and tenth eras belonged to the deliberate pendulum swing giving power to the original Hamite faction and its principle of strict world unity as opposed to the diversity principle of the “Old Cause” of Shem and Noah. The reason that Japheth’s vassals of Genesis 10:22 became the seven Erechite heroes and that Japheth’s Hamitic stock served in the five griffin armies is that Japheth’s Great Ennead name Atum Re means “Sun God of Totality” or strict world unity. The most striking evidence of all, however, concerns a Hellenic mythological tradition of the Heliadae of Rhodes. These were supposedly seven sons of the Titan sun god Helius by Rhodus daughter of Poseidon. The genetics in this case is a fabrication and “Rhodus” an abstract eponym for Rhodes. Nimrod-Helius seven Heliadae sons are simply the seven sons of Japheth under new names at Rhodes in the tenth era. Rhodes therefore was Nimrod’s chief garrison point in his conflict with the Indo-European alliance under Shem in the Aegean. Reinforcement of this fact derives from another Hellenic tradition— the horrendous myth of the murder of fifty sons of 171 Aegyptus (Eber-Tubal) by fifty female cousins, daughters of Danaus-Rodan, on the wedding night of all fifty couples. In Antonio Salieri’s fine opera on this myth Les Danaides (1784), Danaus’ motive for commanding his daughters to carry out this massacre is that Aegyptus had formerly driven them all into exile and made life miserable for them. As Tubal Aegyptus is one of Japheth’s primary vassals and one of the seven Heliadae at Rhodes. In order to garrison that island against the Olympian alliance, the Japhethites including Tubal-Aegyptus had to drive out the Rodanim who had settled there in an extension of the Domain of Alashiya at Cyprus. Thus Rodan-Danaus’ motive for the massacre was vengeance against the family of Tubal for his part in Nimrod-Helius’ attempt to hold his Olympian enemies in check. Tubal likewise appears in Phrygian tradition as Atys. His location there accords with the view that Sargon pushed beyond Purushkhanda to the River Sangarius-Sakarya in order to hold off the Olympian IndoEuropeans from the north as well as the south at Rhodes. The war between Shem and Nimrod in the West in the tenth era was not quite the world war that the one between Uruk and Aratta became in the eighth; but it was comparable, deeply consequential and should be analysed with close attention to both sides. The compact nature of the Japhethites of 10:2 makes this group easier to handle than their more loosely organized Olympian adversaries. As in all Noahic eras, the tenth brought a change of names; and that is true of the Heliadae. Not one of these bears a name cognate to the names we have already seen for the Japhethites. KAIS does not do anything with the names of the Heliadae because the book fails to recognize how the Japhethites went back into action as military leaders after 2244. Their direct service to Sargon would have surprised me because it means that Japheth was now at war against Shem. KAIS recognizes that Japheth went to war against Shem’s West Semitic people in the Abrahamic war of the 2120s but there is no recognition of such conflict between 2244 and 2218. Nor did I understand the scale of the war since the records of the period bring Sargon no farther west than Anatolian Purushkhanda. Nothing comparable to the Sumerian epics on the Uruk-Aratta war. The Japhethite Heliadae under Nimrod-Helius must be processed in three ways: (1) The names of Genesis 10:2 must be identified with the seven Heliadae; (2) The strategic locations of these leaders must be pinpointed; and (3) The the ethnology of their followers must be established. The result will be a second body of Japhethite tribes in Anatolia or Asia Minor rather than Iran just as a third such body will take shape in Celtic Western Europe. The identities can be outlined here: Japhethites: Gomer Magog Madai Javan Tubal Heliadae: Triopus Cercaphus Ochimus Candalus Actis Rationale: “Three-Faced” Hurricano-Kurum Ahura-Mazda-Hormuz Argandea Atys Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Meshech Tiras Macar Tenages Car Tin Graves reports that “Triops” means “Three-Faced.” In Greek οψ, “face,” Takes the genitive form οπος. Therefore, the name “Triopus” means “Three of Face.” As an epithet for Gomer the name alludes to his three great vassals of Genesis 10:3, the postdiluvian sons of Noah. Two previously established names for Magog, Hurricano and Kurum, imply a root form Kurricamo. The labial semi-vowel can degenerate into the labial spirant “ph” to yield “Kurricapho.” Because “Ahura Mazda” degenerates as given into “Hormuz,” it can take the form “Ahimuz” or “Achimus” with loss in the semi-vowel r. The name Argandea labels a Sumerian ruler of the late Dynasty III period closely paired with Lugalure— Gomer in the Sumerian root form of his Welsh-Iranian name Llyr-Lur. Previously I have considered the possibility that the name Argandea might represent Gomer’s vassal Ashkenaz under a variant of his Gutian name Yarlagan or Yarlaganda. That is still possible; but the successor is even more likely Gomer’s son Javan under the name Argandea cognate to Candalus. Javan appears in the Gutian list with Yarlagan under the name Ibranum cognate to Llyr’s son Bran. As Phrygian Atys, Tubal figures in a prominent myth about a love rivalry between Cybele (Uma) and a daughter of the river god Sangarius. In this context he fathers the eponyms of the Tyrsenoi, Lydians and Carians— Tiras, Lud-Peleg and Car-Macar-Joktan-Meshech respectively. The Atys myth places him in the PhrygianBithynian region of the River-Sangarius-Sakarya, an indicator of Sargon’s East Indian name Sagara. The last three members of the Japhethite clan are imports into this clan from the family of Eber-Tubal. Genesis 10:2 excludes Peleg-Lydus, who belonged to the adversary alliance as the Olympian Hephaetus, a fire god comparable to PelegNergal of the Sumerians. In that sense, Lydia marks an Olympian intrusion into an Asia Minor that had been held by Tubal-Atys and Tenages-Tin-Tiras in the north and Meschech-Car in the south. Tin is a major god of the Etruscan Rasena derived from the Tyrsenoi of Asia Minor. The Oxford Bible Atlas map of the Assyrian Empire shows the Mushki of Meshech northeast of Lake Tuz and the Gimarrai of Gomer north of that lake. These locations underscore the hypothesis that Sargon, on the landward side of his western campaign pushed beyond Purushkhanda though central Anatolia to the River Sangarius and its mouth at the southwestern shore of the Black Sea. At the west end of that sea Thrace became a flashpoint because both Nimrod’s ally Riphath-Sabazius and Shem’s Olympian ally Shelah-Ares planted traditions in that land. In a map given by Hallo, Purushkhanda lies west of the River Zamana and north of its confluence with the Seyhan. That point lies in the vicinity of Nevsehir on a roadway leading to Ankara and to the source of the Sangarius. A connecting roadway then runs westward in parallel with the river through a town Sakarya named for it. These roadways 173 indicate passable lines of topography that were probably passable in the same way in the 23rd century BCE. These reflections on a conflict in which representatives of nearly the whole Indo-European stock were massing in the West against Sargon lend weight to the conventional belief about the Danube Valley origin of the Indo-Europeans in the late third millennium BCE. The difference is that I bring Indo-Europeans to the Danube Valley from places like Mesopotamia and Arabia rather than from their antediluvian homeland north of the Caspian Sea. The seven strategic locations taken by the Japhethite Heliadae are determined by places where tradition places Nimrod: Sargon’s Purushkhanda, Sagara’s River Sangarius; and two positions associated with Nimrod’s conspiratorial ally in this period, Riphath-Seba. These make up seven locations: Ion’s Ionia, Helius’ Rhodes, Orion’s Chios, Purushkhanda, the Sangarius, Riphath-Shiva’s original colony in Phoenicia and Riphath-Sabazius’s Thrace. Gomer’s character as the sun god of the Japhethite clan— Dazhbog son of Svarog— places him at Rhodes as commander under Nimrod-Helius, “Sun.” In Teutonic tradition, the three sons of Japheth are the sea god Ler-Gomer (Llyr), wind god Kari-Magog (Rudra-Hurricano) and fire god Logi (Ahura Mazda). If the name Kari is assimilated to the ethnic Hurri-Horites, the result is Hori, equivalent to Orion of Chios. Although the name “Orion” primarily refers to Nimrod as the “mighty hunter,” the name derives in part from his commander Magog at Chios. In Ionia the same sort of deliberate equivocation applies to “Ion” both as Nimrod son of Xuthus-Cush and to Javan of the Yavanas. The remaining four positions held by Nimrod formed a southeast-tonorthwest line at Phoenicia, Purushkhanda, Sangarius and Thrace. The commanders at these camps were some combination of Madai, Tubal, Meshech and Tiras. As Atys, Tubal dominated the northwestern corner of Asia Minor from the Lower Sangarius to the Aegean at Troas. Although the name “Thrace” ends in a palatal— “Thrakoi”— this name can still be identified with Tubal’s son Tiras. Joktan-Meshech appears in West Semitic tradition as Baal Melqart, the Tyrian Hercules at Tyre in Phoenicia. Process of elimination places Madai at Puruskhanda not far from Lake Tuz but on the east side of it in contrast to Gomer’s Gimarrai to the north of the lake and Meschech’s Mushki to the northwest in Assyrian times. These Japhethite commands will be tabulated once we have determined the ethnic identity of each. To this point we have determined that Nimrod led East Semites and perhaps more of the Semitic stock; Austronesians who tipped the balance in enabling him to conquer Mesopotamia; Sumerians whom he governed in Mesopotamia; the East Indians of the Sagara tradition; and ancestors of Hamitic Upper Egypt, whom Sargon’s successors eventually carried to that land in ships of the Lower Sea fleet. The river name Sangarius-Sakarya, apart from accounting for “Sagara,” implies the presence of Sargon’s Austronesians. The most popular god throughout the Polynesian world was Tangaroa, a version of Mizraim. Although we have identified Polynesians with the “good” Austronesians whom Nimrod-Rehua left Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations on the Ganges, he could have applied that name to the Austronesians he sent off to the northwest under mulatto Tubal-Atys. In the “Libyan” tradition of the Javanites, Tubal-Eber takes the name Aegyptus, Egypt personified. The same is true of Tangaroa’s Hebrew name Mizraim, “Two Egypts.” Tubal’s command at the River Sangarius consisted of at least a share of the Austronesians whom Nimrod had carried north from Hadramaut B. Under Gomer, Magog and Javan, the commands in Rhodes, Chios and Ionia possessed a character of their own as though their ethnicity was interrelated. All the attention to the solar principle at Rhodes implies that Gomer’s command there consisted of Hamites left in Mesoptamia when Japheth brought the others to Lower Egypt. Gomer eventually became Khufu, the best known pyramid builder at Memphis in Egyptian Dynasty IV. His command at Rhodes opposed to the Olympian enemy in Crete serves to explain the strong association between Egypt and Crete of the Philistines and Caphtorim. Cooperation between this command in Rhodes and Gomer’s son Javan’s command in Ionia offers one explanation of how the Minoans, related to the Luwians of Arzawa, made their way to Crete. Arzawa of the Hittite period is vitually identical to Caria immediately to the east of coastal Ionia in classical times. The commands of Javan and Magog were especially close in a geographic sense. Chios lies just a few miles off the coast of classical Ionia. The ethnicity of these two commands of Sargon’s armed forces is a crux. During the Uruk-Aratta war, five griffin armies included a fifths of the Hamitic linguistic stock just as it did fifths of the Semtic stock. Both Magog and Javan were destined to reign in the same Memphite Dynasty IV as Gomer-Khufu under the names Menkaura and Redjedef. Therefore the three armies at Rhodes, Ionia and Chios derived from three divisions of the Hamitic stock carried over from the Uruk-Aratta war and serving the commanders GomerTriopus-Khufu, Magog-Cercaphus-Menkaura and Javan-Candalus-Redjedef. We have not yet placed either the East Indians of Sagara or the Akkadians of Sargon’s Agade under their local commands. Nor have we determined the ethnicity of the followers of Madai, Joktan-Meshech or Tiras except to suggest that these three were located at Phoenicia, Purushkhanda and Thrace respectively. In Indo-Aryan tradition, Madai is well defined as the fire god Agni to whom Vedic hymns are often offered. Syria-Phoenicia was the colony of the Indian protoplast in the First Kish period. Therefore we can place the Indian followers of Sagara under Madai-Agni at the southeastern end of the strategic zone. Two arguments place Sargon’s own East Semitic Akkadians under Joktan-Meshech at Purushkhanda. The Semitic inscription noting that the campaign reached that point in Anatolia limits the scope of the Akkadians to that point and not beyond. Furthermore Joktan-Meshech was by far the most Semitic of the vassals of Japheth, accounting both for the Aramaeans of the north and Arabs of the south. 175 Joktan’s brother Tiras led into Thrace an ethnic group yet to be identified as part of Sargon’s empire. The Thracians belonged to the Thraco-Phrygian family and therefore to the Olympian alliance. It would appear that the group headed by Tiras was not his isolate Etruscans but a people defeated by the Thracians and pushed north of the Danube, namely, the Dacians. This race living in what is now Romania spoke a Satem Aryan language and therefore could have been allies of the Indians who served Nimrod-Sagara. A trait of the ancient Dacians is that many of them took the personal name “Davus.” That name calls to mind Tammuz-Dumuzi or Tamusi, the patriarch Ham. As Jemshid, Ham served as governor of the Iranian protoplast of Gutium, which complemented the Indians who inhabited the analogous land of the matching Cernunnus Antelope in Phoenicia. If Sargon won over the Indians, there is no reason why he should have failed to win the Iranians at least in part. At opposite ends of the southeast-northwest axis of Sargon’s alliance, the Indians under Madai and Dacians under Tiras formed a geographic dyad like the one that matched Indians to Iranians in the time of First Kish. We can now tabulate Sargon’s western alliance under the leadership of the same Japhethite clan who led the alliance of Uruk against Aratta some sixty year earlier: Commander: Gomer-Triopus Magog-Cercaphus Madai-Ochimus Javan-Candalus Tubal-Actis Meshech-Macar Tiras Location: Rhodes Chios Phoenicia Ionia Phrygia Purushkhanda Thrace Race: Hamites of Khufu Hamites of Menkaura Indians Hamites of Redjedef Austronesians Akkadians Dacians The Olympian adversaries consisted wholly of Indo-Europeans distributed in an analogous southeast-to-northwest sequence from Cyprus and Rhodes through the Aegean and Greek mainland to two locations in the Balkan Peninsula— Thrace to the east and Dardania to the west. The Aegean islands are themselves an extension of the Balkan Mountains into the sea. Ptolemy’s Chart X shows Thrace and Dardania on either side of the Balkan combination of the Scordus and Haemus Mountains. Dardania lies north of Macedonia on the north side of the Scordus Range. The Dardani are considered a distinct Thraco-Illyrian people; but in the tenth generation, this land played host to the Balto-Slavic protoplast under Obal-Apollo (West Slavs) and his sons Almodad-Orpheus (South Slavs) and Asklepios (East Slavs). The name Dardani derives from Shem-Dardanus in reference to the derivation of Obal, Almodad and Sheleph from Shem’s direct male line apart from the Inanna Succession. Not only did the Olympian alliance lack East Indians and Dacians but also the Indo-Europeans at these localities lacked members of their stock exiled to Arabia. The Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations conventional idea of the Danube Valley origin of the stock stresses its low population until it built up its strength in later times. Sagara’s claim to have have nearly annihilated the Haihaya Teutons may be partly true especially because we are inclined to place all three divisions of the Teutons at the flashpoint of Crete. The exiled Centum Aryans did not arrive on the scene until the Amerindians did in the 2180s, Amerindians to fight the Hamites in the Nile Delta in 2181 and Centum Aryan exiles to fight Semites in 2178. These battles in the 22nd century belonged to the even numbered twelfth postdiluvian era and constituted the third war in a continuing political tradition including the Uruk-Aratta struggle in the eighth and Aegean war in the tenth. Shem took charge of the anti-Akkadian cause in both eras. In the twelfth he emerges as the Gallic god Teutates at the head of exilic Aryans who fought against the Semites in 2178. In the Aegean war, Shem’s alliance was spread out in what can be viewed as three theaters: the Eastern Mediterranean, Aegean and Balkans. Two divisions were located in the Eastern Mediterranean, six in the Aegean and Greece and two in the Balkans. Aside from holding Cyprus, this alliance tried and failed to hold Rhodes against the Hamites under Gomer-Triopus of the Heliadae. From Rhodes the alliance progressed to Crete where three divisions of Shem’s “Haihaya” or Teutonic branch took shape under Canaan-Cronus’ first three, “Olympian” vassals: East Teutons under Poseidon (viz. Sidones), West Teutons under Hades (viz. Chatti) and North Teutons under Zeus (Sig-Thor). From Crete the Olympian alliance spread in three directions: Achaean Hellenes under Hermes-Ham to mainland Arcadia-Achaea in the northwest; Celts under Artemis-Inanna (Medb) to the Cyclades at the ritual center of Delos in the north; and Hellenic Aeolians and Ionians under Hera-Anath-Saraswati to the Sporades at Samos off the coast of Ionia in the northeast. Hermes’ “birthplace” of Mount Cyllene is Mount Killini west of Korinthia, east of Akhaia and north of Arkhadia although the tradition places the mountain in what was once considered Arcadia. Two additional divisions under Demeter-Sin-Lakshmi and Pallas-Athene-Uma followed Ham to the mainland through the Saronic Gulf at the isthmus leading from Korinthia to Attica. Demeter established her cult center of Eleusis west of Athens at the head of the Illyrian branch. Pallas Athene established the Italic branch at the site of what later became Athens. We have seen how closely related the Illyrian and Italic branches were in their occupation of lands on either side of the Adriatic under the common genealogy of Saturnus-Zadrima, Picus-Puka and Faunus-Fan. At the head of that genealogy stood Arphaxad I-Hadoram-Saturnus, half-brother of Demeter though the common maternity of Durga and husband of Athene-Uma as Ningal, mother of Inanna-Uzal and Utu-Obal at Ur. The Italic Latins referred to Demeter as Ceres (source of our word “cereal”) and to Pallas Athene as Minerva. These colonies in Greece came into existence in the tenth era but were hardly permanent as Hellenes made their way after the war to the Danube Valley along with 177 other Indo-Europeans. Their significance, aside from an immediate role in the ShemNimrod war, lay in the creation of traditional shrine locations in Greece remembered by the Hellenes in later centuries and applied to Greece once they returned there. Another logical element is the division of the Hellenes into their four traditional tribes, destined to return to Greece and the Aegean at different moments in history. The same principle of subdivision by 2233 applies to the Teutons and Slavs as well. Remaining settlements of the Olympian alliance were located at Mount Olympus in the northern mainland of Thessaly, the north Aegean island of Lemnos and Thrace and Dardania on the Balkan mainland. Hellenic tradition associates both Olympus and Lemnos with the fire-smith god Hephaestus, Olympian Peleg. This god was supposedly “born” at Olympus and crippled on Lemnos. At Olympus PelegHephaestus stationed the Dorian tribe of the Hellenes. At Lemnos he turned his attention to the Thraco-Phrygians who had settled under him at Kish in the First Kish order. The division he stationed at Lemnos was the Phrygian, who carried his name Peleg in the r variant Phrixus and Frey-Fricco. The Phrygians eventually reached Phrygia via Thrace. The Balkan terminus of the alliance was lead by Ares-Shelah and ApolloObal— a combination of Shem’s second heir with the man who would have been his second heir (Obal) if the succession had passed through Shem’s male line. AresShelah took charge of the the Thraco-Phrygian Thracians and established Thrace or Thraki in the extreme northeastern corner of modern Greece west of Turkey-inEurope and south of Bulgaria. This region is low land at the northern coast of the Aegean and southeast of the Rhodope branch of the Balkan Mountains. Apollo took the final step. His traditional “birthplace” at the small island of Delos suggests that all these northern settlements were fed from the Cyclades north of Crete. The circle of the Cyclades includes five major islands: Milos, Paros, Naxos, Tinos and Andros. It makes sense that the northern divisions of the scheme settled preliminarily on the five islands and consisted of Dorians, Phrygians, Thracians, Macedonians and Slavs. The five islands occur in sets of three and two— Milos, Paros and Naxos running southwest to northeast and Tinos and Andros running farther north from southeast to northwest. With that pattern of islands in mind, the alliance logically attempted to reproduce the sequence of Milos, Paros and Naxos at Thessaly, Lemnos and Thrace and the second sequence of Tinos and Andros in Macedonia and Dardania. To explain the place of the Macedonians in the alliance, we must return to the premise that the eleven divisions of the Indo-Europeans were reduced to ten through the East Indian submission to Sargon-Sagara. As a division of the Thraco-Phrygian branch of the stock, the Macedonians of Alexander would appear to be an attempt to make up for the missing Indian branch by isolating this division of the branch from the Thracians. It is even possible to bring in another male Olympian at this point. The mighty Riphath-Osiris-Shiva is known to the Hellenic pantheon as Dionysus a late arrival among the Olympians. We have determined that Riphath allied himself with Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Nimrod-Sargon from the days of the Awan dynasty in the ninth era forward. The Thracian wine god version of this leader, Sabazius, appears to have established his presence in Thrace as a commander of the Dacian division of Sargon’s forces. However Hellenes remembered Dionysus as though he were their own god. Significantly they attribute to him a military expedition in India foreshadowing Macedonian Alexander’s own expedition into India as though the Macedonians possessed some tradition that an ancestral figure had once invaded India, land of the hostile Indian followers of Sargon-Sagara. Somehow Shelah-Ares and RiphathDionysus-Sabazius divided Thrace and Macedonia between themselves. However the Hebrew identification of Alexander’s Macedonians as “Kittim” indicates clearly that the Macedonians originally garrisoned the foundational island of the Domain of Alashiya at Citium, Cyprus, at the start of the process. I have suggested that Cyprus held out against Sargon while his troops were advancing to conquer Rhodes. The formidable Macedonians were apparently responsible for that stand of the “Kittim” on the island of Cyprus. The Olympian ruler at Cyprus was Aphrodite, Riphath-Shiva’s sister wife Arvad-Parvati. A pattern of convincing associations establishes that premise. Aphrodite was “born” from the sea before landing at Cyprus and becoming the “Cypriote Queen.” The Canaanite name Arvad takes the form of a Syrian port south of Ugarit at the same latitude as southern Cyprus only seventy miles to the east. As Riphath-Dionysus’ wife, Arvad-Aphrodite accounts for Riphath’s appearance in Thrace in a context including the Macedonians. The last step in forming the the Olympian alliance comes to focus in ApolloObal and his two sons Almodad-Orpheus and Sheleph-Asklepius. These three members of Shem’s and Arphaxad’s family took charge of the three traditional divisions of the Slavs: Sheleph-Asklepius at the head of East Slavs (Russians and Ukrainians); Apollo-Obal, West Slavs (Poles, Czechs, Slovaks and Croatians) and South Slavs (Serbians and Slovenians). As previouly stated, we have reason to believe that this stock settled in the tenth era in Dardania although the Dardani are presumably a separate nation within the Satem Aryan community. A tabulation of Shem’s Olympian alliance will bring us to the brink of an attempt to describe what happened when the two opposed forces clashed openly. In this case we possess nothing like the three Sumerian epics on the Uruk-Aratta war. In completing this tabulation, we will attempt to provide an isochronology given the fixed years 2244 and 2233, the explicit eleven years of Sagara’s reign down to the start of the war. Because everyone in the Noahic Council knew that eleven was the number of the Indo-European divisions drawn up under Canaan in the First Kish order, we recognize that Nimrod allowed Shem just eleven years to do what he could with his Indo-European people to determine “who was the stronger” as in the case of Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana-Peleg in the eighth generation. In the following tabulation, italics indicate groups that took positions during the war beyond their original 179 locations prior to 2233. The positions in 2237, 2234 and 2233 were established by unidentified members of Shem’s alliance: Olympian System of Shem’s Indo-European Alliance - 2244-2233 BCE Term Ending: 2243 2242 2241 Location: Cyprus Rhodes Crete 2240 2239 2238 22402235 2240 Arcadia Eleusis Attica Delos Milos Paros Naxos Tinos Andros Samos 2239 2238 2237 2236 2235 2234 2233 Hatti Parhasa Thessaly Lemnos Thrace Macedonia Dardania Division: Macedonians Tocharians East Teutons West Teutons North Teutons Achaean Hellenes Illyrians Italics Celts Dorians Phrygians Thracians Macedonians Slavs Aeolians Ionians Hittites Persians (Pahlavas) Dorians Phrygians Thracians Macedonians West Slavs South Slavs East Slavs Olympian: Aphrodite (Arvad) Hestia (Zemar) Poseidon (Sidon) Hades (Heth) Zeus (Shem) Hermes (Ham) Demeter (Sin) Pallas Athene (Uma) Artemis (Inanna) Hera (Hamath) Hades (Heth) Hades (Heth) Hephaestus (Peleg) Hephaestus Ares (Shelah) Dionysus (Riphath) Apollo (Obal) Orpheus (Almodad) Asklepios (Sheleph) In 2233 Sargon launched his attack in two divisions westward by sea and northwestward by land. If he allowed himself another eleven years to complete the conquest, the war ended formally in 2222, four years before the close of the tenth era. I can imagine his telling Shem-Lugalzaggesi in 2244, “I will give you eleven years to see what you can do with your Indo-Europeans. Then I will give myself another eleven years and track your forces down to see who is the stronger.” As Shem’s fifth heir and second vassal, he owed Noah’s son that much courtesy. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Because the main target was Crete, Cyprus and Rhodes figured only as stepping stones. Resistence at Cyprus by 2232 led Sargon’s maritime force to move on to conquer ancestors of the Thraco-Phrygian Armenians at Rhodes by 2231 and to set up the seven Japhethite Heliadae there. Two Hellenic traditions connect ZeusShem with Crete. After his “birth” at Mount Lycaeum in Arcadia, he was “reared” by the goat Amatheia at Mount Dicte in the heart of Crete. Euhemeros claimed to have discovered an inscription by Zeus and Cronos in Crete, interpreting them correctly as men and establishing the tradition of euhemerism pursued throughout this study. Canaan Cronus was supposed to be serving in as an Ocean Dragon King in the Arabian penal system. He led his Semitic followers, the Canaanites, north from their part in the “Arabian prison break.” Sargon’s outrageous act at the gate of Nippur made co-belligerents of the two old enemies Shem and Canaan. Canaan’s presence explains why Shem adopted the Teutons as his personal guard at this time. The Teutons were the Indo-European offspring of Canaan and Sidon although they preferred to take Shem, Peleg and Joktan as their gods Thor, Frey and Odin rather than Sidon as the ambivalent Loki. I have been unable to pinpoint Mount Lycaeum on any map. One source places it “at the frontiers” of Arcadia, Elis (northeast of Arcadia between it and the sea) and another nome of Peloponnesus. The invisible mountain turns more visible without being labeled when a source places it between the River Alfios and Kyparissa on the west of Messenia to the southeast. Although the mountain keeps jumping around like a grasshopper, it appears to be an elevation at the town of Andritsaina in eastern Peloponnesus. Another important Hellenic god, Pan son of Hermes, was supposed to have been “born” at this ubiquitous but invisible Mount Lycaeum. Pan is the Hellenic Cush, another of the Ocean Dragon Kings. By 2181 Cush, Canaan and their brothers were in the Nile Delta being executed by Narmer. Our question is which of them might have returned from Arabia and assisted Shem in Crete and Arcadia. To set the scene for a showdown between Nimrod and Shem, we need to determine what Shem’s “birth” at Mount Lycaeum means as a dimension of this war of the tenth era. If Ham brought all four of his sons with him from Arabia to Greek Arcadia at this time, they ceased being Chinese Ocean Dragon Kings and turned into Hellenic Mediterranean Dolphin Princes. That is no surprise in view of the way Hellenic mythology presents them twice over, at the heart of the tradition, as four Titans and then as eponyms of four Hellenic tribes. Despite clear evidence that these tribes did not invade Greece until more than a millennium later, there is no reason to doubt that Cush-Pan-Xuthus, Mizraim-Achaeus, Put-Iapetos-Aeolis and Canaan-Cronus-Doros were present among Shem’s followers in the Aegean after 2244. They may well have been carving out tribal domains as Noah’s family had done well in advance of colonization. Bound together as Enmebaraggesi and Aka at Kish, Ham and his yellow son Mizraim antipated the way they made Egypt into the “land of Ham” by enabling Mizraim-Acheaus to establish the domain of Achaea north of Arcadia around Ham181 Hermes’ “birthplace” of Mount Cyllene. From the common base in Crete, Put and Xuthus then accompanied Hera-Anath to Samos and logically visited the mainland of Asia Minor nearby to establish the tribal domains of Aeolis and Ionia. Canaan then followed Peleg toward Thessaly and established the domain of Doris, a small region northwest of Delphi and Mount Parnassos. The Hamite presence in the Aegean, however, was shortlived. Whether or not they were defeated and captured by the Empire, their destiny led them to colonize far off China before the end of the tenth era in 2218. Their Chinese names as Ocean Dragon Kings derived from their indentification with Sino-Tibetans in the ninth era. That identification climaxed when they gave the Chinese their permanent settlements in the Far East after exchanging the Dragon King names for those of the five Wudi Emperors: Shun (Ham), Juan Xu (Cush), Huang-di (“Yellow Emperor,” Ham’s yellow son Mizraim), Yao (Iae-Iapetos-Put) and Gu (Gunidu-Canaan). The Sumerian Kinglist states that Sargon reigned for 56 years; Rimush, for 9; Manishtushu for 15; and Naram Sin, for 56. In reality the two 56-year reigns of Sargon and Naram Sin were the same 56-year period between 2244 and 2188, all but four years of the tenth and eleventh eras of Noahic times. All these rulers carved out practical reigns over those years although Sargon was more active at the start of the period. The reigns of Rimush and Manishtushu together total twenty-four years. An interpretive crux is how to locate those years in the larger context of the 56. Without ascertaining this chronology, we cannot give a complete account of the Aegean war and its aftermath. Waddell spends a good deal of time placing Manishtushu in the context of Sargon’s empire, not just as an imperial successor in Mesopotamia (“King of Kish”) but as a viceroy under Sargon in India and a maritime pioneer of dynastic Egypt. The only suggestion so far that any of Sargon’s successors may have been involved in the Aegean war or its aftermath is the faint one that the pre-Hellenic city of Mycenae— Mukana— might have derived its name from a compound of Sargon’s successor Rimush and Sargon in short forms given by Waddell as Mu and Ganni. Various chronological scenarios can be contructed from the successive twenty-four years of Rimush and Manishtushu; and a good deal depends on adopting the right one. Without discussing chronology, Waddell places the reign of Manishtushu relatively late by describing the emperor’s recorded victory over thirty-two kings in Arabia as a re-conquest of lands lost temporarily to the empire. In support of that view, he points out the inscriptional claim that these lands had revolted against him. So general was the revolt against the empire that those thirty-two kings have always Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations loomed up a substantial fraction of the Noahic elite. But such an alliance makes sense only after the close of the Aegean war in 2222 and beginning of the eleventh Noahic era in 2218. It was at that point that Sargon outraged the Noahic Council a second time by holding power after the lapse of the traditional thirty years. Therefore the best scenario is one that delays Manishtushu’s imperial reign to some time after 2218. That year makes sense as the time that Sargon yielded power to Rimush, meaning that Manishtushu did not begin his reign until nine years later in 2209. However that means that Naram Sin’s share in the empire must be dealt with rather loosely as a co-regency to Sargon and his two successors. The point is that all four men were active in and out of Mesopotamia as “Kings of Kish,” viceroys, generals or colonists at various times between 2244 and 2188. If that is the case, any combination of Sargon’s three successors could have been involved in the Aegean war. The revolt in India and Arabia noted by Waddell makes sense as a reaction in the East to the military preoccupation in the Anatolian and Aegean West. After identifying Rimush as Manishtushu’s younger brother, Waddell explains why this brother preceded him as emperor by drawing on East Indian tradition where Manishtushu is named Asa-Manja, son of Sagara. An Indian narrative recounts that Asa-Manja was disinherited because of a revolt against his father’s authority. In the course of that revolt, he no doubt made his Lower Sea fleet available for the Far Eastern colonization at least as far east as the Indus Valley. Whether or not the four emperors all participated in the Aegean war, a case can be made that representatives of the Sargonic alliance succeeded in spreading their names far to the west in an effort to encircle the Olympian alliance from behind. We have seen that various names of Sargon-Nimrod turn up some four times in and around Asia Minor. That region figures as the eastern base for a distribution of the other three emperors’ names farther west. Waddell gives a variant of Rimush reduced to “Mush.” That name serves to account for a major people inhabiting the land between Thrace and the Lower Danube in Roman times— the Mysians. In fact the entire south bank of the Lower Danube from the Delta to the confluence of the Sava bears the name “Mysia” in Ptolemy’s Chart X. Mysia Inferior covers the Delta both north and south and extends westward to Mysia Superior where the Mysi proper are located. If the identification with Rimush holds true, this emperor or his representatives took charge of the Dunubian colonists whose Dacians, north of the Lower Danube, belonged to the Sargonic alliance. In fact the empire may, at one time, have controlled nearly the whole of the Danube short of territories held by Teutons and Celts from the Olympian alliance. In other words, the Sargonic alliance pushed the Teutonic and Celtic branches of ShemZeus-Thor-Teutates’ Indo-European alliance off to the source of the Danube not far from the source of the Rhine. That view depends, not just on the Mysians of Rimush, but on identifying the Norici of the Roman province of Noricum (Austria) with the 183 Hebrew form of name Naram Sin of the East Semites and Narmer of the Egyptians— Nahor. The Norici are generally regarded as a Celtic people; but the name could still be attributed to the fourth Akkadian Emperor in the same way that Sargon-Nimrod’s name turns up so often among Hellenes of the eastern Aegean. Waddell gives Naram Sin the East Indian king list name Karemba as a grandson of Sargon-Sagara. That name can be viewed as yielding Ptolemy’s tribe Carni of Carniola at the north end of the Adriatic Sea dividing the Illyrians from the Italics. Waddell views the third emperor Manishtushu as the sea-going genius responsible for the empire to Upper Egypt, Lower Egypt, Crete and even Britain. The Hebrew name given to Manishtushu is Serug, meaning the “Branch” in Hebrew. The greatest city of Sicily in ancient times, Syracuse, was known to be a colony established by colonists from Corinth in the 8th century. The name is probably given a Greek etymology so that nearby tribe of Syracusii shown by Ptolemy are assumed to be named for the city rather than the city for the tribe. If, on the other hand, we assume the “Colonia Syracusa” to have been named for some native source, it could represent the name Serug as left on the southwest coast of Sicily during one of Manishtushu-Menes’ voyages described by Waddell. To return to the scene of the Aegean war, we have described the specific commands of the seven Japhethite Heliadae without dates. If we can establish isochronic dates, we can re-tabulate the Sargonic actions that made up the war against the ten stations of the Olympians outlined above. Before doing so, however, more needs to be said about the linguistic cultural struggle between Sargon and Shem. That struggle involved more than Sargon’s Semitism versus Shem’s Aryanism. As both Sargon and Sagara, Shem’s fifth heir claimed both the Semitic and Indo-European stocks as his own. The image of the “Imdugud” or “Rain Cloud Bird” found at Lagash summed up this pretension to both the Semitic avian symbol of the Enlilship and the storm symbol of the Indo-European Ishkurship. When Nimrod-Ninurta “stole back” the Enlilship from Zu-Shem in 2244, he claimed to duplicate Shem’s claim to represent both the Semitic and Aryan stocks as in Shem’s “Stag Nature” panel showing the patriarch holding two stags. When Sargon granted Shem eleven years to do what he could with his version of the Indo-European stock, he realized that Shem would also claim part of the Semitic stock for his alliance. The purpose of the formalized war was to determine which of the two rulers possessed the right by combat to claim the Semitic-Aryan dyad. Shem’s version of the Semitic world emerges from the presence of Ham and his sons newly arrived from Arabia after serving there as Ocean Dragon Kings. Everyone knew that Ham was the original creator of the Semitic stock in the Nomadic Age. If Shem could ally himself with Ham and his sons and win his own Semitic-Aryan war against Sargon, he could cancel the theocratic pretensions of the Akkadian Empire to maintain the imperium of the world. Shem’s continuing claim to a Semitic following arose from the presence of Hermes, Pan and Achaeus in Peloponnesus and Cronos in Crete. The Olympian Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations history includes the family of Ham in this way. When the Semitic-speaking Canaanites participated in the “Arabian prison break” along with the Centum Aryans, they came north with Canaan at the same time and made their way into the Olympian alliance. They were sufficient to act as Shem’s West Semitic adjunct just as East Semitic Sargon made Indians of the Sagara tradition that ruler’s Indo-European adjunct. The two alliances were structured in this way: Semitic Element: Sargon’s Akkadians Shem’s Canaanites Indo-European Element: Sagara’s Indians Shem’s Indo-European Alliance Shem’s relationship to the West Semites lingered on to the time of the Abrahamic War in the 2120s when he appeared as Melchizedek king of Salem. In 2233 he claimed the adherence of the Canaanites because Canaan Cronus was with him in Crete along with a contingent of Canaanites themselves. That is why the Philistine inhabitants of Crete eventually left the island for the coast of Israel, knowing that the Canaanites of Palestine had done likewise by leaving the field of battle in Crete and heading for Palestine to settle there. The “Haihaya” tribe whom Sagara claims nearly to have annihilated consisted not only of Teutonic IndoEuropeans but of ancestors of the Canaanite inhabitants of Palestine. When Israel was ordered to destroy the Canaanites, they were duplicating the action of Abraham’s ancestors Reu, Serug and Nahor— Sargon, Manishtushu and Naram Sin— against Canaanites of the Olympian alliance. In fact, there is no reason to doubt that the Canaanites divided themselves among the different Olympian colonies according to the same Canaanite eleven who had shaped the Indo-Europeans into eleven divisions in the First Kish order. It is conceivable that the sequence of tribes named in the Sagara narrative records the sequence of actual combat. The list opens with the Haihaya, whom Sagara nearly annihilates. Real combat did not begin until Sargon’s forces reached Crete after by-passing Cyprus and effecting the surrender of Rhodes. If the ten names as listed represent tribes subdued in successive annual campaigns, the ten fights occurred over the ten years down to the last year of 2222. The battle in Crete occurred in 2231 after Sargon opened the war in 2233 and followed with the capitulation of Rhodes in 2232. A test case for this theory of the Indian text comes with the second name Shakas, meaning Scythians in alliance with Balto-Slavs. We have seen that the Slavs were the last people to take a position in the Olympian alliance as they came to Dardania in 2233. Because we have not yet described the resistence Sargon met in his northwestern campaign by land, it makes sense to assume that the Scythians proper met Sargon’s northwestern force at Purushkhanda in the year following the battle at Crete, namely 2230. 185 The third name in the list, Yavana, stands for the Thraco-Phrygians who were distributed at several points in the Olympian scheme including Macedonians located at Cyprus before making their way north to Macedonia. Sargon’s maritime force under Manishtushu would not have fallen back to Cyprus to attack the Macedonians whom they had by-passed in 2233. Instead the Macedonians would have pursued them once they got word of Olympian defeat in Crete in 2231. A consideration at this point is the sibling marital relationship between Aphrodite-Parvati at the head of the Macedonians and Riphath-Shiva, one of the vassals of Gomer-Triopus at Rhodes. The sibling couple began, therefore, on opposite sides of the conflict and were headed for confrontation in 2229. In order to determine what happened now, we need to account for Noah’s three postdiluvian sons, the vassals of Gomer. In an analysis of the Narmer Palette, Kingship at Its Source concludes that the vassals of Gomer are the three adversaries of Narmer depicted as bearded Asiatics, one in a loin cloth being beaten by Narmer and the other two entirely nude and in postures of swimming. By this point they have become adversaries to the Akkadian empire embodied in Narmer, the Egyptian version of Sargon’s grandson Naram Sin. In Sargon’s war against Shem a half century earlier, however, the three were serving Sargon under Gomer-Triopus at the three Hamitic locales we have placed at Rhodes, Ionia and Chios. Because the commanders of these Hamitic divisions were the future pyramid pharaohs Gomer, Magog and Javan, the vassals of Gomer played some other leadership role. An explanation of their presence arises from confirmation of the suggestion is that Pelasgus— eponym of the pre-Hellene Pelasgians of Greece— was a version of Ashkenaz. The suggestion originally came from the concept of Ashkenaz as the world’s chief colonist coupled with an etymology of Pelasgus meaning “Seafarer” and Pelasgus’ sonship to Noah-Inachus, the “first man.” This hypothesis is now more firmly established. After identifying the seven Heliadae with the Japhethites and Gomer specifically with Triopus on the basis of this name “ThreeEyed,” I have discovered a tradition that Pelasgus and his two brothers were the sons of a figure named Triopus— obviously a perfect fit for Gomer and his three vassals under the prior hypothesis that Pelasgus was one of those vassals Ashkenaz. Identity of the Pelasgians is a crux to interpreting the war of 2233 because they inherited the Greece that would otherwise have been retained by the Olympian faction with profound consequences for the histories of Hellenes and ThracoPhrygians. If the three vassals of Gomer were not leaders of the Hamitic armies per se, what linguistic culture did they represent in 2233? Identification of the linguistic character of the Pelasgians has been a favorite topic of empirical scholars for more than a century. Pelasgians and Minyans are the names of two peoples whom Hellenic sources identify as pre-existing the Hellenes in Greece and the Aegean. Herodotus, for example, claims that the Pelasgians spoke a “Barbarian” (non-Hellenic) language before converting to Greek. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The “Arabian prison break” left Amerindians and Sino-Tibetans scattered about in local colonies of the penal system. We have not accounted in this way for Ural-Altaics except to suggest that like the Centum Aryans they remained a unit at a colony in Hadramaut. Ashkenaz was destined to lead Uralo-Altaics from a colony in India to their tradition homelands in Central Asia, Siberia and Mongolia. The UraloAltaic connection applies to all three of Gomer’s vassals as sons of Noah belonging to the fraternity of the sons of Tatar Kudai Bai Ülgön under the names Yashil Kan (Ashkenaz), Kara Khan (Riphath) and Pyrshak Khan (Togarmah). Under these circumstances I would not be surprised to find that the “Barbarian” language of the Pelasgians mentioned by Herodotus was Uralo-Altaic, the original language of Noah, their actual father. Ptolemy’s Chart XI of Greece gives currency to the name Pelasgi. He names the Gulf of Pagasai the “Sinus Pelasgiocus.” Inland and west-northwest he shows a tribe, the Pelasgioti, twice on either side of a mountain range. He then shows a tribe or region north of the eastern branch of the Pelasgioti— the Pieriadae, a name answering to Togarmah’s Uralo-Altaic and Amorite names Pyrshak Khan and Birsha.Whether or not the Pelasgians spoke Uralo-Altaic, these names complement Riphath’s identity farther north as Sabazius of the Thracians. If this analysis is correct, the Hamitic-speaking Gomer-Triopus-Khufu was able to make vassals of Noah’s sons and draw them into the service of Sargon by 2233. Something happened to that vassalage by the time of Narmer. It may have begun to happen during the Aegean war. We need to determine which vassal of Gomer led Uralo-Altaic contingents from the “Arabian prison break” at the three locations of the Sargonic alliance at Rhodes, Chios and Ionia. Since the station at Ionia was the only one located in continental Asia Minor, the Uralo-Altaics located there were logically followers of “red” Togarmah, father of the Thraco-Macedonian Armenians. Chios lay nearer Greece than the other two stations. Ashkenaz-Pelasgus was Shem’s full brother as a son of Noah and Uma— a Caucasoid likely to blend easily with the Hellenes who converted them from Uralo-Altaic to Indo-European Hellenic. The Gomerite leader whom Aphrodite-Arvad met at Rhodes, therefore, was her sibling mate Riphath. The most logical reason why Sargon’s forces by-passed Cyprus in 2233 was that they feared angering Riphath by making war on his sisterwife. The union of the couple at this time offers an alternative explanation of the Argonautic voyage to the one outlined on pages 100-102 above where the voyage is treated as a detail of founding the Domain of Khaldi at Urartu in the late Eanna period between 2288 and 2285. I have left this theory of the Argonautic voyage standing with an asterisk to the present argument to illustrate how one hypothesis can sometimes supplant another in a reconstructive history such as this. The hypothesis on pages 100-102 attempts to attach the Argonautic voyage to the Domain of Khaldi on 187 the basis of geography. The present hypothesis argues more convincingly on the basis of chronology in a tighter, more relevant setting of the Aegean conflict. The new hypothesis explains the Colcian settlement of the Argonautica as a result of Riphath’s abandonment of Sargon’s cause under his sister wife’s influence at Rhodes. We know that Riphath made his way north to establish his identity as the wine god Sabazius among the Thacians. As Thraco-Phrygians the Thracians belonged to Shem’s alliance rather than to Sargon’s. Furthermore the Olympian wife of Riphath led from Cyprus another Thraco-Phrygian people, the Macedonians, destined to share the Balkans with the Thracians. The logic of Rhodes in 2229 does not stop here. The premise behind making Noah’s three sons vassals of Gomer was to bring three divisions of Noah’s Uralo-Altaic stock into the Sargonic alliance. Noah was particularly close to the western branch of the Uralo-Altaic stock known as FinnoUgrians. The Finns of that stock knew him as their forest god Ukko— Sumerian Ukush father of Shem-Lugalzaggesi at Umma at the dawn of the Aegean war. I have repeatedly referred to the two Finno-Ugric nations of Europe as Finns and Hungarians. Actually there was a third— Bulgaria based on the Finno-Ugric Bulgars. In the seventh century of the Christian era a branch of the Bulgars conquered what had been Macedonia, on the western border of Byzantine Thrace and created the Bulgarian empire there as though they knew something about an ancestral connection to Macedonia-Thrace. Suddenly we are faced with an explanation of how ancestors of Finland, Hungary and Bulgaria came to be distilled from the larger Uralo-Altaic community of Noah’s sons. These ancestors of were the Uralo-Altaic followers of Gomer’s three vassals at Rhodes, Ionia and Chios. They posed a Sargonic contrast to the Macedonians, Thracians and Armenians of Shem’s Indo-European alliance referred to collectively as Sagara’s adversaries the Yavanas. Therefore Riphath, under the influence of his wife Arvad-Parvati-Medea in Rhodes, broke away from Sargon’s alliance, added his Finno-Ugric Bulgars to his wife’s Macedonians and sailed north to join Ares-Shelah’s Thracians as the latearrived Olympian Dionysus, wine god equivalent to Thracian Sabazius. As a defector from the Sargonic alliance, Riphath had reason to fear for his life should he be caught by members of the alliance. That fear gave him a reason for crossing the Black Sea with his wife to take refuge with his father Noah in Colchis. Whoever the Argonautic voyagers were, a Hellenic tradition has referred to them as “Minyans,” another of the Pre-Hellenic people analogous to the Pelasgians. In reversing the direction of the process that settled Colchis by deriving it from the west by sea, we are now in a position to bring another son of Noah to this rebellion against Sargon. As a vassal of Gomer, the red son Togarmah headed one of the Finno-Ugric divisions at Ionia. However he also figures as father of the Centum Indo-European Tocharians and Thraco-Phrygian Armenians, both of whom joined Shem against Sargon. The geographic position of Armenia implies that this land was colonized by Togarmah’s Thraco-Phrygian people in the same defection that brought Riphath-Absyrtus and Arvad-Medea to Colchis from the sea. In Colchis these Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations defectors found the Colchian race of Hul, the people of Khaldi who had colonized Colchis as an extension of Urartu in the Eanna period some sixty years earlier. If Riphath brought with him the Bulgars from the station at Rhodes, Togarmah’s defection at Ionia implies that he brought with him another Finno-Ugric people in addition to the Armenians. As “red” Finno-Ugrians in contrast to the “white” Finns, this people figure as the Ugric Hungarians. A strong reason for this identification lies in a detail of Kingship at Its Source where the Hungarian mother goddess Nagyboldogasszony is identified with Togarmah’s red mother Mahadevi. That relationship means that Hungary and Armenia are Finno-Ugric and ThracoPhrygian counterparts in the same genetic family sourced in Togarmah. The next name in Sagara’s list— the Kambojas— refer to the Tocharians just named as Sargon’s adversaries in 2228. We have listed the Tocharians as the race driven out of Rhodes early in the war and migrating elsewhere under Hestia, Togarmah’s full sister Zemar-Ganga. Logically Togarmah’s full sister joined him as Aphrodite-Arvad joined Riphath. As members of the same community of refugees from the Aegean war with the Armenians and Magyar-Hungarians, the Tocharians migrated first to the Ugric homeland and then on to Sinkiang at the east end of Scythia. In carrying the name Khmer, they may have claimed members from the Austroasiatic people that Sargon drew out of Arabia with other Austronesians to support his attempt at empire. Riphath had been his Arabian agent in this case and could have brought with him to Rhodes ancestors of the Khmer of Cambodia. These Austroasiatics then became attached to the rebellious abandonment of Sargon’s cause led by Riphath and Togarmah. The particularly distant relationship between the Austroasiatic language and the rest of the Austronesian world may be owing to the separate route by which they reached Southeast Asia— from the north rather than directly from the Videha colony of India. Knowing their relationship to the Austronesians, however, they would have made their way north from Rhodes to Thrace, across the Black Sea to Colchis, north to the Ugric homeland and then east to Sinkiang with the Tocharians before descending southward into Southeast Asia. Like the Uruk-Aratta war the Aegean war became a launching pad for some of the most distant migrations of mankind. Sagara’s name for the enemy Kambojas reflected his knowledge of the way Austroasiatic people attached themselves to an Aryan tribe of Shem’s faction, the Tocharians destined for Sinkiang. The year 2227 brought on the Paradas as Sargon-Sagara’s target. After identifying this name with the Celts, we have placed them at the center of the Cyclades under Artemis-Inanna, queen Medb at Aratta during the earlier war. Encircled by so many other tribes at Delos, she made this small island into a counterpart of mountain-walled Aratta. Sargon’s forces must have attached high importance to subduing the Cyclades as Enmerkar’s forces had attached high 189 importance to subduing Medb’s Inanna. Now she was accompanied by Celts as her personal guard. Whatever the outcome of the campaign of 2227, the Celts became one of the inveterate enemies of the Akkadian Empire. In the later twelfth era, the Empire was ringed around by enemies in all four cardinal directions: Gutians to the east; the thirty-two Arabian kings named by Manishtushu; West Semites, who were still in alliance with the Gutians prior to the Abrahamic war in the 2120s; and a northern force made up chiefly of Celts. This Celtic force took on as leaders four Noahic elite known to Roman tradition as the Gallic tetrad of Teutates (Shem), Taranis (Arphaxad I), Cernunnus (Peleg) and Esus (Joktan). This tradition cannot refer to a stage of the Aegean war when Joktan, as Meshech, was Macar of the Heliadae and Sargon’s general at Purushkhanda. His role as Esus (the insular Celtic hero Cuchullain) implies a political conversion at a later time. A pair of mythological hints suggests that Sargon’s alliance met defeat in the campaign of 2227 and failed to dislodge Shem’s alliance from the Cyclades. That is one reason why Delos was regarded by the Hellenes as their “sacred island.” Delos was surrounded by a circle of five major islands where we have placed three of the four “Javanite” Thraco-Phrgygian tribes including the ones that Riphath and his sister wife were taking north with them to Thrace-Macedonia. Another of the five was the Slavs descended from Apollo-Utu and his two sons. In Hellenic mythology Delos was the “birthplace” of Apollo and Artemis, the divine siblings Utu and Inanna. The victorious defense of the Cyclades is implicit in the character of both Apollo and Artemis. In Roman mythology Apollo is Sol Invictus, the “unconquered sun.” As Inanna, his sister had been known for immoral relationships to different men and the political fickleness that went with it. Now as Artemis-Diana she became the goddess of victorious chastity. The difference lay in the intact success of her defense in the Cyclades. Even the myth of Artemis and Actaeon can be explained in these terms. Attempting to get too close to Artemis in order to reach her at Delos, representatives of the Sargonic alliance were torn apart by the dogs of war unleashed from the five islands that surrounded her. Victory at the Cyclades enabled Riphath and his sister-wife to bring the Thracians and Macedonians to their lands in the north. Mauled in 2227, Sargon’s forces turned their attention in 2226 to the Pahlavas, the Persians, who figure in this western war only because they took a position in Anatolia prior to reaching their mountain valley of Parhasa farther east. They complemented the Khashas or Hittites of Hades-Heth and were engaged by the northwestern land division of Sargon’s forces. As an Olympian, Heth had stationed the Pahlavas at Purushkhanda 2238, a year after re-establishing his Hittites in Hatti nearer the River Sangarius. In the Hittite second millennium, a major Hittite settlement lay at Gordion on the extreme upper Sangarius. Sargon’s alliance subdued both the Pahlavas and Khashas at their respective locales in the year of 2226. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The followers of Sargon finally turned their attention to the Greek mainland in 2225. The target in this case was the closely allied Illyrians and Italics under Demeter-Lakshmi and Athene-Uma at much the same location, eventually memorialized by the Hellenes as Eleusis and Athens in Attica. Because Attica lay just beyond the Cyclades where Sargon’s forces were defeated two years earlier, it is likely that they spent the intervening year of 2226 (while action was going on in the eastern theater) by probing Peloponnesus where Ham and his sons were camped at the head of the Semitic-speaking Semites. This phase of the Aegean war is especially mysterious because the Canaanite West Semites preceded the Philistines into Palestine and never returned to Greece. The nearest approach to such a return came in the form of Semitic Phoenician expansion into Mediterranean in competition with the Greeks. The Phoenicians reached Rhodes on their way west but never succeeded in disputing Greek possession of that island. Their only colonies within the GrecoRoman sphere were at Panormus (Palermo) and Drepane in western Sicily. The reason for locating Canaanites from the “Arabian prison break” in Peloponnesus during the Aegean war is that there is no other way to explain how Hermes maintained status as an Olympian and established such a firm local tradition there as the father of Pan in Arcadia and implicitly as the father of all the Hellenic tribes including the Achaeans of Aka-Mizraim in Achaea north of Arcadia. The fact is that the Canaanites in this period were a Semitic-speaking mirror image of the eleven divisions of the Indo-Europeans in the First Kish order under the eleven vassals of Canaan. If they had not played a role in the Aegean war, it would have been stranger than that they did. If the Canaanites had defeated the Sargonic alliance in Peloponnesus, they would have remained there. Instead the Empire defeated them and sent them to the east end of the Mediterranean to “prove who was the stronger.” The conquest of Attica followed the next year in 2225. Out of this contest came the Italic ancestors of the Romans and their counterpart Illyrians on the east side of the Adriatic north of Greece. The Danube Valley theory maintains that that part of the earth sucked them in like a vacuum cleaner. In that sense the Danube Valley was to the Aryan version of Canaan’s vassals what the coast of Canaan-Phoenicia was to West Semites— a depository for defeated allies of Shem-Lugalzaggesi in the tenth era. In the years 2224 and 2223, Sargon’s army turned their attention north to Thessaly and Lemnos and to stations established by Peleg in his character as Olympian Hephaestus. According to Hellenic tradition, this fire-smith god was “born” at Mount Olympus in Thessaly and crippled when Zeus dropped him into the island of Lemnos just south of the Balkan mainland of Thrace and Macedonia. At these two locations Peleg planted the Darvas or Dorians of Sagara’s list and the Phrygians belonging to the the same Thraco-Phrygian stock with Thracians and Macedonians. Thus Peleg took charge of the same Thraco-Phrygian stock that had lived with him in at Kish in the First Kish order. Like all other Hellenic tribes, the Dorians were 191 defeated, driven north to the Danube Valley to invade Greece again in much later times. The Phrygians also lost to the Empire and were driven east to Phrygia in Asia Minor. In the last year of the campaign Shelah-Ares, Obal-Apollo and RiphathDionysus took the last Olympian stand on the Balkan mainland. The Empire had succeeded in driving the Olympians out of the islands except the Cyclades; and even in that case all five of the Olympian stocks except for the Celts chose to migrate farther north. These five included the Dorians and Phrygians who met defeat as we just stated. The others were Macedonians, Thracians and Slavs who took their stand on the Balkan mainland. The Celts appear to have divided into their Brythonic and Gaelic-Gallic halves at this time. Ancestors of the Brythonic Welsh headed south to North Africa under the influence, if not leadership, of Beli-Philist- and Dôn-Caphtorin Crete. The Gaelic division seems to have headed east into Asia Minor to the land of Galatia, which they later invaded and occupied in the third century BCE. In the 22 nd century these Celts participated in an important battle against the Akkadian Empire locate at Carchemish on the Upper Euphrates. The subsequent history of Greece and the Aegean prior to the invasion of the four Hellenic tribes is a favorite of secular, empirical scholars. Facts lend themselves to the anonymous, developmental impression that derives from mute archaeology (pot-style identification and stratigraphy) and vague rumors about “diverse peoples.” There is certainly nothing wrong with the study of pots and the identification discrete layers of occupation at towns such as Jericho. The problem is that scholars apply the magic word “science” to this study and feel that they are dealing with a degree of certainty and value beyond the reach of “mythology” such as the tradition about Pelasgus, his father Triopus and two brothers. They assume too quickly that these “eponymous ancestors” never existed because naïve ancient Greeks thought that they did. Emerson said that biblical miracles were unworthy of credence because they were “not one with the blowing clover and falling rain.” To empirical historians the tradition about Pelasgus and his family could be true because it is “not one with the broken pot and excavation of layers.” The eponym “Pelasgus” is especially vulnerable to that sort of criticism because of the body of observed fact surrounding that name. There are so many references to a pre-Hellenic “Pelasgians” in Hellenic traditions of locally diverse character that secular empirical scholars are impressed enough by the quantity to admit that such a people existed in Greece and the Aegean before and even after the invasions of the Hellenic tribes from the north. The “Pelasgians” become a favorite symbol of semi-historical “diverse peoples.” They take their place with the diverse Minoans of Crete and the quasi-Hellenes of the city of Mycenae (Mukana) lying just east of Argos and south of Corinth in pre-Hellenic times. The Minoans and Mycenaeans certainly existed but without the sort of imperial connectedness that we have been describing as postdiluvian. These “diverse peoples” connote the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations democratic, developmental flatland that leads back to the concept of Fred Flintstone and weekends at the hardware store. Unless and until I give an imperial, Genesis 10 value to Mukana, students of “Mycenaean man” will assume that they are being scientific and that the Book of Genesis originated as a kind of comic book for Hebrew children. My theory that Triopus, Pelasgus and his two unnamed sons are Gomer and his three vassals cannot possibly be true because it is too specific. It is “not one with the broken pot and excavation of layers.” My further suggestion that the original Pelasgian language may have been Finno-Ugric like Bulgarian is even more vulnerable because empiricists have studied ancient forms of Greek for possible Pelasgian loan words and phonetic habits and may have discovered enough about the unknown language to exclude Finno-Ugric. Two Theories of the Argonautic Voyage 2216-2188 We have allowed two contradictory views of the legendary Hellenic voyage of the Argonauts to stand. The legend appears in a full length work the Argonautica by Apollonius of Rhodes. Possibly because of the work’s late date in the third century BCE, it is generally regarded as a piece of literary fiction despite the importance of the tradition behind it as affirmed by the translator E. V. Rieu in the Penguin edition: “In the Argonautica of Apollonius of Rhodes, we have the only full account that has down to us of Jason’s voyage in quest of the Golden Fleece, a tale which seems to have stood, in the estimation of the Greeks, second only to the great cycle of legend, which centered in the Trojan War” (The Voyage of the Argo, 9). Throughout these studies I have repeatedly given early postdiluvian antiquity, not so much to the Greek voyage, as to the hosts of the voyagers living in Colchis at the east end of the Black Sea (the eastern half of the modern nation of Georgia). I interpret King Aeetes as Noah and his children Absyrtus and Medea as Noah’s two Negroid children appearing in Genesis 10 under the names Riphath (plus three other names) and Arvad-. In the non-Hebrew cultures of Egypt and India, these two possess high importance as the sibling couple Osiris (Asir) and Isis (Isa) and the couple Shiva and Parvati. The Hellenic pantheon handles them more remotely as the wine god Dionysus and Olympian goddess of love, Aphrodite. On pages 100-102 above, I give the Argonautic voyage a setting in the late Eanna period in the 2280s. In that context this theory attributes high importance to Nimrod as the ruler Utul-kalamma of the Eanna Dynasty at Sumerian Uruk. I attribute to him the initiative of tying together the opposite ends of a new system of domains 193 with Urartu and Colchis in the northeast and the island of Cyprus in the southwest. The Argonautic vogage is taken as a venture beginning at Cyprus (instead of Greece as stated in Apollonius’ work) and ending at Colchis in order to complete a circuit of the new domains. The political environment is irenic, the Uruk-Aratta war having ended in 2296. The second theory appears in a paragraph on p. 169. In this theory Riphath, Arvad- and Noah did not come to Colchis to play there roles until the period of the Aegean war sixty years later in the 2220s. The question of the Argonautic voyage is left open except for a terminus a quo sixty years later in a different set of political circumstances. In this later theory, Nimrod is no longer the cooperative agent I conceived him to be as Utul-kalamma in the 2280s. Now he was the mighty Emperor Sargon at war with Shem and a substantial body of Noahic elite designated Olympians by Hellenic tradition. A common element of the two settings is that the 2280s and 2220s fell in the even-numbered eighth and tenth Noahic eras. Therefore, both were dominated politically by the anti-Shem, anti-Noah faction responsible for depicting these two as hapless Mummu and Apsu of the Marduk Epic. That epic was composed in Sargon’s own Akkadian language although it never mentions him. Its purpose is to glorify a major initiative to overthrow a rebellion led by Peleg in the eighth era. To some extent the Aegean war of the 2230s echoed the same cause with Nimrod playing a role analogous to the one played by Shelah-Marduk before 2296. The Olympian faction led by the outraged Shem-Zeus was analogous politically to Peleg’s rebellion of the eighth era. Peleg himself confirmed the analogy by following Shem to the Aegean as the Olympian fire god Hephaestus. By the 2220s the outrage against Nimrod-Sargon for his treatment of Shem-Lugalzaggesi in 2244 was so great that even Shelah, hero of the Marduk Epic, volunteered to join the anti-Akkadian sect of the Olympians as Ares god of war. A point of partial reconciliation between the two theories occurs in a phrase “at least one Hellenic tribe” on p. 101. According to the first theory, Nimrod as Utulkalamma appears in Hellenic tradition as “Hellen,” eponym of the entire Hellenic race. The theory is that he brought with him “at least one Hellenic tribe” in the 2280s to help colonize the “Domain of Khaldi” including Urartu and Colchis. Shem’s Negroid son Hul, who appears in the Urartian pantheon as Khaldi, settled the Colchians in Colchis. That part of the theory poses no contrast to the other theory of the Argonatic voyage. All that it affirms is that the Colchians of Hul were present in that land to host the Argonauts whenever they arrived and whoever they were. The conflict between the theories lies in how we are to explain the presence of the main Hellenic tribes in the Danube Valley prior to their invasions of Greece a millennium later. The first theory has “at least one Hellenic tribe” migrate across the Black Sea from east to west— that is from the colony in Colchis to the Danube Delta— in the 2280s. That migration is conceived as a detail of the return voyage of the Argonauts from Colchis to Greece with the result that Jason, leader of the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Argonauts, jilts his Colchian wife Medea and marries a new, Greek wife. As a result of being jilted, the desperate and foreign (Colchian) Medea murders the two children she bore by Jason. The story forms the basis of Euripides’ powerful play Medea from the 5th century BCE and two worthy French operas both named Medée by Charpentier in the 1690s and Cherubini in the 1790s. The second theory contradicts the first by suggesting that all four of the traditional Hellenic tribes participated in the Aegean war against Sargon without having ever seen the Danube. Reconciliation comes from the possibility that the “one Hellenic tribe” who crossed from Colchis to the Danube was a fifth tribe distinct from the Dorians, Achaeans, Aeolians and Ionians. “Eponyms” of all four of these standard tribes represent the four sons of Ham in their second appearance in the artificial Hellenic genealogy after their first appearance as the Titans Cronus, Oceanus, Iapetus and Hyperion respectively. The general eponym “Hellen” is stated to be a son of Prometheus, son of Iapetus— Ham’s son Put, reappearing as “Aeolus,” son of “Hellen”. In reality the names Prometheus and Hellen are an artificial insertion of Shem’s fourth and fifth heirs Peleg and Reu-Nimrod in order to give the highest degree of importance to Nimrod as “Hellen,” alleged father of the Hellenic race. The motive of this artificial genealogy is to abstract the Hellenic tribes from their derivation from the stigmatic sons of Ham— the fallen Titans. By comparing the two perspectives of the 2280s and 2220s, we can conclude that the fifth tribe brought to Colchis in the earlier decade was a “tribe of Hellen,” named for this version of Nimrod at a time when he was functioning as a cooperative member of the Eanna regime— Utul-kalamma. We cannot invent a fifth Hellenic tribe out of thin air; but such a fifth tribe is actually given by Greek history. For a millennium or more between the 23 rd century and the Dorian invasion, scholars sketch a generalized sort of history of Greece with mute archaeology and the Minoans of Crete and the Mycenaeans of a city lying in Greece near Argos. Although the Mycenaeans cannot be identified with any of the four tribes, the Mycenaeans are regarded as pre-Hellenes speaking some form of Hellenic. The Minoans and Mycenaeans date in the 2nd millennium at about the same time as the Hittite Empire. The city of Mycenae was pronounced “Mukana” and is thought to have been pre- or non-Hellenic in origin. The archaelogical case for the Mycenaeans is counterpointed by widespread Hellenic reports of “Barbarian” (nonHellenic) inhabitants of Greece and the Aegean known “Pelasgians” and “Minyans.” I have already stated why I think that the “Pelasgians” might have been Finno-Ugrians like the Bulgars of Christian times. I reconcile the two theories by suggesting that the “fifth Hellenic tribe” whom Utul-kalamma brought to Colchis were ancestors of the Mycenaeans or “Mukana” to coin a term. In one of the reconstructive tables of Makers of Civilization, L. A. 195 Waddell gives Sargon and his successor Rimush the variant names Gann and Mu from a Sumerian source distinct from the one Kramer uses to translate the Sumerian Kinglist in the section on the Agade dynasty. In the context of Sargon’s Aegean war against the Olympians, these names suggest that the name “Mukana” adopted by the Hellenic “fifth tribe” (or at least its chief city Mycenae) may have been adopted to show loyalty to Sargon and/or his son and successor Rimush. In other words the “fifth tribe” was part of the Hellenic stock who sided with Sargon in 2244 when ancestors of the four classical tribes sided with his enemy Shem. When Sargon’s forces prevailed in the Aegean by 2222, the Hellenes aligned to Shem were driven to the Danube. The populations of the region for the next millennium were all descendents of tribes who had either sided with Sargon or remained neutral. The Minoans, for example, made their way from close association with the Luwians of Arzawa in Asia Minor to Crete in order to colonize that island after Sargon’s followers smashed the Teutonic “Haihayas” and others on the island. The Pelasgians descended from Ashkenaz, vassal of Sargon’s adherent GomerTriopus of the Heliadae. Finally the Mycenaeans appeared in Greece between 1600 and 1100 after migrating from the old colony at Colchis where Nimrod had settled them as Utul-kalamma forty years before becoming Sargon. One way to explain the Argonautic voyage is as an effort by Sargon’s followers to bring this loyal tribe down from Colchis into the Aegean sphere. However that effort cannot date earlier than the terminus a quo set by the withdrawal of Riphath, Arvad- and their father Noah from the scene of battle in the Aegean war to Colchis to act as hosts there. The Colchian race of Hul had been there since the 2280s but not the family of Aeetes-Noah. Their arrival could not have preceded a stage in the Aegean war in the 2220s. Consequently the “Mukana” were brought down from Colchis as settlers to replace the defeated peoples of Shem’s Olympian alliance. A fascinating feature of the Argonautica is that Jason’s return voyage does not merely re-cross the Black Sea from east to west but enters the Danube-Ister and covers a large part of southern Europe by this means. A map of the entire voyage in the Penguin edition makes the voyage look like an effort to colonize these parts of Europe with branches of the Centum Indo-European stock who cast their lot with Shem’s Olympian alliance and met defeat in the Aegean. Of course one wonders how much early postdiluvian value to give a story composed in the third century. The answer lies, of course, with what traditions Apollonius used to compose his story To discount the Argonautica because of its third century date is as illogical as discounting the early postdiluvian testimony of the Gundestrup Caldron because it was crafted by Celts around the time of Christ. If this return route is taken hypothetically as a genuine memorial of an event of the late 23rd century BCE, it certainly harmonizes well with the aftermath of the Aegean war ending in 2222. Particularly impressive is the way the extended voyage makes its way down the Illyrian coast of the Adriatic and up the Italic coast. We have repeatedly emphasized the striking parallel between the Saturnus-Picus-Faunus Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations genealogy of the Italics and the Zadrima-Puka-Fan sequence of the Albanian Illyrians. If I were to invent a colonizing route to represent the aftermath of the Aegean war, I could not do better than this. The Hellenes, Illyrians and Italics of Shem’s Olympian alliance met decisive defeat and had to be exiled somewhere to leave the Aegean in the hands of Sargon’s friends. The Hellenes, Illyrians and Italics eventually made their way to the Danube, Illyria and Italy. The Argonautic tradition, according to this map, suggests that “eventually” meant not long after 2222. The Ship of Argo is a mythological property and must be taken as a part-forthe- whole metaphor for a colonizing fleet. The Ship is sentient and has a will of its own as Rieu points out: “The divine ship even has a human voice and loudly expresses her anxiety to start. Once on the way nothing can daunt her, not even the loss of her ‘tail-feathers’ to the Clashing Rocks.” (14) Clearly this vocalizing Ship represents the colonial settlers as refugees from the Aegean war, distinct from the “Minyan” heroes who sail the ship for them. The Ship wills its way forward through the route depicted in the map: “Before her thrusting prow, the mighty River Phasis rolls in foam to either bank. And having conquered this Oriental stream, she turns her thoughts to Europeanrivers, sails up the Danube and down its non-existent branch, explores the Eridanus [Po] to its source, crosses the uncharted country of the Celts, samples extracts herself from the wilds of souther Germany, and sails triumphantly down the Rhone into the Mediterranean.” Standard critics will point out that these locations reflect Apollonius’ 3 rd century state of geographic knowledge. But that knowledge only clarifies 23 rd century fact. Rivers invariably serve as discrete landmarks in the colonizing processes of nd the 22 century. A ship could hardly sail up a non-existent branch of the Danube or extract itself from the wilds of southern Germany. A colonizing expedition symbolized by the Ship of Argo could enter or emerge from any part of Southern Europe within the scope of its capacity. The Argonautica gives every sign of being a fictional elaboration of a myth of colonization grounded in facts based on the aftermath of the Aegean war. A discrete analysis of this expedition can be deduced from the sequence of rivers that enter the picture. From that discrete sequence we can suggest an isochronic chronology based on the thirty years of the eleventh generation between 2218 and 2188. A tabulation and explanation: 197 Period: 2216-2212 River: Phasis (Rioni) 2212-2208 Ister (Danube) 2208-2204 Saus (Sava) 2204-2200 2200-2196 2196-2192 Adriatic Coast Eridanus (Po) Rhenus (Rhine) 2192-2188 Arar (Aar) Rhodanus (Rhone) Ancient Region: Colchis (western Georgia) Dacia (Wallacia-Romania) Pannonia (Serbia) (Croatia) Illyris (Croatia) Italia (Italy) Elvetia (Switzerland) Galliae Bonensis (Switzerland-France) Branch: East Slavs Hellenes South Slavs West Slavs Illyrians Italics Teutonic Alemanni Celts Rieu inserts numbers into his map indicating specific locations in Apollonius’ text. The first eight of these are located in Thessaly and the peninsulas extending into the Aegean from Khalkidhiki. The next three possess particular importance. The Argonauts stopped off at the islands of Lemnos, Thasos and Samothrace in that order. These three landings suggest that, in the six-year interval between the close of the war in 2222 and beginning of the Argonautic process in 2216, three divisions of the Slavic branch returned from continental Dardania to occupy these islands. These divisions took their identities from Apollo and his two sons. After stating that “Apollo’s history is a confusing one,” Graves notes that this sun god established a strong relationship to the Hyperboreans or “Beyond-the-North-Wind men” (Greek Myths 1, 80). One ancient authority identified the Hyperboreans with the British; but they were clearly the Balto-Slavs. The three islands marked in Rieu’s map all lie in the northern Aegean, Thasos just off the coast of Thrace. The classic river of the East Slavs is the Borysthenes-Dnieper of Ukraine. The voyage by-passes this river along with the entire north coast of the Black Sea. We can only assume that the East Slavs left Colchis in the hands of Hul’s Colchians and migrated to the Dnieper from there. The significance of the earlier settlement in Balkan Dardania lies in the way it anticipates the lands of South and West Slavs formed in Christian times. As Ptolemy shows, Dardania lies between Macedonia and Illyria but walled of from these lands by mountains. In effect those mountains foreshadow the way the Carpathians wall off Slavic Sarmatia from Southern Europe. On the other hand, South and West Slavs were destined in Christian times to migrate from Sarmatia into the general region of Yugoslavia formerly inhabited by Illyrians, whose remnant are the Albanians. The chief South Slavic people are the Serbs at Belgrade. The Croatians at Zagreb are West Slavs who migrated south from closer proximity to West Slavic Poles and Czechs. The rest of the table needs little explanation except to remember that the exiled Centum Aryans had not yet arrived from the “Arabian prison break” and had Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations yet to influence the ethnology of Europe. An illustration of this principle lies in Teutonic Germany. In fact Teutons and Celts appear to have been the chief Aryan members of the Aratta faction; and that is why their enemies pushed the away into Western and Northern Europe farthest from the centers of civilization in Mesopotamia and Egypt. In effect Celtic Europe is to Egypt what Teutonic Europe is to Semitic Mesopotamia. The tradition of the griffin armies shows that the chief enemies of the Aratta faction were Hamites and Semites. Celts and Teutons ranked among their foremost enemies just as medieval Christian Europe, made up largely of Teutons and Celts, has figured as the leading antagonist to the Muslim world of Baghdad and Cairo. Sagara’s claim to have nearly annihilated the Haihayas refers to his victory over a body of Teutons who had remained neutral in the eighth era but joined Shem in the tenth. Whether or not they were reduced substantially in numbers in the Aegean, they lacked the presence of their Teutonic brethren from Oman. The result is an observable difference between two sets of tribes in Ptolemy’s Germany. Of these tribes a substantial body of thirty have been identifiable as bearing early postdiluvian names.These are scattered throughout Germany but mainly in two sequences extending southward, one from Jutland and the other from the west bank of the Lower Vistula. The names suggest early postdiluvian identities specifically sequenced north to south rather than south to north, the implication being that they came to Germany by sea. Another body of ten tribes has remained indecipherable until now. These are all located between the Rhine on the west and a combination of the Weser and Ptolemy’s Arnobi Montes (Vogels Berg) on the east. In the context of the Aegean war and Argonautic aftermath, these ten tribes— all within the West Teutonic stock— represent all ten branches of Olympian alliance to which the Teutons belonged. The ten Rhenish tribes and their symbolic correlatives are as follows: German Tribe: Vispi Carithni Intuergi Vargones Nitriones Tagatri Longobardi Oqueni Sycambri Busactori Linking Rationale: Eremus Elvecior Corinth Inti (Apollo) Argos, Arctaunum En-entarzi of Lagash Tocharians “Long Beards” Ao-Kwang Umbrians Pyrshak (Khan) 199 Aryan Branch: Celts Illyrians Slavs Hellenes Teutons Tocharians Persians Hittites Italics Thraco-Phrygians I take the strange name “Eremus Elvecior” that Ptolemy applies to the Black Forest to allude to Elvetia, source of the traditional name “Helvetia” that the Swiss adopt to represent their national combination of French, German and Italian speakers. The blend of German with French is appropriate because the Vispi are the Germanic tribe oriented at the south to symbolize the Gallic Celts of Elvetia. The tribe name Carithni can be viewed as a metathesized version of Corinth according to some meaning of the name at the Greek Isthmus long before the city was built by the Hellenes. Corinth eventually lay at the southwest end if the Isthmus with Demeter’s Eleusis at the northeast end and Megara in the middle. We have identified Demeter and Eleusis with Illyrians of the Olympian alliance. The Intuergi pose another instance of the adoption of a German tribe name from a god of South America reflecting interplay between the Teutonic protoplast at Lagash and its founder Mahadevi-Maia, mother of the Amerindian stock. In this case the name suggests Andean Inti, sun god of the Incas and a version of both versions of Utu, Japheth and Obal, both closely linked to the origin of the Slavs, Japheth as Svarog and Obal as Apollo. In itself the tribe name Vargones suggests an origin of the name Argos; but reinforcement comes from the town Arctaunum, which Ptolemy locates in the territory of the Vargones or adjacent Nitriones. Hellenic tradition identifies Argos as Hera’s “birthplace” alternative to Samos. These two locations refer to two different dimensions of Hera’s presence in the Olympian alliance. Samos is the station of the Hellenic Aeolians and Ionians as a unit of the Olympian armed force. Argos marked a location proper to the Hellenes in a system of celebrative shrines to all ten of the Indo-Europeans established in ritual fashion in 2227, the year of victory. We will see in a moment how the German tribes in question memorialized that celebration of the ten tribes of Shem’s alliance. In context the Nitriones represent a Teutonic adaptation of the Sumerian name of En-entarzi of Lagash late in the 9th era just before the rise of Shem-Lugalzaggesi. These Teutons derived from Lagash where they had remained neutral in the eighth era. When Heth established his 9th era regime as Ur Nanshe at Lagash, the Teutons became part of his populace. The next three tribes all memorialize Indo-Europeans destined to inhabit lands east of Europe. In the celebration of 2227, these tribes had to be represented by surrogates. The Tagatri offer an alternative source of the name “Tocharian” including a dental as third consonantal element. The Longobardi are the same tribe who, as Lombards, invaded Italy in the 6th century of the Christian era. The epithet “Long Beards” suggests that this name was adopted to represent in absentia the Persian Pahlavas of the Sagara narrative. The Oqueni display a rare instance of a European tribe name derived from Chinese tradition, namely, Ao-Kwang, Canaan’s name as Ocean Dragon King. For contrast the German Kasvari represent Canaan’s name Kvasir in the Norse tradition of the AesirVanir war. The Kasvari associate in a north-south sequence with Ptolemy’s Chate— the Chatti-Hessians of Heth— and the Cheme representing Ham. These tribes sum up the Ham-Canaan-Heth tradition of Lagash in the 9th era when the Rhenish tribes were Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations still living at Lagash. The Chinese borrowing reflects the identification of Ur NansheHeth’s five sons with the Wu-Di emperors of China. The sequence ends at the north end with the Sycambri and Busactori. The Sycambri appears to be the same people known to Roman history as the Cymbri. That shorter form agrees with the Umbrian division if the Italic stock responsible for giving the name Umbria to Central Italy. The first two syllables of the odd name Busactori suggests Togarmah’s Uralo-Altaic name Pyrshak Khan, “Prince Pyrshak.” In the West Semitic community of the 2120s, the name gives rise to Togarmah’s name Birsha, king of Gomorrah named for his feudal lord Gomer. In the memorializing German system, the name represents the Thraco-Phrygian branch through its member Armenians, who correctly claim descent from Togarmah. If the remarkable Oman-Quadi sequence is any guide, the Vispi-Busactori sequence expresses an important feature of Teutonic history. Three of these German north-south or south-north sequences, making up a total of some forty tribes, result from a tradition acquired from their former life in Lagash in the First Kish order. The governor of Lagash is the First Kish order was Zemar-Hestia-Neith, daughter of the diluvian couple Noah and Mahadevi. She imparted to the Germans, not only the high sexual morality testified to by Tacitus, but a traditional emphasis on how the primary eight cities of Sumer were founded in a south north sequence in the sixth era. The Germans then adopted that concept of ritual sequencing of tribes as though their settlements were equivalent to the eight city states of Sumer when they, too, were little more than tribal settlements. The meaning of the Vispi-Busactori sequence arises from the proximity of the German Vispi to Celtic Helvetia on either side of the Eremus Elvecior or Black Forest. Celts stood at the core of the Cyclades in the lone victory of that part of the Olympian alliance over the Sargonic alliance in 2227. Their leader was ArtemisDiana, the Olympian version of Celtic-Sumerian Medb-Inanna, converted from a heaven goddess of the Anship to a moon goddess of her father Nanna-Arphaxad’s Nannaship. This great female leader of the early postdiluvian world followed up the victory of 2227 with a series of ritual celebrations all within that one year. Her inclination to work with formal, ritual structures is proved emphatically by her adoption of the mes in Inanna and God of Wisdom. The victory in the Cyclades can be labeled the “Battle of the Holy Island” in reference to the cult significance attached to the island of Delos, not just in Greek tradition but implicitly in the history of the Indo-European people. The notorious multi-breasted image of Artemis at Ephesus symbolizes the way this Olympian version of Inanna was regarded as a “mother of many nations” in the context of the Aegean war. Artemis’s chastity— so different from her image as immoral InannaIshtar in Mesopotamia— signifies the way her forces held off the Sargonic invaders in 2227. Her reputation as a huntress puts her in the same league with Nimrod-Sargon as 201 a capturer of followers. She evidently played a vital role in gathering up the IndoEuropeans in their original colonies in Sumer and persuading them to follow ShemLugalzaggesi-Zeus rather than Sargon-Nimrod. As Medb of the Medb panel, she met defeat at Aratta in the eighth era. But as Artemis “born” at Delos, she could claim a ritual victory in the “Battle of the Holy Island” ninety years later. As goddess of the moon, Artemis controlled the lunar time module of the month. Working within a geographic circle centering in what later became classical Greece, she conducted a series of ten monthly celebrations of each of the ten branches of the Olympian alliance at ten memorial shrine locations emphasized in Hellenic tradition. The German south-north sequence of tribes captures that sequence of localized celebrations, not so much in spatial as in chronological terms. In a tabulation of the celebrations, I supply the name of an Olympian, a shrine location in Greece, geographic coordinates of that location to indicate the distances that had to be covered according to the brief module of a month and the Indo-European branch celebrated as sharing in the victory of 2227: Olympian: Artemis Demeter Apollo Hera Zeus Poseidon Hermes Hephaestus Athene Dionysus Location: Dhilos Elevsis Delphi Argos Mount Lycaeum (quasi-Kiparissia) Aegae (in Euboea) (quasi-Kimi) Mount Killini Mount Olimbos (Kato Olimbos) Athinai Thivai Coordinates: 37.24N 25.16E 38.02N 23.32E 38.29N 22.30E 37.38N 22.44E Indo-European Branch: Celts (Medb) Illyrians Slavs (quasi-Dazhbog) Hellenes (Hera) 37.15N 21.40E Teutons (Thor) 38.38N 24.06E 37.55N 22.26E Tocharians Persians (Jemshid) 39.55N 22.28E 37.59N 23.44E 38.19N 23.19E Hittites (Tessub) Italics (Minerva) Thraco-Phrygians (Sabazius) To put this series of celebrations in perspective, we recognize that they were an attempt to give Indo-Europeans a unity comparable to that of Semitic Mesopotamia and Hamitic Egypt. The Bible refers to Mesopotamia as the “land of Nimrod,” an apt description of Sargon-Nimrod’s empire of the 23rd and 22nd centuries. It calls Egypt the “land of Ham.” Despite the origin of the Hamitic stock from Japheth and his continued role in its development, nothing ever changed the adoption of the stock by Ham through his son Mizraim, “Two Egypts.” In the context of those two enemy powers, Shem’s Indo-European stock made Europe the “land of Shem”— the generally unrecognized Shem who became Zeus of the Greeks, Jupiter of the Romans, Thor of the Teutons and Teutates of the Celts. The ancient pagans of Europe never Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations dreamed that this great god of theirs was a man born to Noah 98 years before the Flood— a man who gave his name to the “Semitic” stock created by Ham. Nor does the Hebrew Bible acknowledge in any way that Noah’s son Shem played such a role in the origins of Europe. That lack of biblical testimony is no different, in principle, from the failure of the Bible to name the Americas. In both cases the biblical limitation of specific scope has no bearing on divine inspiration. I understand Shem’s relationship to Europe because of the application of biblical logic to extra-biblical data no different from our common knowledge of the Americas. Inspiration and factual revelation are two entirely different principles despite their close logical interaction. It has been said that the Bible is not a “book of science.” That opinion is a half truth. It is a book of biblical science with vast logical implications for the rest of all knowledge as observed and experienced. The rituals instituted by Arphaxad’s daughter Inanna-Ishtar-Artemis-Medb to re-unify the Indo-European stock had the sanction of Shem-Zeus but lay outside the circle of Judaeo-Christian worship. The Apostle Paul rightly condemned the pagan worship of “Diana of the Ephesians.” However that pagan cult, as it existed in the first century of the Christian era, was far removed both in time and value from what was transpiring in Greece in 2227 BCE. The spiritual value of early postdilvian life and practice is a mystery as is the Christian view of which side to favor in the conflict between Shem and Nimrod. Personally when I read of the mes adopted by Inanna under the tutelage of Enki, I am awestricken by something “primitive, august and interesting” to use Mathhew Arnold’s words in reference to the ancient Celts. It appears to me that, without cultic phenomena such as this, the creation of a new world of humanity after the Flood would have been imposible. Mankind would have reverted to a savage, meaningless and valueless struggle for survival unworthy of Noah’s survival of the Flood. Therefore, I look with favor on nearly every formal arrangement which I can observe and deduce from the sources at my disposal. Conflict with the later pattern of Hebrew monotheism and ethical religion has no bearing on my sense of admiration. The issue does not concern how the family of Noah behaved but what they achieved, and that is a matter of existence itself. For better or for worse Nimrod’s Semitic Mesopotamia, Japheth and Ham’s Egypt and Shem’s Europe came into existence as more than an anonymous rabble of savages. For that outcome I am profoundly thankful. Olympian Domains and Theocratic Structure of Genesis 10:5 The celebrations of 2227 meant deifications according to the Olympian names or whatever forms these names took at that time. Deification was the first step in the systematic formation of nations according to a process revealed in Genesis 10:5. This 203 four-part statement is attached to the Javanite clan, Hebrew version of the Olympian zone of the earth from Cyprus westward: “From these [Javanites] the coastland peoples of the Gentiles were separated into their lands, everyone according to his language, according to their families, into their nations.” Each of these dimensions of nationhood corresponds to an office of the Noahic theocracy: deity, priesthood, kingship and governorship. These offices can be fully illustrated by the career of a single patriarch Sidon son of Canaan. His first pantheon name was Enki, “Lord of the Land” of Sumer. In this case deity corresponds to land domain, the first principle of theocracy. The association between deity and land arises from God’s name El Elyon in the human “elohim” Psalm 82. The most logical setting of that Psalm is the close of the first diluvian era in 2488 when the eight diluvian survivors completed their claims to the first eight domains. The name El Elyon signifies the God of heaven and earth, meaning the one in heaven who confers deity to the human masters of the earth. Deifications were required in 2227 because the Olympian sect were pioneering a new zone of the earth with scope for new domains. Priesthood correlates with language because of myths and rituals making use of language. The East Indian version of Sidon, Kasyapa, was known as a priest. In Sidon’s Sumerian realm he is the most likely patriarch to have created the earliest Sumerian literature, especially in mythological texts where Enki plays narrative roles as in Inanna and the God of Wisdom and the Myth of Adapa. The great wealth of Greek mythology suggests that Hellenic was chosen to be a priestly language among the Indo-European followers of Shem in the Aegean. Sidon’s presence as Poseidon among the Olympians gave him an opportunity to play the priestly role of historianmyth-maker as he had been among the Sumerians. The unusual intellect he shared with his father Kvasir-Canaan lent itself to being a linguist. Kingship corresponds to families because of its translation into dynasties. In the first postdiluvian period of kingship, First Kish, Sidon established the most extended genealogical sequence as Enmennuna father of Barsalnunna-Shelah, grandfather of Samug-Eber and great-grandfather of Tizkar-Joktan. Hallo extends this genealogy over six generations by beginning with Etana-Noah and his son BalihShem and interpreting Sidon-Enmenunna as Balih’s son as subsititute for Arphaxad I in keeping with the Inanna Succession. The subsequent Eanna dynasty saw two generations added to this sequence. It duplicates and features Shelah as Lugalbanda and Eber as Gilgamesh and adds Eber’s son Peleg as Ur-lugal and Peleg’s nominal son Reu-Nimrod as Utul-kalamma. The theocratic process reaches downward to the people in the phenomenon of nationhood below the level of empire operative in the first three stages. Nations require substantial populations in permanent locations. Once a people settles in such a location, they begin worshipping a god according to the myths and rituals provided by their priests in obedience to national kings and local governors. In order to arrive at a normative set of offices equivalent to Genesis 10:5, we can survey Sumerian diction Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations relating to this topic. Some Sumerian words relevant to this topic are dingir, god; en, priest, temple ruler or lord; lugal, king; ensi, local governor; sukkal, official secretary; and sukkalmah, vizier. The first four terms provide counterparts to the offices we conceive as correlative to biblical “land,” “language,” “families” and “nations.” Those four Hebrew words are the familiar ‫ארץ‬, aretz, for “earth” with the secondary meaning of a specific land; ‫לשנ‬, lashon, meaning “tongue” with secondary value for language; ‫משפחה‬, mishpachah, meaning a clan formed by individuals like the ones that appear as sets in Genesis 10; and the familiar ‫גוי‬, goy, for a nation or people. Those Hebrew terms are consistent with four dimensions of the nationbuilding process. The clans signified by the term mishpachah sometimes turn into explicit dynasties as in the case of Heth-Ur Nanshe’s dynasty or Japheth’s Egyptian Dynasty IV. The Canaanite clan of the First Kish period might not be considered a dynasty because they were all reigning locally and contemporaneously as governors of the eleven Indo-European branches. However every clan group in Genesis 10 had the capability to rule in succession as a dynasty. As it stands, therefore, the Sumerian dingir correlates the aretz or land; the priestly en with the lashon or language; the regal lugal with the mishpachah or clan; and the ensi or local governer with the localized goy or nation. All of the Olympic deifications that took place in 2227 in the Aegean West implied geographic domains distinct from the linguistic stocks, kingdoms and governorships that later inhabited them. Some of these domains lay distant from Greece and Europe. Once the ten domains were conceived end-to-end from Sinkiang to Ireland and Iceland, the Indo-European world possessed its geographic and theocratic definition. Everything that has occurred later has reflected that first order. The Christian Church is a “peculiar nation” existing independently of all these Gentile schemes; but those schemes remain an established reality to the end of the present age when Gentile mankind will take on a new character under the impact of apocalyptic revolution. The easternmost of the Indo-European domains was Issedon-Serica-Tocharia in the transition from Central Asia to China. Poseidon-Sidon gave his name to the Issedones and was the dingir proper to that part of the world. All of these domains exhibit plural structures of either two or three divisions. A dominant god takes on one or two companions. In this easternmost domain three such lords are implicit in the Issedones, Seres and Tocharians. Of these only the Tocharians are known to have been Indo-Europeans. The land of Serica is sometimes thought of as synonymous with China, having given us our word “silk,” a product of China. However, I recall an ancient report that the Seres were a red-haired people, hardly Chinese. Obviously the Olympians who celebrated victory in the West in 2227 could not have been in communication with anyone living in eastern Scythia. The same applies to the Persian Pahlavas and, no doubt, the Hittites as well. That is one reason why Hellenic mythology located Heth-Hades in an underworld remote from mundane observation. 205 East Indian tradition does the same thing in attributing to the great god VishnuAshkenaz a “third stride” invisible to men. In reality, the tradition of the “third stride” refers to Ashkenaz’ colonization of North America. But it was received in Indian tradition as an invisible abstraction as the Issedon domain must have been to the Olympians, who could only have constructed such a domain on the basis of hearsay sourced conceivably in the antediluvian world when the Indo-Europeans lived north of the Caspian Sea. The second domain from the east was Scythia, destined to be inhabited by a race of Scythians linguistically akin to the Iranian Pahlavas. A triad takes shape here by combining the Scythians with two sub-branches of the Iranian stock noted by Baugh, Aryan speakers of Avestan and the Pahlavo speakers of Old Persian. In early postdiluvian times the Persians were living in their unidentified valley of Parhasa and had not yet migrated southward to Persia proper— the old domain of the yellow matriarch Durga. If we could identify the valley of Parhasa, we could fill out the domain of Scythia-Iran as dominated in the abstract by the god Hermes, Ham, the Persian King Jemshid who had ruled Gutium-Iran— another of the earliest domains— in the First Kish order. Persian tradition identifies two other mythological kings of undoubted early postdiluvian antiquity: Ham’s son Canaan as Thraětaona or Feridun and Peleg as the tyrant Zohak. Although Canaan was a Titan Cronus rather than an Olympian, we have already brought him back from his role as the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Kwang to play a role at the head of the West Semitic Canaanite escapees in the Aegean war on Shem’s Olympian side. Consequently Canaan and Peleg figure as Ham’s two companions in dividing up three divisions of the Scythian-Iranian land domain. Note that this role did not keep Peleg, as Olympian Hephaestus, from playing another role in a triumvirate of rulers of the Thraco-Phrygian domain. Peleg’s repeated association with fire points to the fire-worshipping religion of Avestan Zoroaster, the prophet. Rameau’s noble opera Zoroaster (1756) makes this prophet a hero in Bactria as though confirm that the religion of fire-worship first belonged to the eastern, Avestan sphere rather than the Persian farther west. Consequently we can take Peleg, Olympian fire god Hephaestus, as Ham-Hermes’ companion-ruler of the Avestan Aryans. The Olympian triad of the Slavic race and Sarmatian domain is especially easy to identify. It is simply the Olympian sun god Apollo and his two sons, Orpheus, god of music and Asklepius, god of medicine. The name Apollo is a metathesized version of the Joktan name of Obal, Arabian sun god Hobal and Sumerian Utu son of Nanna. The Slavs are divided into three sub-branches: East Slavs, West Slavs and South Slavs. The name “Slav,” applied to the inhabitants of East Slavic Ukraine and Russia, originally took the classical form “Sklavoi” and thus contained the elements of the name Asklepios. The West and South Slavs are a bit harder to sort out. The match between the Slavs and the Apollo triad is made up of shaky individual elements but fits the overall scheme of the Indo-European stock. The name “Pole” is supposed Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations to be based on a native word for the flat land that makes up Poland. If so, I take it as a pun on what began as a version of “Apollo,” identifying the West Slavs with the leading god of the Slavic domain. The root of “Orpheus” suggests both the Slavic Sorbs near the Wends in the northwest and the one definitive South Slavic nation, the Serbs, in the southwest. Ptolemy’s Chart IX of Sarmatia fails to show a counterpart to the Sorbs but displays the Wends along the Baltic coast. All three of the Apollo triad appear in the Joktanite list with the sun god as Obal and his two sons placed for some thematic reasons at the head of the list. The Joktanite presence in Sarmatia is consistent with Joktan’s Japhethite identity as Meshech. It is strongly reinforced by a set of three tribes on the west bank of the Don-Tanais: the Ophlones for Obal, Osyli for his sister Uzal (Inanna-Artemis) and the Tanaitae (“Don River People”) for Joktan himself in a form abbreviated further from the Arabian version “Khitan.” The west bank of the Don represents the eastern limit of Sarmatia proper as distinct from Scythia to the east. In other words, the Don separates the second of our domains from the Slavic third. After the first three domains extend in a continuous east-west belt, the fourth drops south of the Black Sea to incorporate Heth’s existing domain of Hatti, the northwestern corner of the four cardinal domains created in the Eanna era. This domain of Hatti expands into another triad if we include the Luwians of Arzawa and linguistically related Minoans of Crete. The ethnology is clear enough but not the two companions of Heth to account for the Luwians and Minoans. In biblical tradition, Crete is completely under the domination of the Mizraim clan of the Caphtorim and Philistim. The Hamitic presence in Sargon’s Aegean army implies that the Mizraim clan represented the Sargonic alliance rather than the Olympian. So what are Luwians and Minoans doing in the context of a triad governed by the Olympian Heth-Hades? We have seen that the Olympian alliance suffered their worst defeat early in the war in 2331 in Crete. In that humiliation, Canaan’s two sons Sidon and Heth and the leader Shem-Jebus-Zeus were all present. At that moment they had to accept conditions to hold out for the best settlement of the Indo-European stock that they could get from the Sargonic victors. It makes sense that Heth-Hades agreed to withdraw to his domain of Hatti and take with him at least one member of the Mizraim clan who agreed to adopt an eccentric version of the Hittite form of IndoEuropean. In Hellenic mythology, Hades, like Dionysus is only a peripheral Olympian. Zimmerman includes Hades as a doubtful member of the sect. The implication is that Heth adopted a neutral position following the defeat in 2331 and took on as two subordinates two members of the Mizraim clan as heads of the Minoans in Crete and Luwians in Asia Minor. In fact four members of the Mizraim clan were involved in the Cretan settlement: Caphtorim, Philistim, Lubim (or Lehabim) and Casluhim (or Masluhim). The Caphtorim remained in Crete to become the historically visible Minoans. The 207 Philistim also remained there but attached themselves to the West Semitic Canaanite clan and then migrated from Crete to coastal Philistia in the time of Saul and David. Heth brought off two more members of the clan to take command of the southwestern Arzawa and northeastern Colchis. Those two members were Lehab-Noah and Masluh-Japheth, the two eldest members of the clan. In a later context of history, when the Amerindians completed their part of the “Arabian prison break” by 2181, these two members of the clan accounted for the Libyan and Massylian races of North Africa and were remembered by the Amerindian Algonquians as Glooskap and Maslum (or Malsumis). After 2231 Noah made his way to Colchis to play his role as Aeetes of the Argonautica. The goal was to establish a southwest-northeast Olympian axis to match the one that Sargon was creating from southeast to northwest with his documented Purushkhanda campaign. The two axes crossed in Hatti. If Noah-Aeetes reached Colchis as early as 2231 or 2230, the chronology of the subsequent war requires that his son Absyrtus-Riphath did not reach Colchis until later. The cooperation between Noah-Lehab and Japheth-Masluh meant that Japheth settled Noah’s followers in Arzawa to become the Luwians of Hittite times; and Noah planted Japheth’s name “Casluh-“ in Colchis together with some corresponding people to complement the people of Hul-Khaldi who had already settled there in the Eanna period. The domain of Hatti necessarily excluded Colchis as a domain established separately under HulKhaldi. So the new, quasi-Indo-European domain of Olympian Hades added to the older domain of Hatti the subordinate lands of Luwian Arzawa and Minoan Crete. The fifth domain of the Olympian alliance consisted of the dominant ThracoPhrygians in Phrygia, Thrace and Macedonia. The Olympian overlord in this case was Shem’s second heir Shelah as the Olympian war god Ares. Each of three lands (if not Thraco-Phrygian Armenia) was attached to a subordinate. We might ask, in terms of Genesis 10:5, what sorts of subordinates these and others throughout the system were— dingir “gods,” en “priests,” lugal “kings” or ensi “governors.” We can argue against their being “gods” be assuming that the Thraco-Phrygian lands were conceived as a single unit requiring just one Olympian god Ares-Shelah. On the other hand, unless Peleg is identified as the Olympian god Hephaestus in the Phrygian part of this scheme, we have not identified any other land in which he could have established his identity as an Olympian. The location at Lemnos places his followers there at some moment in the war but hardly identifies that island as a land domain without its extension eastward into Phrygia. One way to solve this problem of subordinate “deity” is to assume that Phrygia became Peleg’s land domain relative to the Lemnos station but took on a lesser value relative to the overlord Ares. In regard to mythological attributes, Hephaestus was a blacksmith-armorer and therefore subordinate to the warrior god Ares. In addition we are faced with the familiar myth of Hephaestus’s cuckoldry owing his wife Aphrodite’s adultery with Ares. Whatever the possibility of a prior physical union between Peleg-Hephaestus and Aphrodite-Arvad, the myth suggests a Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations political outcome within the Aegean war context. By supplanting Peleg as Arvad’s “lover,” Shelah-Ares became Peleg’s political superior. Another dimension of this arrangement is that Peleg and Shelah were destined to become enemies in a battle fought after the Centum Aryans completed their “Arabian prison break” before 2178, the year Peleg died prematurely. At that time, in the twelfth postdiluvian era, Peleg joined with Shem, Arphaxad I and Joktan to form the “Gallic tetrad” at the head of another anti-Akkadian alliance. This tertrad included Shem and his first and fourth heirs as well as two of his vassals, Peleg as LudCernunnus and Joktan as Aram-Esus. By this time Shelah had become an enemy by enforcing his political identity as Shem’s vassal Arphaxad II as replacement for Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I. That replacement in Genesis 10:22 owes something to the fact that Arphaxad I never became an Olympian but was replaced as lunar deity by his daughter Inanna-Artemis owing to her success as a “mighty huntress” in recruiting Indo-European followers in Mesopotamia for Shem’s Olympian alliance. A dynastic struggle between Shem’s first heir Arphaxad I and his second heir Shelah as Arphaxad II complicates the political history of the Noahic elite in the Akkadian period. For some reason Arphaxad I failed to become either an Olympian or a vassal of his father Shem in 10:22. A strong clue to this complication is that Arphaxad I does appear at the head of the Italic tradition as Saturnus (Joktanite Hadoram) and may have held the same position among the Illyrians in the context of the matching Zadrima-Puka-Fan sequence. This complication comes to focus in the way that the Romans identified their Saturnus with Hellenic Cronus— a false match but a politically significant one. A logical explanation arises at this point. Hellenic Cronus is not Arphaxad I but Canaan, head of the West Semitic Canaanites who arrived in the Aegean from their “Arabian prison break” at some undetermined time. At their arrival, these ancestors of the Palestinian Canaanites could have joined either the Sargonic alliance or the Olympians of Shem. We have already determined that they joined the Olympians but at what price? The GrecoRoman juxtaposition of Cronus and Saturnus gives us the answer. In order to obtain Canaan’s agreement not to join the Sargonic alliance, Shem demoted his son Arphaxad both from the Olympian alliance and from membership in the set of five vassals in 10:22. The contour of the Olympian pantheon rigorously supports this explanation. If the demotion of Arphaxad I had not occurred, he would have become an Olympian moon god equivalent to his Mesopotamian cult identity as Nanna. His daughter Inanna would have entered the pantheon as a war goddess equivalent to her Celtic identity as Medb. Even as the moon goddess Artemis, she remains a “mighty huntress” retaining a share of the Ninurtaship of hunting, strength and war. Nevertheless Shem agreed to make her into lunar Artemis by expelling her father 209 Arphaxad from the Olympian version of the Nannaship. Then, after Inanna abandoned her primary identity as the Olympian deity of war, Shem simultaneously raised his second heir Shelah (Inanna’s son by Sidon) both to the Olympian version of the Ninurtaship as the war god Ares and to the status of his third vassal Arphaxad II in 10:22. This arrangement resulted in the final step in the exaltation of Canaan’s progeny according to the Inanna Succession. Shem’s son and natural first heir Arphaxad dropped implicitly out of 10:22 to make way for Sidon’s son Shelah as Arphaxad II. Simultaneously Arphaxad gave up his traditional character s the world’s chief representative of the Nannaship— Abraham’s cult of El Shaddai. In fact this decision by Shem possibly did more to paganize the early postdiluvian world than any other single event since Canaan’s usurpation of the Anship of Noah in 2359. In effect it alienated and paganized the cult of Nanna, removing the capacity of that name to represent El Shaddai. The subordinates throughout the system of domains conformed to namlugal or kingship correlative to the mishpachah or family of Genesis 10:5. In fact the dingir and lugal principles are complementary in the same way as the principles of the cognate en and ensi, priest and local governor. These relationships follow logically from the way gods and kings dominate lands and realms just as priests depend on localized temples and governors on local cities. As subordinates to the ThracoPhrygian god Ares-Shelah, Peleg became the first king of the Phrygians just as he had acted as governor of the Thraco-Phrygians at Kish in the First Kish order. Likewise Riphath became the first king of the Thracians even though the Thracians remembered him as their god Sabazius. At this point it is useful to plot out all ten domains of the Olympian system in a cartographic diagram before commenting on the strictly European domains: 1) Issedon-Serica; 2) Scythia; 3) Sarmatia; 4) Anatolia; 5) Macedon-ThracePhrygia; 6) Hellenic Aegean-Danube; 7) Illyria; 8) Italy; 9) Germany; 10) Gallia Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Design of a European-Anatolian Empire 2218-2178 The Hellenic domain was divided into two parts both south and north of the Thraco-Phrygian domain and approachable at both ends by passing through the Hellespont and Bosporus from one sea to another. If we can discover why this division took place, we can shed light on the whole of Centum Aryan Europe. We have already suggested that the classic Hellenic tribes were lived in the northern Danubean zone for a millennium while the Aegean and Greece were inhabited by Minoans, Pelasgians, Minyans and Mycenaeans. Not yet established is how this arrangement was worked out politically by the Olympian sect. The Hellenes differed from all other Indo-Europeans in their close identification with the sons of Ham, a tetrad stigmatized in their own mythology as the fallen Titans. Despite the way these four sons were sanitized by being renamed according to the four tribal eponyms, the relationship remained so clear that Hellenic origins cannot be understood apart from it. The obvious difficulty with defining the Hellenic domain is that the heirs of the Aegean for a thousand years were an apparently random accumulation of unrelated or unidentified peoples of the sort that cannot be understood in early postdiluvian terms. Whatever system was imposed on the Aegean and Greece by 2200 has either disappeared from historical view or lies buried under the seemingly random set of Minoans, Pelasgians, Minyans and Mycenaeans. A decisive solution to this problem lies with the remainder of the Mizraim clan in the Aegean and Greece as complements to the Minoans and Philistines in Crete and Luwians and Colchians on either side of Anatolia. The crux of this arrangement is that Hera, the Olympian who headed the Hellenic stock, doubles as one of the Mizraim, Naphtuh-, Nephthys of the Great Ennead. This ubiquitous daughter of Noah and Uma (full sister to Shem, Japheth and Ashkenaz) recurs as Anath of Ugarit, Hamath- of the Canaanite clan and Saraswati of the East Indians. The Naphtuhim should occur somewhere among the peoples known to have inhabited the Aegean and Greece over the millennium prior to the Dorian invasion. In two cases we have seen that the Mizraim tribes formed pairs, Caphtorim-Minoans and Philistines in Crete and Luwians and Colchians on the Asian continent. We can look for the remaining four Mizraim tribes in analogous pairs. In fact the remaining four form pairs within the list itself— Zudim and Anamim at the head of the list and the Naphtuhim and Pathrusim in sequence. The Lehabim are separated from the Casluhim by the pair just named as though to acknowledge the geographic separation of the Luwians in Arzawa-Caria from the Colchians at the opposite end of an axis centering in Hatti. 211 In order to conform to her place in the Olympian scheme, Hera-Nephthys created a body of Naphtuhim speaking some variety of Hellenic but distinct from the four Hellenic tribes at the Danube. This body of Hellenic Naphtuhim must be identified as one among the Minyae, Pelasgians or Mycenae. A strong clue is that Hera-Nephthys was a full, postdiluvian sister to Ashkenaz, whom we have tentatively identified as the eponym “Pelasgus” son of Noah-Inachus, the traditional “first man” of Hellenic tradition. The identification of Naphtuhim as Pelasgians gains strength from a published theory that the Pelasgians are the same people as the Vlachs or Wallachs. The best known version of these people inhabit Wallachia— southern Romania around the capital Bucharest. However Vlachs also inhabit the Thracian part of modern Greece as illustrated by a fine 1930 National Geographic photo of a Vlach weaving woman at Xanthi. In Thrace this version of the Naphtuhim complements Thracian Pathrusim in that Riphath-Sabazius of ancient Thrace appears in the Mizraim clan under the name Pathrus-. Thus the Naphtuh-Pathrus pair of the Mizraim system are the Pelasgian and Thracian complement to the other two pairs, leaving only the Zudim (or Ludim) and Anamim to be placed in the Aegean context. This pair possesses an exotic identity based on the feudal lord Mizraim’s racial character as Ham’s yellow son and patriarch of the exotic Altaic Japanese. Zud- and Anam- are the Japanese siblings Susanowo and Amaterasu, children of Izanagi, a version of ubiquitous Sidon bearing a Japanese name cognate with his Egyptian pharaonic name Sanakhte. As a storm god and sun goddess respectively, Susanowo and Amaterasu symbolize the interplay between Indo-Europeans of the Ishkurship and Hamites of the Utuship essential to our reconstruction of the Aegean war with Shem’s Indo-Europeans on one side and three divisions of the Hamites serving the Sargonic alliance on the other. Zud-Susanowo accounts for one of two remaining pre-Hellenic peoples of the Aegean. His sister Anam-Amaterasu accounts for the other. There are two reasons for identifying Anam-Amaterasu with the Minyan vogagers of the Ship of Argo. The Egyptian pantheon name for Ham’s son Mizraim is Min. As a close representative of the Hamitic Utuship, Amaterasu bore a closer political relationship to Mizraim than her brother and logically gave her father’s name Min to the Minyae. Another consideration is that Hamitic-speakers followed the command of Japheth’s family in Genesis 10:2 both in the Uruk-Aratta and Aegean conflicts. The latter part of Amaterasu’s name suggests the seventh Japhethite Tiras, the Hellenic eponym of the Tyrsenians of Phrygia and then of the isolate Rasena or Etruscans of Italy. As a female, Amaterasu might well have married Tiras and given birth to a family that became Tyrsenian-Etruscans. Process of elimination identifies Zud-Susanowo with the the Mycenaeans, whose firmer Hellenic-speaking credentials than Pelasgians and Minyans is consistent with his storm attribute, which always connotes an Indo-European identity. If our etymological explanation of the city name Mukana is correct in identifying the name both with Rimush-Mu and Sargon-Ganni, Zud-Susanowo was at pains to confirm that Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations he established the Mycenaean people in the name of the victorious Sargonic alliance rather than the defeated Olympians despite this people’s clear Indo-European linguistic type. Thus the Mycenaeans and Minyans formed a pair at the head of the victorious Sargonic arrangement of the pre-Hellenic Aegean world. The four pairs of Mizraim tribes that made up that world are as follows: Zudim (Susanowo) Anamim (Amaterasu) Lehabim (Noah) Naphtuhim (Hera) Pathrusim (Riphath) Casluhim (Japheth) Philistim (Beli the Great) Caphtorim (Dôn) Mycenaeans Minyans Luwians Pelasgians (Vlachs) Thracians Colchians Philistines Minoans Despite the Colchian’s distance from the Aegean, at the east end of the Black Sea, the Argonautic tradition associates them narratively with the Minyans. The classic Hellenes inherited that tradition from the Sargonic world of the Mizraim clan because, after all, the Hellenes named one of their classic tribes, Achaeans, after AkaMizraim. Before leaving the Akkadian period of the Aegean war and Argonautic voyage, we should consider another feature of Hellenic mythology. This is the analogy between the fate of Medea in the Argonautic tradition and that of Ariadne in the tradition of Theseus in Crete. In both cases a Hellenic hero gains the assistance of a king’s daughter in escaping death from a fabulous monster, carries the female away and then abandons her. This analogy has no doubt been studied by conventional scholars. Medea, the female of the Argonautic tradition, is a full-fledged member of the Noahic elite, a black daughter of Noah identified variously Arvad-, Parvati and Olympian Aphrodite. The analogous female, Ariadne, possesses an identity dependent on that of her father, King Minos of Crete. Waddell is convinced that Minos is the Akkadian Manishtushu. A more valid case can be made for Min-Mizraim, especially because Ham’s yellow son bears a Welsh name Mynogan, combining “Min” with his Hellenic name “Oceanus,” the Ocean Titan. Mizraim gained that identity in part from his character as one of the Ocean Dragon Kings from the Arabian system as recalled by the Sino-Tibetans— Ao-Jun. If Minos equates with Min-Mizraim, Ariadne is identifiable with his daughter and vassal Dôn-Caphtor. Such an equation puts Caphtor in the same class with Medea-Isis, a figure whom I have formerly attempted (and failed) to identify with Caphtor. The reason for the attempt is that Isis belongs to the same generation of the Great Ennead as Nephthys, who does appear in the Mizraim list as Naphtuh. The narrative analogy between Ariadne and Medea is strengthened by the way that Crete 213 extends the northeast-southwest axis starting in Medea’s Colchis and passing through Luwian Arzawa. The Luwian language has shown a relationship to the otherwise isolate Minoan of Crete. What then is to be made of the narrative analogy between Ariadne and Medea? The answer lies in part with the males who abandon them— the Athenian hero Theseus and Minyan Jason of Achaea. Another factor is the geographic location where the two females are abandoned, in Ariadne’s case Naxos of the Cyclades. In Apollonius’ story our analogy is great enough to enter Jason’s mind as he attempts to persuade Medea to assist him: “Remember Ariadne, young Ariadne, daughter of Minos and Pasiphae, who was a daughter of the Sun. She did not scruple to befriend Theseus and save him in his hour of trial; and then, when Minos had relented, she left her home and sailed away with him” (The Voyage of the Argo, 135). By identifying Ariadne’s mother as a “daughter of the Sun,” Jason confirms the identification of Crete with the Hamitic victors of the Sargonic alliance especially at Crete where that alliance crushed and nearly annihilated Shem’s followers the “Haihayas” of the Indian narrative. Significantly Jason fails to remind Medea of the way Ariadne was abandoned on Naxos but skips that detail to affirm the way Dionysus placed her in the night sky as the constellation of Corona Borealis. The hero is destined to repeat Theseus’ perfidy in abandoning Medea in the same manner. No matter what Apollonius’ source for this passage, he himself is aware of the analogy and exploits it in his story. The abandonment of Medea takes a different form from that of Ariadne because Medea’s father Aeetes responds to Jason differently from Minos’ response to Theseus. In Crete Minos becomes reconciled to Theseus and lets him go with Ariadne. In Colchis Aeetes rages against fugitive Jason and sends against him a war fleet under the command of his son Absyrtus. Under Absyrtus’ threat, Jason agrees with him to abandon Medea to avoid a battle. In an attempt to save her relationship to Jason, Medea conspires with him to ambush and assassinate her brother Absyrtus. After a long voyage through Europe and two threats to abandon Medea, Jason and she are finally married in the realm of Alcinous, king of the Phaeacians on an island not far from Argos. Apollonius’ story ends before the jilting of Medea in Jason’s homeland. That jilting is the theme of Euripides’play Medea dating from the fifth century, two centuries before Apollonius’s time. Stripped to essentials, the two myths affim that Mizraim (Minos) and his vassal Lehab-Noah (Aeetes) lost their daughters to a pair of Greek heroes assumed to be enemies. The rest of the meaning depends on a rigorous identification of Theseus and Jason. Assuming that Theseus is a genuine early postdiluvian, I have tentatively identified him— on the basis of name alone— with Celtic Esus (the hero Cuchullain), a version of Joktan-Aram known to the Teutons as Odin. As one of the Gallic tetrad, Joktan joined with Shem, Arphaxad I and Peleg to revive the “Old Cause” of the Shem-Noah faction in the eleventh and twelfth eras. We have dated the Argonautic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations voyage over the span of the eleventh down to 2188. The identity of Theseus with Joktan-Esus will not mean much until Jason is identified and the purpose of their dealings with Minos-Mizraim and Aeetes-Noah is determined. That chronological location of the Argonautic voyage puts pressure on our concept of the identity of Jason and the correlative timing of the legend of Theseus in Crete. The rise of Sargon in 2244 meant that the Noahic elite lost their Mesopotamian homeland. Throughout the eleventh era they engaged in a variety of activities throughout the eleventh era: the Amorite dynasty at Tidnum, the Arabian war against Manishtushu, the Altaic colonization under Ashkenaz and the Uralic colonization under the seven primary Japhethites. All of this activity contemporaneous with the Argonautic Voyage explains why none of the members of the voyage are either Olympians or other well known Hellenic figures except for a peripheral presentation of Herakles-Shem. The explanation of “Jason” is that he joins a variety of other Hellenic names referring to Sargon-Nimrod but now in a new role proper to the eleventh era beginning when Rimush succeeded him at Agade in 2218. This stage of Nimrod’s career accounts for the uncanny phenemonon of the “Iazyges Metanastae” in Ptolemy’s chart of the Danube region. The Phenomenon of Iazyges Metanastae Nimrod’s Amorite name Iangi was one of a large cluster of names all cognate with his remarkable name Ansigaria in the Sumerian text Enmerkar and Ensuhgirana: An si garia San g a r i (us) Sa k a r ya Sa g ar a Ian g i Ion A g a r (us) Ia zy g (es) Ia s (on) chancellor of the Lord of Aratta (Peleg) river at northwest end of the Purushkhanda expedition Turkish version of the River Sangarius East Indian version of Emperor Sargon (Nimrod) third king of the Amorites eponym of the Ionians, Nimrod as son of XuthusCush river flowing west into the Sea of Azov in Ptolemy tribe on the River Agarus in Ptolemy leader of the Argonautic Voyage The Iazyges are a tribe of some note. They gave their name to the city of Iasi (Jassy) on a tributary of the River Prut in the Moldavian region of northwestern Romania. The name recurs a third time in Ptolemy’s regional title “Iazyges Metanastae” describing the heart of Hungary between the Danube and Tisza (Theiss). 215 These three locations of the Iazyges will give us an expanded sense of how Nimrod’s presence was extended to encompass the “Danube Valley Indo-Europeans.” The Iazyges spoke Satem Aryan of the Iranian-Scythian type. Their three locations east to west can be pinpointed by Melitopol on a stream flowing into the northwest shore of the Sea of Azov as well as Iasi and then by a search of Hungary to bring focus to Ptolemy’s “Iazyges Metanastae.” Ptolemy shows eight towns in that region. We can hardly expect them to reappear as Hungarian towns if only because the Magyars had not yet migrated to Hungary in Ptolemy’s time. The region is labeled Kiskunsag in modern Hungary. Kiskunfelegyhaza lies at 46.33 N 19.51 E; Iasi at 47.10 N 27.33 E; and Melitopol at 46.50 N 35.22 E. This longitudinal line can be labeled the “Iazyges belt” and considered an index of Nimrod’s ethnic presence in this part of the world. The eight towns of Ptolemy’s Iazyges Metanastae draw attention to themselves. They are objectively eight in number running from Partiscum in the southeast to Uscenum in the northeast at the foothills of the Carpathians. The Danube and Tisza form a counterpart to the Euphrates and Tigris. Two of the towns, Parca and Trissum interrupt the southeast-northwest flow as a pair located west-to-east just as Umma and Lagash do and in the same relative position north of three cities analogous to the First Kish “Serpent of Sumer” consisting of Eridu, Ur and Uruk. Abrieta corresponds to Nippur; Gormanum, to Kish; and Uscenum, to Sippar. The analogous pattern is as follows: Partiscum Pessium Candanum Parca Trissum Abrieta Gormanum Uscenum Eridu Ur Uruk Umma Lagash Nippur Kish Sippar The analogy is so strong that the town of Iazyges Metanastae could be used as a pedagogical device to single out the eight primary colony-city states of Sumer. We can add that of all the modern languages, Hungarian comes closest to match ancient Sumerian. We concede that the inhabitants of the region in Ptolemy’s time were not yet Hungarians; but a tradition concerning these towns may have acted as a magnet to draw the Magyars to Hungary. Merely to identify the Iazyges with one of Nimrod’s names does not tell us much about who they were. Because of Nimrod’s explicit association with the cities of Sumer in Genesis 10:10, the remarkable pattern of Iazyges Metanastae reinforces our belief that the tribe does, in fact, derive its name from Nimrod. If we take the Iazyges north the Danube as a political complement to the Mysians along its south Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations bank, these representations of Sargon and Rimush form a dyad without comparable representation by the third and fourth emperors. That circumstance derives its meaning from Waddell’s theme that the Indian version of Manishtushu, Asa-Manja, rebelled against his father Sagara. Waddell believes that that rebellion took the form of Manishtushu’s seizing Egypt prematurely. Waddell’s Indian narrative of the rebellion of Asa-Manja reads as follows: “Asa-Manja— son of Sagara by his queen Keshini— the prince through whom the dynasty continued, was from his youth of very wayward conduct. His father hoped that as he grew up to manhood he would reform; but finding that he continued addicted to the same habit Sagara abandoned him. The sixty thousand fed troops of [Sagara] followed the example of their ‘brother’ Asa-Manja. The path of virtue and piety was obscured in the world by the ‘sons’ of Sagara” (Makers of Civilization, 259). The words “Sagara abandoned him” may carry a meaning more extensive than Waddell intends. Although the “dynasty” named in the passage continued down the Indian king lists without a break, Sargon’s abandonment of Asa-Manja explains circumstances we have noted— Nimrod’s sudden appearance as Iangi the third king of the Amorites even while Rimush was still reigning and the dyad formed by the Iazyges of Nimrod and Mysians of Rimush. In other words, Nimrod abandoned his own Akkadian Empire, leaving it to Shem’s sixth and seventh heirs, the “wayward” Serug-Manishtushu and bloodthirsty Nahor-Naram Sin. As speakers of the Scythian-Iranian language, the Iazyges suggest a sect within the Satem Aryan world sympathetic to Nimrod-Sargon but not to Shem’s sixth and seventh heirs. They have carved out a name from the first half of the full “Ianzigaria” in contrast to the Satem Aryan Indians who took their name for NimrodSargon— Sagara— from the latter part of the full name. The sect represented by the Iazyges and Mysians may explain the distinction between the Scythians north of the Black Sea and Caspian and kindred Iranians to the southeast and south of these bodies of water. The Scythian tradition in Herodotus reports that this race regarded themselves as the youngest of all peoples. The tradition conceivably derives from their formation as a separate people during the reign of Rimush at Agade. Scythians, for example, found no place in the First Kish order; and Rimush reigned a full century after the Eanna epoch. Hellenic tradition derives the Scythians from Herakles, the heroic version of Shem and acknowledged counterpart to Thor. One tradition gives Herakles the sons Agathyrsus (Gether), Scythes and Gelonus. If Gelonus is identifiable with Shem’s son Hul, Scythes could either represent the red son Uz or white son Mash. This tradition may seem peripheral but is important in view of Shem’s Indian identity as Brahma, creator of the Indo-European stock. The Satem Aryans are the original core of the 217 Indo-European stock as distinct from the Centum Aryans descended from Ham and Uma. A one-on-one association exists between the sons of Shem in Genesis 10:23 and foundational divisions of the Satem Aryan race. The main divisions of the stock are fourfold: Indians, Iranians, Scythians and Balto-Slavs. To clarify the relationship between the Iazyges and Nimrod, we need to deal systematically with the Satem Aryans. Whatever the association between the Satem group and Shem’s sons, a case can be made that seven branches of the Satem Aryans correspond to seven heirs of Shem from Arphaxad I through Nahor. In fact that group can be expanded to eight by adding the quasi-heir Sidon and viewing the Issedones as a complement to the Scythians: Sidon Arphaxad I Shelah Eber Peleg Reu (Nimrod) Serug Nahor Issedones Slavs Balts Avestan Iranians Persian Iranians Scythians Round-headed Indians Long-headed Indians Arphaxad authored the Slavs through his direct male-line grandson ShelephAsklepios, son of Obal-Apollo. The Baltic relationship to Shelah emerges from the pantheon of the Borusci (Prussians) where Shelah appears under his Joktanite name Diklah as Tukla, the god of good fortune. Eber’s identification with the Avestan core of the Iranian stock derives from the close association between Eber’s nominal land of Elam and the original colony of Iranians in Gutium. The Persian offshoot of the Iranians knew Peleg as their tyrannical first king Zohak. The case for identifying the Scythians with Nimrod has been built around the Iazyges. Anthropologists have identified two different racial strains among the Aryans of India. A round-headed group is believed to have been the one that inhabited Phoenicia longer than the longheaded strain. The Indian king lists testify to a diehard relationship between the Indians and the Akkadian empire as carried forward by Manishtushu-Asa-ManjaSerug and and Naram Sin-Karemba-Nahor. In 2308 the Satem Aryans all remained loyal to the Mesopotamian regime at Uruk and none were ever exiled to Arabia. In 2244, however, the presence of the name “Pahlava” in the list of Sagara’s enemies means that these Persians followed Peleg in joining the Olympian alliance against Nimrod. As Sargon-Nimrod’s personal division of the stock, the Scythians naturally remained loyal to him as did the Indians. By the year 2218, the Satem Aryans of Shem’s first four heirs had chosen allegiance to him rather than Sargon. The three divisions of Shem’s last three heirs joined Sargon as representatives of the three chief Akkadian emperors. The bitter conflict between Shem and Nimrod resulted in a schism between the upper part of Shem’s Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations heirs and the lower part. After 2218, this schism reached a new pitch when Sargon himself abandoned the last two heirs. The isolation of these two became the family heritage of Terah and Abram while they inhabited Nahor’s favorite cult city of Ur. Most of the Noahic elite were now their enemies despite the standing army of 60,000 men that kept Manishtushu and Nahor in power. Sargon himself now rejected his Akkadian successors, and he and his Scythian stock struck out on their own. The Iazyges committed themselves to memorialize the first eight cities of Nimrod’s Sumer just as Lugalannemundu-Peleg had memorialized the first eight domains of the postdiluvian world. This breakdown of the Satem Aryans can be brought to bear on the eight towns of Iazyges Metanastae on the assumption that, at one time, the eight Satem Aryan divisions inhabited the eight primary city states of Sumer and possessed their own names for them apart from Sumerian tradition. Despite the obvious Latinized form of the town names, they can be interpreted as a Scythian memorial of the eight Sumerian cities as part of the Satem Aryan heritage. A pattern of associations among the towns between the Danube and Tisza, the eight Sumerian cities and eight divisions of the Satem Aryan stock can be outlined as follows: Iazyg Town: Uscenum Gormanum Abrieta Trissum Parca Candanum Pessium Partiscum Sumerian City: Sippar Kish Nippur Lagash Umma Uruk Ur Eridu Satem Division: Scythians Persians Indians of Shiva Avestans Balts Slavs Indians of Daksha Issedones Rationale: Uz-Scythes Peleg-Zohak and Gaur-Gether Scythian earth goddess Api Gurmu-Jemshid goddess of fate Svarog-Japheth Nanna-Arphaxad I Enki-Sidon of Eridu The names of the two northernmost cities suggest Shem’s two sons Uz and Gaur-Gether, the latter being the first ruler of postdiluvian history according to the Sumerian Kinglist. Shem himself founded Kish and saw his brother Ham fail at founding Babel; so it fell to Shem to help establish Sippar to complete the sequence of cities in the north. The name Uscenum suggests that he assigned Sippar to Uz together with his grandson Utu-Obal as that city’s pantheon deity. The complete form Gormanum for Gaur may account for the Iranian region of Carmania lying immediately to the northeast of Persia in the Persian Empire. In this sense Carmania duplicates the value of Gedrosia, farther east, in representing the name Gether more transparently. 219 Herodotus, in his paragraph on the Scythian pantheon, reports that an earth goddess named Api was reckoned the wife of Papaeus, the Scythian version of Zeus. Api figures as Kali, paired with Zeus Shem in giving birth to Hul, a third son of Shem after Uz and Gether. Thus the three northernmost of the original Sumerian eight conform to Shem’s claim to the domain of Akkad in the north of Sumer. Context identifies Abrieta with Api-Kali no matter what Latin etymology might be suggested for the town in pre-Magyar Hungary. I make nothing of the town named Trissum unless it embodies the Latin for “three” and alludes to some combination of the foundational names at Lagash such as the founder Mahadevi (Hungarian Nagyboldogasszony), her daughter Zemar-Hestia, the city’s First Kish governor, and her full brother Ham as Lagashite Gurmu. Herodotus’ paragraph reports that Hestia, named Tabiti, was the dominant deity of the entire Scythian pantheon, outranking even Papaeus and Api. The Satem Aryans at Lagash were the original core of the Iranian stock from the colony at Gutium. At the Eanna epoch in 2308, all of the world’s stocks split into two parts, doubling the original four Satem Aryan stocks into the eight represented by the towns of Iazyges Metanastae. As followers of Ham-Jemshid the Iranian division at Lagash became the Iranian division labeled by Baugh as Avestan, ethnic source of the Zend Avesta, the Zoroastrian Bible and a counterpart to the Indian Rigveda. A section of the Zend Avesta— the Vendidad, contains the legend of Yima or Yima Kshaeta, Jemshid, the governor Ham. The myth of Yima in the Zend Avesta looks like a genuine slice of early postdiluvian history as viewed by the Iranian culture. A Wikipedia article sums up the legend: “In the second chapter of the Vendidad of the Avesta, the omniscient Creator Ahura Mazda asks Yima, a good shepherd, to receive his law and bring it to men. However, Yima refuses, and so Ahura Mazda charges him with a different mission: to rule over and nourish the earth, to see that the living things prosper. This Yima accepts, and Ahura Mazda presents him with a golden seal and a dagger inlaid with gold. Yima rules as king for three hundred years, and soon the earth was full of men, flocks of birds and herds of animals. He deprived the daevas, who were demonic servants of the evil Ahriman, of wealth, herds and reputation during his reign.” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yima.) The three hundred years are specific enough to refer to an actual span of three centuries correlative in some way with Ham’s First Kish reign as Yima Kshaeta in Gutium, the domain of his mother Mahadevi. Ahura Mazda, in this context, figures less as euhemeristic Madai-Mashda than as God in general as filtered through Madai’s claim to be the domain god of Gutium-Media. If the reign of Yima simply refers to the expansion of human and animal population for three centuries after the Flood, they bring us down to the epoch now at issue in 2218 when the Akkadian abandonment of due process shook the Noahic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Council to its core. There had been plenty of conflict over the third century from 2308 to 2218; but the breakdown of Noahic rules governing warring factions meant a new age of violent anarchy. Narmer’s murder of eight of the Noahic elite in 2181 was one result. The overall result was a rapid decline in Noahic imperialism and the advent of isolationist nationalism even in such well populated places as Egypt. Sargon’s separatistic withdrawal from his own Akkadian Empire typified this process. The “waywardness” of Asa-Manja-Manishtushu-Menes in creating dynastic Egypt was ruining the world order. Abraham’s grandfather Nahor and great-grandfather Serug were breaking down the integrity of the Noahic dispensation and requiring the new dispensation (spiritual order) of Abraham’s dealings with El Shaddai. That is why the legend of Yima claims that, prior to 2218, this idealized version of Ham— “good shepherd” Dumuzi— held off the power of the daevas or demons as though the world possessed spiritual potency then. Ahura Mazda’s investiture of Yima with the golden seal and dagger refers to the governorship of Iranian Gutium after 2338 as though that First Kish event were indistinguishable from the time of the Flood 180 years earlier. That chronological discrepancy is identical to the one that the Sumerian Kinglist posits by treating the First Kish dynasty of 2338 as occurring immediately after the Flood. All these mythologies drew on a common stock of ideas as well as a common body of objective experiences. The legend of Yima goes on to state that over the three centuries men neither got sick nor aged— the objective fact of biblical longevity that secular scholars will continue to deny until the death of our corrupt academic civilization. The legend also deals with the theme of overpopulation as in the Andamanese tradition of Puluga. The legend turns ritualistic as it pictures Yima dealing four times with overpopulation by pressing his golden seal and the point of his dagger into the earth in order to make it expand to accommodate more of mankind. This ritual occurs three hundred, then nine hundred and even 1800 years after the beginning of Yima’s reign down to a point in 718 BCE, just one year removed from the year Waddell claims that Assyrian oppression drove Indian Aryans from Cappadocia to the Ganges. By interpreting the change in 2218 as a matter of overpopulation, the legend follows the same theme as in do the Andamanese in treating the Aratta Schism of Peleg, Heth and Nimrod as nothing more that a response to overpopulation. The legend of Yima speaks well of the Satem Aryan commitment to preserve a systematic perspective on early postdiluvian history. The ritual element is not a liability but an asset in its power to reproduce the concrete and genuine commitment of early postdiluvians to build the world decently and in order rather than according to the savagery of mere trial and error. The same commitment took the form of the eight memorializing towns of Iazyges Metanastae. Parca is the Roman goddess of fate. In Ptolemy’s time, the name has been imposed by the Romans on some Scythian counterpart. In plural form the Parcae are 221 the three fates Clotho, Atropos and Lachesis. A construction like this suggests a version of the Mahadevi tetrad but summed up in Uma as Roman Parca rather than Mahadevi. Because of the relative position held by the town of Parca as counterpart to Umma, its founder Uma figures as the goddess Parca. The Balts had once inhabited Umma along with the Slavs in the First Kish period. They remained there after the branch split in two in 2308. The Baltic tie to a goddess of fate is suggested by the Baltic god of good fortune, Tukla, a version of Shelah. The Slavs moved in 2308 to Uruk, the next city to the south, where they established their strong association with the founder Japheth as their most definitive god Svarog. The town name Candanum may or may not be a version of Javan’s name Candalus among the Heliadae. If so, the classic Slavic association with the River Drieper may signify that they settled in that land north of the Black Sea as an extension of the Javanite sequence including Macedonia, Thrace and Phrygia. In that sense the Slavs were conceived as complementary to the Thraco-Phrygians to the south and west of the Black Sea. The town names Pessium and Partiscum evoke nothing; but the relative positions associate these two with Arphaxad-Nanna’s Ur and his son-in-law SidonEnki’s Eridu. For whatever reason, non-Sumerian inhabitants of these two Sumerian cities were destined to inherit the southeast and northeast corners of the Satem Aryan zone of the earth no matter whether the Issedones were Aryan speakers. A Wikipedia article cannot determine whether the Issedones were Iranian-Scythian, Tocharian or even Tibetan speakers. Herodotus, in his discussion of the Scythians, emphasizes that the Issedones lived on their eastern border. We have mentioned the anthropological reason for a distinction between two versions of the Indian stock, one loyal to Shiva-Riphath and the other to DakshaArphaxad. The anthropological discovery about Indian round-heads and long-heads was worked into an attempt to explain why rulers in Phoenicia exhibited Indo-Aryan names. I first learned about those Indo-Aryan rulers from Dr. Bruce Waltke at Dallas Theological Seminary at a time when these intrusions of Indo-Europeans into otherwise Semitic lands were viewed as threat to the supposedly biblical cause of Semitism. A careful inspection of the analogous patterns formed by the eight towns of Iazyges Metanastae and the eight primary postdiluvian cities of Sumer discloses an astounding reality. Not only does the pattern in Hungary duplicate the one in ancient Iraq but does so with a balanced set of variations designed by some anonymous artist. The southernmost towns form a straight southeast-northeast line in contrast with the broken line in the northernmost three towns. In Sumer the southernmost cities form a broken line and the northernmost a continuous line. In Ptolemy’s Hungary the middle two towns form a balance tilting slightly from southwest to northeast. In Sumer the middle two cities form a balance tilting slightly from northwest to southeast. The frameworks formed by pairs of rivers are clearly comparable. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The broken line in Sumer consists of Eridu, Ur and Uruk. The pattern does not involve Larsa, a later city, or Badtibira, an earlier, antediluvian city where Ziusudra-Noah built the Ark. The matching cities in ancient Hungary, forming a contrastive straight line, are Partiscum, Pessium and Candanum. The middle cities in Sumer are Umma and Lagash with Umma slightly father north. Isin, a later city, is not involved. The matching pair in Hungary is Parca and Trissum with Trissum slightly father north. Adab is Lugalannemundu’s city of the ninth era and not involved in the original, postdiluvian eight. The final three cities in Sumer are Nippur, Kish and Sippar forming a straight line. Babylon and Agade are Semitic cities from later times although our analysis of the First Kish order suggests that two protoplasts were camped at or near the site of Agade. Babylon may or may not have been located at the site of Ham’s abortive city of Babel. The matching towns in Hungary forming a broken line are Abrieta, Gormanum and Uscenum. To appreciate the variation of designs, we should think of the common pattern as forming three sections in sets of three, two and three. Ptolemy’s Chart IX. Jazyges Metanastae scanned from A. E. Nordenskiöld. Facsimile Atlas (Dover, 1973) August 29, 2008 223 Map of Sumer Scanned from Diane Wolkstein and Samuel Noah Kramer. Inanna Queen of Heaven and Earth. August 29, 2008 The logic of Genesis 10:10-11 shows a close association between sets of cities in Mesopotamia and the career of Nimrod. That circumstance alone tends to confirm Nimrod’s role as Jason of the Argonautic Voyage coming to focus on the Danube where the eight towns are located. Here we see the hand of Nimrod himself or some devotee of his Mesoptamian career. The memorializing nature of the eight towns, however, suggests that Nimrod had become a victim of Mesopotamian revolution instigated by his rebellious son Manishtushu-Serug. The reciprocity of the legends of Jason and Theseus calls for a closer focus on Joktan-Meshech-Theseus’s career. This man had founded the Erechite regime of Mesopotamia after 2308 just as Sargon-Nimrod-Jason did after 2248 following the lapse of sixty years— the eighth and ninth eras. The Hellenes responsible for the two legends must have been aware of the analogy and either elicited the similarity between two stories from the facts or imposed it on them. In any case Joktan-Meshech was no longer located in the Aegean West after 2218. He shared in the final Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations colonization process of the Uralics and worked to colonize the Volga River with the Permean tribes such as the Komi and Udmurts. We might argue that he linked up with the other Japhethites in that process by sharing in the Argonautic voyage under Nimrod-Jason. That explanation seems all the more plausible because the enemy he faced in Crete was the bovine Minotaur— a bull image identified with Ural-Altaics in Sumerian, Hurrian and Gaelic traditions as well as the Hellenic. On the other hand I have conceptualized the Uralic colonization as an adjunct to the Altaic led by Ashkenaz from the Gangetic region of Kuru through the Karakoram Pass into the Tarim Basin. In conducting the Altaic process of the eleventh era, Ashkenaz was assisted by two primary Japhethites— Tubal and Tiras— as well as by the five Lagashite sons of Heth-Ur Nanshe. The other five primary Japhethites, including Meshech-Theseus, distributed the Uralics, Slavs, Balts and Scythians from base camps at the mouths of the Ural, Volga, Don, Dnieper and Dniester. We are faced, therefore with a crux concerning whether the Uralics approached their homelands from the east or from the southwest via the Argonautic voyage. The Uralic Samoeds are located as far east as the River Ob in Siberia; but that location can be explained in terms of the base camp on the River Ural. Economy of means favors the Argonautic explanation. That alternative takes care of the chronological difficulty facing the legend of Theseus and career of Joktan-Meshech. The half-human, half-bull Minotaur on Crete is not just the “Uralo-Altaics” but the Uralics in particular. Evidently these people remained true to Meshech’s Eanna regime in the Uruk-Aratta war and were never exiled to Arabia as the Altaics were. After Shem’s disaster they turned against Nimrod-Sargon and took part in the Cretan phase of the Aegean war before Meshech-Theseus managed to extract that island and share them with his Japhethite political brethren for colonization of lands north of the Black and Caspian Sea. This explanation suggests that he appears among the Argonautic voyagers under some name distinct from “Theseus.” It also implies that the Argo voyage up the Phasis-Rion River in Colchis was a step in the Uralic colonization process The Arabian War 2209-2188 At the outset of the Aegean War, both sides claimed four members of the imperial line. Shem’s four included himself as Zeus, Arphaxad I under an unknown Olympian name, Shelah as Ares and Peleg as Hephaestus. The Sargonic alliance claimed Sargon himself and his two Genesis 11 successors Manishtushu-Serug and Naram Sin-Nahor. Eber’s absence from the Olympian faction means that he remained true to Japheth as Tubal and led one of the Hamitic divisions of Sargon’s alliance as 225 he had in the Uruk-Aratta War. Balance between the factions of Shem and Sargon was upset during the Aegean War when Arphaxad I was replaced by Shelah-Arphaxad II among Shem’s vassals and by his daughter Inanna as the lunar deity Artemis. Inanna belonged to the imperial line as Arphaxad’s daughter and Shelah’s mother; but she fails to appear as Shem’s heir in the Hebrew text (as distinct from the Septuagint where she appears as “Cainan”). Once the balance was lost between the two sides, Shem sought for a way to restore Arphaxad to full rank as his first heir. The eventual result was the Gallic tetrad of Celtic tradition: Shem-Teutates, Arphaxad I-Taranis, Peleg-Cernunnus and JoktanEsus. In effect that tetrad reproduced the original four heirs of the Olympian sect by replacing Shelah-Ares with Arphaxad I-Taranis just as Shelah-Arphaxad II had expelled his grandfather from the Olympians. In order to make up a total of four, Peleg’s brother Joktan had to be raised to the status of a fourth Gallic god, Esus. In response the Akkadian side claimed five heirs by adding both Shelah and Eber to the three Akkadian emperors. Furthermore Sidon, Shelah’s father, abandoned the Olympian faction and acquired his pejorative Teutonic image as Loki as a devious enemy of Shem-Thor and Odin-Joktan. When Sidon was added to the list of hostile heirs, Shem could only redress the imbalance by drawing on his direct male line by treating Obal-Apollo as an heir along with his father Arphaxad-Taranis. To raise the total to six he could complete the triad of Ur by adding Inanna herself as an heiress and not just the Olympian Artemis. Gallic Septad: Shem (Teutates) Arphaxad I (Taranis) Peleg (Cernunnus) Joktan (Esus) Inanna (Medb) Obal (Apollo) Heth (Hades-Oman) Akkadian Septad: Shelah (Arphaxad II-Marduk) Eber (Elam-Nabu) Reu (Asshur-Sargon) Rimush Serug (Manishtushu) Nahor (Naram Sin) Sidon (Ptah) What emerges here is a pair of opposed clans constructed on the plan of Japheth’s seven and adding one figure each to the sextads just named. The seventh member of this “Gallic septad” was logically Peleg’s old ally Heth. The membership of this son of Canaan in the septad balanced his brother Sidon-Loki’s defection to the other side and explains why Heth appears at least twice in the German tribal system as the Omani and Chatti. (See above opposing septads). Rimush, like Joktan, was the brother of an heir rather than an heir in his own right. Following the Arabian war of the eleventh era, a war of the twelfth era can be labeled labeled “Celtic-Egyptian” to characterize victorious nations on both sides in two different battles. Generally I prefer to label the two battles in this later war the “Battle of Metelis” and “Battle of the Orontes.” In 2181 Egyptians under Akkadian Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations leadership met and defeated a body of Amerindians at Metelis in the Nile Delta. As a result the Amerindians converted to the Akkadian cause, fought Shem’s Gallic alliance at the River Orontes in Syria, were driven off to Libya and then exiled to the Americas via an expedition around Africa led by members of the Mizraim clan. In four wars of the eighth, tenth eleventh and twelfth eras, defenders of Mesopotamia were chiefly a combination of the Semitic and Hamitic stocks, fighting at first on behalf of the distinct Mesopotamian Sumerians. In the eleventh and twelfth eras, Hamites and Semites fought separately in the same Akkadian cause. By this time Hamites had established their own homeland on the Nile despite being under Akkadian, Semitic rule in transition. Throughout the eleventh era fractions of the Noahic world community were establishing permanent settlements. The Sumerians became a Mesopotamian nation, the Egyptians a northeast African nation, the Altaics a Siberian nation and so forth. When the Amerindians changed sides in 2178, they did so in the hope of becoming a nation located at Mahadevi’s old domain of Gutium. Of the figures listed under the “Akkadian Septad” above, all but Rimush possessed important identities in Egypt: Shelah, as Djoser of Dynasty III, creator of the primary Step Pyramid; Eber, as both Hotepsekhemwy of Dynasty II and Sekhemkhet of Dynasty III; Reu-Sargon-Nimrod, as Huni of Dynasty III and the god Amun Re; Serug-Manishtushu, as Menes of Dynasty I; Nahor-Naram Sin, as Narmer of Dynasty I; and Sidon, as pre-dynastic Ka-ap, Sanakhte, founder of Dynasty III, and the god Ptah. The complementary Japheth, creator of the Hamitic stock, reigned as Snefru, founder of Dynasty IV, and as the god Atum Re as well as the antediluvian “Sun King” Re Harakhte. His family reigned in Dynasty IV as Khufu (Gomer), Khafre (Madai), Djedefre (Javan) and Menkaure (Arurim son of Madai). For Theseus-Joktan the implication of his slaying of the Uralic Minotaur is that he was still loyal to the Sargonic cause as Japheth’s vassal Meshech when this action took place before 2218. His conversion into Esus-Cuchullain-Odin of the Centum Aryan cause had not yet occurred. In order to interpret the Arabian war of the eleventh era and Celtic-Egyptian war of the twelfth era, an essential step is to determine when this conversion took place. It resulted from the second great outrage perpetrated by Sargon-Nimrod and his empire. This was the abandonment of all Noahic precedent in refusing to recognize a new regime in Mesopotamia at the lapse of the tenth era in 2218. The Akkadians were now at war with the Noahic Council and its ancient set of political rules, which had been obeyed even by bitter enemies. When Peleg withdrew half the world to Aratta, he made no attempt to block the creation of the new and hostile Eanna regime at Uruk— only to challenge its power from outside Mesopotamia. Sargon’s successors were now ignoring the principle of alternating eras and pitting the raw power of his empire against all the Noahic elite except the few who joined him. Manishtushu formalized this decision by raising his brother Rimush to imperial rank of “King of Kish” in 2318. 227 The chagrin over the accession of Rimush at Agade was so so great that two members of the Akkadian faction listed above defected to the opposite side. These were Sargon himself and Shelah, both destined to become Amorite kings as Iangi and Belu. The Amorites, as we will see, were allies of the “thirty-two Arabian kings” opposed to Rimush’s successor Manishtushu. The only members of the Noahic elite to ally themselves to the Akkadian regime were Sidon, Heth and the Mizraim clan. Ashkenaz, Togarmah and the seven primary Japhethites can be considered neutrals because of their colonial activities in the Far East and Eurasia. The Noahic Council retaliated against the Akkadians by turning its attention to Arabia and forming the alliance of the thirty-two kings destined to make war against Manishtushu after 2209. These thirty-two consisted of the three antediluvian sons of Noah and four clan divisions of Genesis 10: six sons of Ham, six vassals of Canaan (in addition to Shem-Jebus, Ham-Girgash and Gether-Ark), four physical sons of Shem (vassals of Aram-Joktan) and thirteen vassals of Joktan (including Shelah as Diklah). Nine of the “kings” were females including the Mahadevi tetrad of the Joktanite clan, their four daughters of the Canaanite clan and Uzal-Inanna of the Joktanites. The overall Joktanite bias confirms, not only that the alliance took shape along the coasts of Arabia but that half the ethnic divisions under them were South Semites destined for permanent settlement in Arabia and Africa. Japheth’s membership in this alliance is confirmed by his correlative membership as Zuabu in the Amorite dynasty of the same eleventh era. Many of the Amorite kings also served on the Arabian coasts requiring coordination between the two structures within the Semitic world at odds with the East Semitic Akkadians. The Arabian war was confined to a period of limited duration after Manishtushu came to power in 2209. Tudia-Canaan founded the dynasty in 2218 according to a three-year module among ten kings. Thus he and his first two successors Adamu-Riphath and Iangi-Nimrod ruled at Tidnum before Manishtushu came to power. Accordiing to Manishtushu’s inscription, these colonies inhabited “cities.” As leaders returned from the northwest, they persuaded Amerindians distributed on the western coasts of Arabia to migrate to the east and fill out colonies in the east, starting at the “Melas Mons” or “Black Mountain” in Hadramaut. “Black Mountain” has been chosen because an enumeration of coastal towns from the west coast of the Persian Gulf to this feature in Hadramaut reaches just thirty-two— granting that these towns yield an anachronistic counterpart to the “cities” referred to by Manishtushu two millennia earlier. Their names obviously belong to Roman times. One incorporates the Latin word oppidum for a “town.” Many of them incorporate the word villa, Latin basis of our word “village.” Obviously I cannot claim that these towns correspond to the early postdiluvian “cities.” However, they serve to form a hypothetical scenario for locating thirty-two camps of the Arabian alliance. That is true if only because they indicate locations topographically fit for habitation. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The capital of modern Hadhramaut, Al Mukalla, lies near Ptolemy’s “Melas Mons.” Mount Shehela, north northeast of the city is the highest peak of this body of mountains. The photo plainly shows mountains rising inland to the right. Whether the dark area shown immediately behind the port has anything to do with “Black Mountain” is beyond the scope of my research. In any case the mountain height to the right is equivalent to “Black Mountain” and therefore the dividing line beyond which the “Arabian cities” of Manishtushu’s enemies extended eastward in accordance with an alliance formed by the Noahic elite in the eleventh era, 2218-2188. [See view of Al Mukalla from the Indian Ocean www.en.wikipedia.org. copied October 3, 2008] The ethnic divisions commanded by the “thirty-two kings” were the original ten Amerindian branches, sixteen South Semitic branches and six exilic IndoEuropean branches: Celts, Teutons, Italics, Hellenes, Illyrians and ThracoPhrygians— the entire body of Indo-Europeans bound for Europe except for the Satem Aryan Balts and Slavs, who were being distributed among the Uralics by Japheth’s primary vassals in the same eleventh era. In a biblical prophetic sense the “Kingdom of the North” was being established at the same time as the “Kingdom of the South.” The “Boreades” of mankind consist of Uralics, Slavs and Scythians; the “Austerians,” Semites, especially Arabs. The Amerindian divisions were headed by six sons of Ham and four immediate sons of Shem. Key North American names, in this regard, include the Algonquian Cree (Ham’s son Creus) and Musi (Ham-Tamusi) and the UtoAthabascan Comanche, representing the secondary name of Shem’s son Uz (as in the Uz-Comans of the Altaic stock). Thirteen South Semites followed the vassals of Joktan. These included four branches destined to inhabit South Arabia in historic times and nine branches that migrated from South Arabia to Ethiopia. The three antediluvian sons of Noah accounted for three additional Arabic peoples: Shem, the Old North Arabic stock destined give rise to classic modern Arabic; Ham, the preAbrahamic Amalekites; and Japheth, the Άd, a people related to the Amalekites. The four peoples who managed to remain permanently in South Arabia were the Sabaeans, Minaeans, Hadramauti and Qatabani. These derive from “cities” held by the Mahadevi tetrad beginning with the Saba of Durga— Joktanite Sheba in Yemen. Immediately to the east of these in the third century of the Christian era lay the Qatabani. That name can be taken as cognate with Japheth’s First Kish name Atab and indicating Japheth’s mother Uma-Jobab. In that sense, the Qatabani are equivalent to the Amerindian Yumans, similarly placed at the southwest corner of Ashkenaz’ colonizing expedition in North America. The Hadramauti inhabited a larger sphere to the east of the Qatabani. Although these people take their name from Joktanite Hazarmaveth, the matriarch indicated in this case is Havilah-Mahadevi, “Empress of Arabia” in the Gundestrup Braided Goddess Panel. Known to Ugarit 229 mythology as Mot, “Death,” Hazarmaveth is the corpse cradled in the Braided Goddess’ arm. She herself appears in the Ugaritic mythology as “Lady Asherah of the Sea,” mother of Mot, Yamm and Athtar. Saba Aksum Qatabani Hadhramaut -Sheba-Durga -Ophir-Kali -Jobab-Umma -Havilah-Asherah-Mahadevi In reality Yamm-Eber was a son of Kali, the Joktanite Ophir. In the Ugaritic tradition Lady Asherah imposes her name on the other members of the antediluvian female tetrad just as she does as Mahadevi of the Indians. In Genesis 10:22 Eber appears under the name “Elam” to identify him with Kali’s domain of Elam-Lumma. His Ugaritic name means the “Sea” and, as such, matches the name adopted by Ham’s yellow son Mizraim as Hellenic Oceanus, the “Encircling Sea,” in reference to the seas encircling the Arabian Peninsula. Through that association, Kali’s people of South Arabia were the Minaeans, according to Mizraim’s Egyptian pantheon name Min. Whatever the recorded location of the Minaeans in ancient South Arabia, Kali’s region corresponds to Aksum lying north of Sabaea and extending across the Red Sea to coastal Ethiopia in keeping with her relative location at Ethiopia in the panel. Thus the relative locations of these peoples by the third century CE were roughly as follows The Semitic languages of Ethiopia are divided into North and South Ethiopic. These yield the requisite nine divisions for the remainder of the Joktanite clan with four languages in North Ethiopic and five in South Ethiopic. The Ethiopian Semites are generally believed no to have entered Ethiopia until 1000 BCE. In any case none of the peoples organized in Arabia in the eleventh era inhabited coasts west of “Black Mountain” in Yemen, Aksum or Ethiopia. Nevertheless the nine Ethiopic languages can be usefully, if tenuously, matched with nine members of the Joktanite clan above Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the Mahadevi tetrad. The North Ethiopic group consists of the extinct Geez or classic Ethiopic, Tigre, Tigrinya and newly discovered Dahlik. The South Ethiopic five are the dominant Amharic, Harari, Gurage (with four subgroups), Argobba and Gafat. In an attempt to match these Ethiopic languages with Joktanites we have nothing more to work with than the structure of the clan and resemblances of name as though cognate. Those factors are rather weak but adequate to suggest where these Ethiopic Semites were located in the Arabian alliance. The result is an approximation just as the settlements with Roman names in Ptolemy are an approximation. The first block of Joktanites form a tetrad based two sons of Obal (who appears later in the list) and two sons Diklah-Shelah-Bull El and Lady Asherah-Mahadevi-Havilah. The middle section consists of another tetrad made up of the divine family of Ur: Hadoram-Arphaxad I-Nanna; Obal-Utu, his son; Uzal-Inanna, his daughter; and Inanna’s implicit son Diklah-Shelah-Marduk, the Sumerian god Asalluhe. The remaining Joktanite, Abimael, differs from the others as an immediate son of Joktan— Sumerian King Enmerkar, son of Joktan-Meshech-Meskiaggasher. As long as we are confined to possible cognates, it is conceivable that the Sumerian name Enmerkar is reflected in the name Amhara of the South Ethiopic five. On the other hand, resemblances suggest that the southern group conforms to the opening tetrad of the biblical list. The name Argobba is conceivably a distant cognate to Aesculapius-Asklepius, biblical Sheleph. As extremely far-fetched as that relationship seems, we must keep in mind that Joktanite Obal is virtually identical to the Arabian sun god Hobal and that Hobal makes sense as South Semitic version of the SumeroAkkadian sun god Utu-Shamash and Hellenic sun god Apollo, Asklepios’ father. The South Ethiopic Gurage are possibly cognate with Jerah. The Harari suggest Shem’s Amorite name Harharu. As Aliyan Bal, Shem belongs to the same Ugaritic context with Mot-Hazarmaveth, Athtar-Jerah and Bull El-Diklah. Finally Apollo’s son Orpheus (Joktanite Almodad) possibly derives the Hellenic name from a Semitic name such as “Arafat,” cognate with the South Ethiopic Gafat. Most of these resemblances are poor, but that is what we would expect from casual exchanges between exilic Hellenes in Arabia and ancestors of South Semites. The Greek word for “tiger” derives casually from an indo-European word meaning “sharp” as applied to the sharpness of a tiger’s teeth. Before any exchange between Hellenes and South Semites, the Greek word could have been applied to the tiger image which the Medb Panel applies to Inanna’s embattled force south of Aratta. Tigers, of course, are unknown to Africa in contrast to leopards depicted at two points in the Taranis Panel. As members of the Aratta alliance, the Hellenes inevitably shared in one of the three armies depicted symbolically by these wild felines. As cultural confirmation, the Book of Daniel depicts the Hellenic Empire of Alexander as a leopard. 231 When Hellenic exiles passed from Aratta to exilic Arabia in the ninth era, they logically understood their symbolic identity either with a tiger or leopard image. Designs of the Gundestrup Caldron at one time circulated as symbolic values throughout the Noahic world. For example the Wikipedia article on Hadramaut shows an ancient relief sculpture of a griffin at a museum in Shabwa. We have seen that the Erechite forces are represented in the two panels by five griffins. The Ethiopic Semites originated in South Arabia where that griffin relief was eventually crafted. Granted that the names Tigre and Tigrinya have nothing to do with any word for “tiger” in the South Ethiopic language, these names could well have been absorbed as names by contact with the exilic Hellenes. In that sense, the Tigre are to the “Tiger of Medb-Inanna” what the Tigrinya are to her father Taranis-Arphaxad I, lord of the western Erechite theater in which the two leopards occur. In other words, the Hellenes were circulating the word tigris in exilic Arabia and connecting that word with rulers of the opposed forces in the Uruk Aratta war. South Semites under the rule of these two in the Arabian war context some ninety years later attached the name “Tigre” to Uzal-Inanna and “Tigrinya” to Hadoram-Arphaxad-Taranis. It is conceivable that the Celtic name for Arphaxad, Taran, is cognate with the North Ethiopic name Tigrinya. Another North Ethiopic language, Dahlik, suggests a cognate to Shelah’s Joktanite name Diklah. Process of elimination associates the extinct Geez with the sun god Obal. Whether his distinction as sun god contributed to make Geez into classic Ethiopic may be dounbtful but serves to tie up the Joktanite connection with Ethiopia. While all these branches were members of the Arabian alliance of the eleventh era, an approximation of their locales by means of Ptolemy’s Roman era towns takes force from one detail in favor of an alignment in the order of the Joktanite list as working up the east coast from south to north. One of the towns Ptolemy marks is titled Dianae Vaticinus, “Diana’s Oracle.” Diana is the Roman name of Hellenic Artemis, Olympian version of Inanna-Uzal in the middle of the Joktanite list in parallel with the Joktanite run on the Arabian east coast. Beginning the process with the Agmanispha Villa— first town reading from the from the south— the Semitic section begins with the eleventh town Metaccum Villa and reaches Dianae Vaticinus in the seventeenth. As the sixth member of the Joktanite list, Uzal might be expected to have governed the camp at the sixteenth point. However the Semitic section included sixteen “kings” rather than being confined to the Joktanite thirteen. The additional three were Noah’s three antediluvian sons. Owing to Ham’s derivation from red Mahadevi, it makes sense for Ham to take charge at Metaccum Villa as though an eleventh Amerindian— Tamusi of the Amazonian tradition. The same logic placed Uma’s sons Shem and Japheth at the fifteenth and sixteenth towns as introduction to the predominantly white IndoEuropeans in the north. By that reckoning Dianae Vaticinus coincides with UzalInanna. Our assumption is that a local tradition of the great goddess’ presence at that place to reach down to Roman times with the message “Diana lived here.” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Although the Amalekites eventually inhabited northwestern Arabia not far from Edom to which they became allied, the name suggests a variety of “Havilah” taken by both Ham and his mother in Genesis 10. At the other end of the Joktanite sequence, I assign to Japheth and Shem the Άd, a people associated with the Amalekites, and the Old North Arabics. The Amerindians at the start of the sequence near “Black Mountain” were governed by the immediate sons of Ham and Shem. These can be matched with attention to geographic pairs and other groupings in the Americas. A direct match associates the Algonquians of the Cree with Ham’s sixth son Creus. The proximity of Algonquians and Iroquois on either side of the Great Lakes associates the latter stock with Creus’ brother Coeus in the pair of sons unlisted in Genesis 10:6 but placed among the other sons by Hellenic tradition. The two dominant South American stocks associate with Ham’s sons Cush and Put. The Amazonians identify Cush with the Amazonian culture hero Tupan (Hellenic Pan). The chief Andean-Inca god of the sun Inti bears a name cognate with Imta, Put’s name as founder of the Guti dynasty at the start of the eleventh era. According to the Sumerian Kinglist, Imta reigned for just three years, freeing him in 2215 to participate in the Arabian alliance. The Caddoans represent the Javanites and were assigned to Canaan, grandfather of Elishah-Agenor through Sidon. Geographically they complement the Muskhogeans of the American Southeast and therefore followed Ham’s remaining son Mizraim in the Arabian alliance. The four sons of Shem led stocks destined to inhabit the American West. The association between the names Uz and Cuman in the Altaic stock reveals that the Elamite and Assyrian gods Human and Umman were pantheon versions of Shem’s red son Uz. The Comanche of North America belong to the Shoshonean division of the Uto-Athabascan stock. Shem’s white son Mash accounts for the Yuman stock named for the white matriarch Uma. The Dakotans reverted to the governorship of Shem’s son Gether established at Martu in the First Kish order. Hul completed the process by taking command of the Northwest Coastal stock. In this case Hul was a half brother to Riphath-Shiva, the First Kish governor of the northwestern colony at Syria-Phoenicia including the Amerinidian Northwest Coastal stock. If Hul’s Olmecs eventually made their way to Mexico from China rather than the Atlantic, they must have come by way of India, the land of Shiva. The six Indo-European branches of the Arabian alliance had already been through a great deal. All of them joined the Aratta schism and were exiled to Arabia by the ninth era. They escaped to the north and fought the Akkadians in the Aegean war. After a second decisive defeat, they were exiled to Arabia again under six Olympians of the Canaanite clan: Amor-Riphath-Dionysus, Hiv-Peleg-Hephaestus and the four daughters of Noah. Their return from the Aegean meant that they journeyed or voyaged down the Red Sea coast of Arabia and gathered Amerindians with them to help form the Arabian alliance. The Amerindian population was high enough to given fractions of their number and convert to the South Semitic language 233 to help expand the alliance eastward and northward to bring the total of settlements to thirty two. The Indo-European stocks completed the settlements on coasts of the Persian Gulf. Riphath-Dionysus maintained his identity as Sabazius of the Thracians by controlling the Thraco-Phrygians. Peleg strengthened his identity as Cernunnus over the Celts; Hamath, hers as Hera over the Hellenes; Arvad, hers as Aphrodite-Venus over the Italics; and Zemar, hers as Hestia over the exilic Teutons. Demeter— Noah’s daughter Sin of the Canaanite list— was also a daughter of Durga, making her a half sister to Arphaxad I. The special focus of both the Italics and Albanian-Illyrians on Hadoram-Zadrima-Arphaxad I explains why Demeter took control of the Illyrians in Arabia. In order to tabulate the Arabian alliance, we must sequence the two bodies of Amerindians under the sons of Ham and sons of Shem and then identify the correct sequence among the six Indo-European branches. The disposition of Amerindian stocks in America clearly shows that stocks under the command of the sons of Ham in Arab took the lead after crossing the Atlantic to the Caribbean. They settled the Amazonian, Caddoan and Muskhogean regions in closest proximity to the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico. That perspective suggests that the stocks under the six sons of Ham took the first first six Arabian settlements starting just of the west of “Black Mountain” at Agmanispha Villa. This comparatively western position reinforces our understanding that the six sons of Ham made their way to Egypt by the end of the eleventh era and met violent deaths there seven years later in 2181. The sons of Shem stationed their Amerindian stocks destined for the Western United States at the next four settlements along the Arabian coasts as approximated by Ptolemy’s Cana Emporium, Methath, Embolum Villa and Thialemath Villa. The Indo-European sequence can be adopted by the biblical order the “kings” in the Canaanite list but only if we have some logical reason for believing that that is the case. A reasonable model places Amor-Riphath at the head of Thraco-Phrygians at the northernmost settlement of Coromanis. That location placed them in closer proximity— about 300 miles— to the southeast corner of Martu than the rest of the Arabian alliance. We have seen that Riphath became the second king of the Amorites in the years 2215-2212 while the Akkadian Empire was in the hands of Rimush. Other Amorite kings destined to join the Arabian alliance were the first king Tudia (Canaan2218-2215), fifth king Harharu (Shem- 2206-2203), sixth king Mandaru (Mizraim2203-2200), the ninth king Hanu (Ham- 2194-2191) and the tenth king Zuabu (Japheth- 2191-2188). Ptolemy’s Coromanis must have lain almost within the “Sealand” region of Sumer near Eridu. The clear suggestion is that the anti-Akkadian League was attempting to lay siege to Sumer from the Arabian south as well as from the Amorite west and Gutian east. Manishtushu’s conquest of the Arabian kings was defensive to that extent. The Guti dynasty also began in 2218 with the three-year reign of another of the “Arabian Kings” Imta-Put. Like the Amorite dynasty the Gutian rulers also Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations belonged to the anti-Akkadian League. Six of the Gutians reigned in the course of the eleventh era; and three of them also belonged to the Arabian alliance— in addition to Imta-Put, the second king Inkishush (Cush- 2215-2209) and Inimbakesh (Riphath2191-2186). Clearly the Arabian, Amorite and Gutian regimes were not only allied against Agade but were virtually the same political entity, sharing in many of the same rulers, all within the thirty years of the eleventh era. Once we understand the cooperative nature of the three anti-Akkadian regimes, special significance attaches to the explicit terms of the Gutian rulers in the Sumerian Kinglist. These terms are not only brief enough to be taken literally but should also be read at face volume because the explicit total of 93 years attached to this dynasty falls in consistently with the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth eras. Special indexing value attaches to the first six reigns ending with Inimbakesh (the Gutian version of Riphath). This reign lasts five years to the thirty-second year of the dynasty as though to index the thirty-two “cities” of the Arabian part of the anti-Akkadian League. The Gutian founder reigns for three years; and the next four, for six years each according to an artificial design: Imta Inkishush Sarlagab Shulme Elumumesh Inimbakesh 3 years 6 years 6 years 6 years 6 years 5 years 32 years These terms make good sense as a predetermined schedule for forming the Arabian alliance within the thirty-years from 2218 to 2186. These spans of time represent stages in executing the design of spreading Amerindians, South Semites and Indo-Europeans over the coasts of Arabia. Imta’s three years were allowed for the Amerindian stocks to gather at “Black Mountain.” Inimbakesh’s six years outline the period for forming ten Amerindian settlements eastward from Agmanispha Villa. Sarlagab’s six years do the same for the sixteen South Semitic settlements along the east coast. Shulme’s six years mark the period for spreading the Indo-Europeans over the coasts of the Persian Gulf. The six years reserved for Elulumesh correspond to the period set to wage open war against the Empire from the northernmost colony in Kuwait northward into Mesopotamia. In the event of victory, the five years of Inimbakesh were to mark the period of occupying Mesopotamia. 235 In one sense the effort succeeded. The Gutians dominated the Sumerians throughout the twelfth and thirteenth eras as though the Akkadians could no longer control the whole of Mesopotamia. On the other hand, Manishtushu’s claim of victory over the thirty-two Arabian kings could hardly have been a lie. A balanced view of the war is that the Arabian kings failed to take Mesopotamia but diverted the resources of the Empire southward with the effect of enabling the Gutians to maintain their hold over Sumer. Given their victory in the south, however, the Akkadians Manishtushu and and Naram Sin turned their full attention to Egypt, created the Egyptian First Dynasty and made Egypt the full expression of Akkadian power even while the Mesoptamian homeland was slipping out of their grasp in the north. The three local regimes making up the anti-Akkadian League of the eleventh era are well documented by their Mesopotamian enemies: the ten Amorite Kings by the East Semitic Assyrians; the thirty-two Arabian kings by Manishtushu’s East Semitic Akkadian inscription; and the the Gutians, by the text of the Sumerian Kinglist. Here is point where the biblical record of the Noahic world community in Genesis 10-11 dovetails most clearly with so-called “secular” historical records. To my knowledge no secular historian questions the objective validity of these records in Mesopotamia of Amorite, Gutian and Arabian enemies— but only because they assume that the existence and disposition of these people are largely unrelated to the Bible. I have added a historical frame of reference giving these three enemy powers added detail and significance through making full use of biblical revelation. At this point Noahic history can be summed up to a point of climax in the eleventh era after the Flood between 300 and 330 years after the Flood. In 2244 East Semites take power in Mesopotamia and in the course of the next 56 years violate two Noahic principles. First they banish most of the Noahic elite from Mesopotamia. Second, in 2218, they throw out the principle of alternating thirty-year regimes when Rimush succeeds Sargon. The Noahic elite retaliate first by mounting a war from bases in the Aegean region after 2244. Failing at that, they form an alliance of three coordinated regimes in Amorite Martu, Iranian Gutium and along the coasts of Arabia. They fail in that effort to the extent that the Akkadian Emperors Manishtushu and Naram Sin circumnavigate the Arabian Peninsula and establish Egyptian Dynasty I as an extension of Akkadian power. Nevertheless the Mesopotamian core of the Empire begins to dissolve after 2188 as Gutians dominate Sumer over the next sixty years as though hostile successors to the two-era regime of the Akkadians. In the twelfth era, the Amerindian stock forfeits it right to remain in the Middle East by losing two battles on either side of the anti-Akkadian Empire. In doing so they open the door to their distance colonization of the Americas with the effect of reducing the Middle East first to a three cornered Sumero-Akkadian-Egyptian pattern and then to the familiar dyad of Semite and Egyptian “time immemorial” as though those two linguistic stocks evolved from two species of apes in situ without benefit of God or the family of Noah. Such is the tendency of Nativist thought in dealing with ancient history. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The construction of the Arabian alliance can be outlined as follows: 2218-2215. Amerindians leave ten ninth era settlements points to gather at “Black Mountain” near the modern Hadramauti capital of Al Mukalla. 2215-2209. In the closing years of Rimush’s reign at Agade, six sons of Ham and four sons of Shem distribute ten Amerindian stocks at the following points: Agmanispha Villa. West of “Black Mountain” Abisama. East of “Black Mountain” Magnum Litus (“Great Beach”) Mada Villa. Near Wady Musilla Eristha Oppidum. Near Wady Hadhramaut Parva Litus (“Small Beach”). At Ras Fartak Cana Emporium. On Qamr Bay Methath. At Jebel Qamr Embolum Villa. At Ras Sajar Thialemath Villa. Near Ras Sawqirah Cush Mizraim Put Canaan Coeus Creus Uz Hul Gether Mash Amazonians Muskhogeans Andeans Caddoans Iroquois Algonquians Uto-Athabascans Northwest Coastal Dakotans Yumans 2209-2203. In the first six years of Manishtushu’s reign at Agade, the thirteen vassals of Joktan and three antediluvian sons of Noah distribute sixteen South Semitic stocks at the following points: Metaccum Villa. On Gulf of Masira Ausara. On Gulf of Masira Anga Villa. On Gulf of Masira Astoa Villa. On Gulf of Masira Neogilla. Near Wady Halfayn Coseuda. North of Masira Channel Dianae Vaticinus. Near Ras Jibsh Abisagi. Near Ras al Hadd Rhegama. On Gulf of Oman Capsina. Near Wady Sabha Cavana. Near Ras Mushayrib Sarcoa. Near Ras Hazrah Carada. Dalwhat Duwayhin Atta Villa. Doha Magindanata. Ras Rakan Gerra. Dalwhat Salwah Bilbana. Opposite Bahrein Ithar. South of Ras Tannurah Istriana. Near Ras Tannurah Mallada. Near Ras Tanajib Ham Amalekites Almodad Gafat Sheleph Argobba Hazarmaveth Harari Jerah Gurage Hadoram Tigrinya Uzal Tigre Japheth Sabaeans of Aksum Shem (Raamah) Old North Arabic Obal Geez Diklah Dahalik Abimael (Enmerkar) Amharic Sheba Sabaeans of Aksum Ophir Afar Havilah Hadramauti Jobab Minaeans (Madhabi) AmorThraco-Phrygians HamathHellenes SinIllyrians ArvadItalics 237 Adari. Near Ras Misha’ab Coromanis. Kuwait Zemar Hiv Teutons Celts With the possible exception of Dianae Vaticinus, these locations are only approximations of a series of thirty-two camps confined to part of the eleventh era and with almost no permanent impact on the ethnography of Arabia. Manishtushu’s conquests drove nearly all the South Semitic people listed here into Southern Arabia where nine of the branches made their way into Eritrea and Ethiopia around 1000 BCE. The Amerindians were driven into Africa immediately and eventually made their way north to Libya, the Nile Delta and Syria before being banished once for all to the Americas. Our theory is that the sudden expansion of South Semitic branches resulted from a linguistic conversion process like the one that resulted in the conversion of the Centum group to Indo-European after the Tower of Babel event in 2340. New South Semites were extracted from the Amerindian stock in an effort by leaders of the Arabian alliance to tip the Semitic-speaking balance of the world against the East Semites of the Empire. These conversions left an indirect mark of the ethnography of South Semitic Eritrea-Ethiopia. Although these people did not migrate to Africa until 1000 BCE, there is region to believe that traditions of temporary Amerindian presence there guided them to distribute themselves throughout Ethiopia as we find them today. The traditions were maintained by Cushitic-Hamitic inhabitants of the region such as the Afars, whom we have interpolated into one camp of the Arabian alliance. These Cushites inhabited Ethiopia as represented by the figure of Kali-Ophir shown in the relative position of Ethiopia in the Braided Goddess Panel as complement to Mahadevi-Havilah’s “Empire of Arabia.” Manishtushu’s goal following his conquest was to remove the Amerindians from Arabia to Africa as quickly as possible and clear his path of hostiles for the conquest of Egypt. Ethiopia was the logical place for them to settle. The Akkadians may even have thought that their settlement in Ethiopia might be permanent and far enough from Egypt not to pose a formidable threat especially because their population had been reduced by conversions to South Semitic. Everyone realized, however, that they were the “race of Tiamat” and hard core of the “chaos” of the Aratta faction. Their residence in Ethiopia was confined to the period between the end of the Arabian war and the Battle of Metelis in 2181. In Ethiopia matches based on possible cognates are reinforced by significant clustering based on memberships in the Joktanite clan. At the heart of the clan is the “family of Ur” made up of the father Hadoram-Arphaxad, the son Obal, daughter Uzal-Inanna and grandson Diklah-Shelah-Arphaxad II. The Tigrinya assigned to Hadoram and Tigray (Tigre) to Uzal inhabit Eritrea north of Ethiopia; the Tigray, the northernmost province of Ethiopia; and the Dahalik, the Dahlak Archipelago off the Red Sea coast of Eritrea near Massawa. I have assigned to Obal the extinct Geez language used in the ancient Aksumite Empire encompassing a small region north of Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Sabaea on the Arabian side and a large region of the Red Sea coast of Africa, much of it north of Ethiopia. The Amerindian-Ethiopian theory matches nine South Semitic languages of Ethiopia and the Cushitic Afar (of the Danakil Plain region of eastern Ethiopia) with the ten Amerindian stocks. Presumably leaders of the Arabian alliance selected Amerindians for conversion of the basis of skin color. A tradition of tribal Ethiopia has maintained the practice of separating groups on the basis of skin color. It may be useful to suggest which Amerindian stocks fed into which African Semitic branches. The Utes of the Uto-Athabascan stock suggest the Sumerian name Utu given to Obal. The implication in this case is that the Uto-Athabascan protoplast settled in the Aksum-Geez region of Ethiopia between 2194 and 2181 before migrating northward to Libya never to return. The Muskhogeans take their identity from Joktan-Meshech, feudal lord of the whole body of Joktanites. Joktan’s name is carried into the clan through his physical son Abimael, whose Sumerian name Enmerkar suggests the dominant Amharas of Central Ethiopia. We suggests that ancestors of the Muskhogeans spent time in the land of the Amharas before migrating northward and leaving the land in possession of Cushites until the advent of the Semitic Amharas themselves around 1000 BCE. The Centum Indo-Europeans stationed along the southern coast of the Persian Gulf obviously took a different course in the aftermath of the Arabian war. They truly became the loose cannon on the deck. Between 2194 and 2178, they made their way from the Persian Gulf and coastal Syria where they staged the Battle of the Orontes. How they spent those sixteen years needs study. The direct route from the Gulf to Phoenicia would have taken them through Martu at a time when Noahic elite were reigning there. The tradition of Herodotus’s Tyrian voyage reminds us, however, that the same result might have derived from a circumnavigation of the Arabian Peninsula just as in Ur Nanshe’s ninth era. At the time of the battle of the Orontes, the Centum Aryans were under the command of the Gallic tetrad of Shem, Arphaxad I, Peleg and Joktan. The first three of these were members of the Arabian alliance. Joktan-Meshech was engaged in the Uralic colonization process north of the Caspian. As a member of a team of Japhethites, he had not yet switched loyalty from the Akkadians, who figured as codefenders of Mesopotamia against barbarians like the Amorites. However we have placed Japheth himself in the Arabian alliance; and it was only a matter of time before news of this conversion reached the Uralic region. Whatever messenger the alliance sent north to inform the Japhethites singled out Joktan for special attention as the feudal lord of most of the South Semitic stock. In fact the very concept of the Joktanite clan appears to be synonymous with the Arabian alliance. The issue of Joktan’s political conversion, therefore, is tied closely to the Arabian alliance in one way or another. 239 If Joktan-Meshech went north into the Uralic region as an ally of the Akkadians before the Arabian alliance took shape far to the south, the thirteen Joktanite vassals figure as an incentive or bribe to convert him to the anti-Akkadian cause. By some means he made his way south to become Esus of the Gallic tetrad while the rest of the Gallic tetrad was making their way north at the head of IndoEuropeans destined to colonize Europe after the Battle of the Orontes. Once the Japhethites began to slip away from the Akkadian cause, the East Semites and Egyptians stood alone as enemies of the Noahic elite. \ Manishtushu, Naram Sin and Egypt 2218-2188 Shem’s sixth and seventh heirs began operating independently of Sargon because they could sense that the wealth of Egypt in population and agricultural potential made that land the equal of Mesopotamia. The central theme of Waddell’s Makers of Civilization in Race and History is the imperial build-up of both India and Egypt beginning with Ur Nanshe in what we know to be the ninth era and climaxing in the eleventh and twelfth. Waddell believes that Rimush reigned prior to Manishtushu in an effort to hold off Manishtushu’s reign until he could straighten out and become genuinely loyal to the empire. Instead, he and Naram Sin remade the empire in their own image as Menes and Narmer of Egypt. It is not possible to place Egypt in the context of Noahic monogenesis without taking a long look at the conventional Egyptian chronology based on the king list of Manetho. Kingship at Its Source suggests that Manetho’s chronology resulted from the same mythology that operated in Mesopotamia and resulted in preposterously long reigns that no one believes in today. The difference is that Manetho’s terms look reasonable. They do not agree with other sources in close detail but do so in order of magnitude. Just how great a challenge this chronological scale is to our reconstructive history can be gathered from the list of dates given for the first eight dynasties in the lower of two chronologies given by the Wikipedia article— the dates adopted from Ian Shaw: 1st and 2nd dynasties 3rd dynasty 4th dynasty 5th dynasty 6th dynasty 7th and 8th dynasties c.3000-2686 2686-2613 2613-2494 2494-2345 2345-2181 2181-2160 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations To measure the exent of conflict between this tradition and my reconstruction, I date the year of Narmer’s victory at the nome of Metelis in 2181, the same year that Shaw dates the beginning of the 7th dynasty. Narmer is the second or perhaps first ruler of the First Dynasty dated by Shaw in c. 3000— a discrepancy of some 820 years. Kingship at Its Source attributes this discrepancy, in the first instance, to the mind of Sidon son of Canaan, the universal Noahic wisdom god known to the Sumerians as Enki; to the Akkadians, as Ea; to the West Semites of Ugarit, as Kotherwa-khasis; and to the Egyptians, as Ptah. While at work among the Mesopotamians, Sidon laid the foundation for the outrageously inflated reigns of the First Kish and other dynasty by what must have been a procedure akin to that of Yima in the Zend Avesta. Yima is said to have pressed his golden seal and the point of his dagger into the earth and invoked additions of time— 300, 600 and then 900 years. When Sidon supplanted Noah as the god of the Abzu Temple at Eridu, he added a mystical belief about his relationship to Noah’s age. KAIS works with Noah’s death at age 950 in 2168. Likewise the turning point at the rise of Shem’s sixth and seventh heirs at the start of the eleventh era in 2218 calls attention to the fact that Noah then reached the age 900. That age holds the key to the ultimate meaning of the Egyptian Great Ennead as a quasi-genealogical set of nine deities at the core of the pantheon. We have seen that human deity of the Psalm 82 type correlated with spatial domains. The Egyptians carried forward this same concept with the nomes of the Nile, each with its own god. Sidon’s mysticism expanded that valid principle to encompass periods of time— as concept as false as his deadly concept that statuary idols defeat mortality by absorbing the Ka or power of a living ruler. It would appear that Sidon assigned to each of the Great Nine a century of time as those these were equivalent to spatial domains. Sidon’s mystical habit of mind would have conceived of the Great Ennead as a variation of the eight diluvian survivors. In fact Egyptian mythology pictures the eight survivors of the Flood as the Ogdoad of Hermopolis— eight humble beings of the slime paired off in couples as are eight members of the Great Ennead below Atum Re. The land of Egypt must have held an important place in antediluvian times as did Sumer. Sidon could draw on what he learned from Noah about the history of Egypt as far back as Noah’s youth in 3100 BCE. The conversion of space into time, however, must have involved some radical mystical element which Sidon found plausible. By replacing Noah-Nun’s slimy ogdoad with an ennead, Sidon felt that he was doing Noah one better. The odd man out was Japheth-Atum Re, creator of the postdiluvian Hamitic-Egyptian stock. The mysticism of the Ennead comes to focus in the way Atum Re is supposed to have begotten the initial couple Shu and Tefnut without a woman. The Bible affirms that Japheth was one hundred years old at the time of the Flood. That circumstance alone explains why the time module for the Ennead was a century even if the century was unrecognized by the cultures of the 241 period.Another mystical value attaching to Japheth was the way he and Durga adopt the same name “Sheba” in their respective Cushite and Joktanite settings. Durga belonged to the same Asian-Sethite race as Noah. The curious parallel between Japheth and Durga may have been essential to the way Sidon used the figure of Atum Re to index the first century of Noah’s life. The extrapolation of the Ennead in centuries beginning in 3118 arrives at a particular meaningful point with the succession of Osiris and his sister-wife Isis. Taking this couple in advance of Seth and Nephthys, Osiris is the sixth member of the set and Isis the seventh. The sixth century of Noah’s life was the one ending in the Flood in 2518. Thus Osiris’s death takes on the meaning of the diluvian “end of all flesh.” That is precisely why Riphath-Osiris takes on the character of the sinner Adam as Sumerian Adapa and is capsized so that he “goes down to the home of the fish.” The magician Isis then becomes the agent of her brother’s resurrection in keeping with the regeneration of mankind over the first century of after the Flood. SethShem’s equation with Noah’s eighth century and the second after the Flood suggests the way Shem gained his definitive character as the Gundestrup “Stag Nature” god, controlling both the Indo-European and Semitic stocks around the close of the first postdiluvian century. A consideration of the Ennead sequence reveals a political bias in terms of linguistic stocks. This Egyptian tradition begins by giving priority to the Hamitic stock as embodied in Atum Re. Second place goes to the Semites embodied in the air god Shu-Enlil-Ham. So the Ennead is constructed to exalt the Hamites and Semites who made up the victorious griffin armies of the Uruk-Aratta war. Setting aside the obscure Tefnut, the next place goes to the Uralo-Altaics as embodied in Noah-Geb. That step could not have been avoided without abandoning every semblance of truth in respect to Noah’s role in creating the means of surviving the Flood. Geb is counterbalanced by his spouse the heaven goddess Nut. Whether we take Nut as a version of the heaven goddess Inanna or as a version of the Mahadevi tetrad headed by Uma, this Egyptian goddess gives precedence to Sumer and the Sumerian language as the better part of the Uralo-Altaics as loyal subordinates to Semitic Sargon. The upper part of the Ennead says that the source of all power lies with Egypt at the head of an order supported by its old Semitic allies and with the Uralo-Altaics represented best by the Sumerians. We will see that this same combination of stocks is embodied in Gudea’s dream vision combining lion and bird imagery with a “flood wave” symbolizing the Enkiship of Sumer. Gudea was a 22 nd century version of the mystic Sidon responsible for all of these mythological constructions. Among the remaining members of the Ennead, Seth-Shem indexes the IndoEuropeans, who became clearcut enemies of the Hamites in the Aegean war. Accordingly, Seth is treated as a villain in Egyptian mythology. The remaining three stocks are less transparently represented in the Ennead. As Kali’s daughter and governor of Nippur in the First Kish order, Isis figures as the Ennead index of the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Austronesians. The remaining stocks are the Sino-Tibetans and Amerindians, the two races spread throughout the Arabian penal system more widely than others. The unplaced members of the Ennead are Tefnut, Osiris and Nephthys. Isis was Noah’s daughter by Kali and Nephthys by Uma. The curious imposition of Uma’s name on Amerindian Yumans suggests that she was associated in the Egyptian scheme with the Amerindian stock despite the Caucasoid blood she shared with her brother-spouse Shem. If we take the Seres east of the Issedones as the Chinese or closely linked to them, the name can be sources is Asir-Osiris, placing Riphah at the head of the SinoTibetans in this frame of reference. The mysterious Tefnut, as Shu’s spouse, possibly represents some part of the Semitic race distinct from the ones that Shu-Enlil embodies. Depicted as a lioness, she conceivably stands for the African South Semites as distinct from Semites living in Asia. At this point we can sum up this ethnic reading of the Ennead before returning to the issue of Egyptian chronology: Atum Re (Japheth) Shu (Ham) Tefnut Geb (Noah) Nut (Inanna) Osiris (Riphath) Isis (Arvad) Seth (Shem) Nephthys Hamites Asiatic Semites African Semites Uralo-Altaics Sumerians Sino-Tibetans Austronesians Indo-Europeans Amerindians The languages attached to three of the four couples are closely associated— Shu and Tefnut at the head of two branches of Semites; Geb and Nut accounting for the kindred Uralo-Altaics and Sumerians; and Osiris and Isis, for the Sino-Tibetans and closely intermingled Austroasiatics as remote members of the Austronesian stock. No relationship exists between the Indo-European and Amerindian languages; and for this pair we have only the European colonists of the Americas living on either side of the Atlantic Ocean. Superficially Native Americans have given us such loan words as “skunk,” “raccoon” and “opossum.” The chronological extrapolation in centuries may be intended to tell us something about these languages before and after the Flood. If so the scheme claims that the Hamitic language existed in Egypt in some definitive form at the time of Noah’s birth in 3118. That is why the inflated chronology of Manetho is designed to that end. The Sumerian language is located in the right place in the fifth century, 2718-2618, to act as foundation for the period of the antediluvian section of the Sumerian Kinglist. 243 By locating the Indo-European century in the postdiluvian period, this reading cannot be establishing the origin of languages because we know that the IndoEuropeans existed north of the Caspian Sea before the Flood. Instead the scheme is telling us about the priority of power and dignity among the linguistic stocks. The precedence it gives to Hamites and Semites can be read either as Egyptian nationalistic propaganda or as a statement of fact about antediluvian history. Whatever historical value we give to the process must reckon with the fact that it starts with Noah’s birth 600 years before the Flood as though that birth coincided with some epoch of universal significance apart from Noah’s destiny to survive the Flood. The Egyptian concept of an Ennead topped by the sun god Atum Re and coinciding in time with Noah’s birth suggests the moment in 3118 when God first gave the gift of the ka illustrated in the depictions of the four male survivors of the Flood in the Gundestrup Caldron. Although the ka operated throughout the early postdiluvian world, it belonged specifically to the cultus of the Sun, known to Hebrew theology as the divine name Yahweh Sabaoth. “Lord God of Hosts.” This power to control multiple armies meant imperialism plain and simple. The principle also connotes resurrection power as an accomplished fact as embodied in the apocalyptic armies at the Return of Christ in Revelation 19:14: “And the armies in heaven, clothed in fine linen, white and clean, followed him on white horses.” The MacArthur Study Bible (1997) enumerates four such armies: the Church, tribulation saints, Old Testament saints and angels. Although MacArthur derives these from an induction of Bible passages, they constitute an archetypal plenitude, not the casual result of historical processes. The deeply ahistorical mindset of Egypt, derived from the mind of Sidon-Ptah, was made up of such archetypes— the lore of El Olam, the God of eternal wisdom. Archetypes were inseparable from God’s plan to create different races, languages and nations. The solar principle of Egypt meant the imperial power to combine these diverse principles into a unit— the atum of Atum Re. The clear identification between Egypt and the solar principle after the Flood implies that the ka was first put into play in the century of Atum Re beginning 600 years before the Flood. For that reason Sidon’s mysticism concluded that the beginning of dynastic Egypt early in the 22nd century was mystically the same as the advent of the imperial gift late in the 32nd. It is well known that Egyptian thought replaced a chronological conception of history with cyclical repetitions of identical deeds by the gods. Like everything truly apocalyptic, the tetrad implicit in Revelation 19:14 exists as an archetype as well as a principle of prophecy dependent on the historical processes revealed exclusively in the Bible. Christians have sometimes had difficulty in realizing that the materials that go to make up prophecy exist in eternity as well as in the historically ordered past and future. These materials are so interwoven that it was quite impossible for the history of mankind before and after the Flood not to include them as formative principles. The Pauline mysterion of the Church conforms to an essential idea inseparable from human consciousness long before the birth of the Church. The Egyptians, like the Hebrews, knew nothing of the Church because that Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations concrete reality exists in its own historical context. But the idea of the Church— and of angels, Old Testament saints and tribulation saints— was clearly understood by Noahic mankind. For example the future fact of tribulation sainthood is simply the climax of a perennial phenomenon known to the Gentiles as “heroism,” the ethos of Herakles, Thor or Aliyan Bal. There is an ideal dimension of human experience just as surely as there is a concrete, historical dimension. The Egyptians knew nothing of the latter but everything about the former. They commanded the same ideal atum embodied prophetically and historically in the four groups of beings named by MacArthur in explaining Revelation 19:14. When Christians read that the Lamb of God was slain “from the foundation of world,” they realize that this statement refers prophetically to the particular Crucifixion of Christ by the Romans in the first century of the Christian era and simultaneously in eternity apart from history. They often fail to realize that this match between an eternal idea and historical realization is the rule not the exception. The Egyptians understood correctly that eternal ideas dictate the concrete; but they failed to give due weight to concrete outcomes in history. One result was a tissue of chronological lies in Manetho’s king list. We will soon show how this misrepresentation was accomplished. Sidon became a liar when he attempted to convert a mystical and ideal concept into a rationalization of concrete history by dictating the specific terms incorporated in Manetho’s king list. Cycles of a century really existed over the 900 years from 3118 to 2218; but these cycles did not describe the pharaonic history of dynastic “Old Kingdom” history as the king list claims. In the preface to The Sphinx and the Megaliths (1976), John Iviny affirms that accomplishments by the ancients betray a technical wisdom far in advance of what the scanty historical documentation of antiquity suggests. The documents of ancient times are the tip of a vast iceberg of experience and wisdom rather than a tame record of mundane processes by groping primitives. We can overestimate the wisdom of the ancients; but it much easier to underestimate it. In the case of Manetho’s king list we find what looks like a faithful attempt to record concrete fact— imperfectly but genuinely. Instead we are encountering a synthesis of actual Egyptian reigns with a false chronology based on a mystical interpretation of a totally different body of historical facts. The king list combines actual reigns of the 22nd century with a chronology derived from the antediluvian perspective of Sidon’s knowledge of the antediluvian heritage from 3118 forward. Let’s look at the chronological specifics of Manetho’s list beginning with his first ruler Menes. He gives this king a long reign of sixty-two years. That term is instantly meaningful to us if we accept Waddell’s case for the identity of Menes with Akkadian Manishtushu. Those sixty-two years are simply the two Noahic eras of the primary Akkadian regime shared by Sargon, Rimush, Manishtushu and Naram Sin over the isochronic span from 2248 to 2188 but extended two years further to 2186. 245 The next king Athothis is given fifty-seven years, just one year beyond the fifty-six assigned to the same two eras in the Sumerian Kinglist for both Sargon and Naram Sin. The first ruler of the second dynasty is given sixty-eight years. If that term is applied to the same formal foundation of 2248, the result 2180 misses one year of our estimate of 2181 for the year Narmer won his victory in the Nile Delta and united the two Egypts. The first ruler of the third dynasty is given 28 years, the standard lunar day-year counterpart to the 30-year module and the basis for the doubled 56 years of Sargon and Naram Sin. The second ruler of the same dynasty receives 29 years as though to represent the eleventh era rather than the initial tenth. Together these two reigns total 57 years equivalent to the Sumerian 56 once again. In other words these first three dynasties are designed to duplicate again and again the 60-year Akkadian Age that actually brought dynastic Egypt into existence. The same process continues at the start of the fourth dynasty where “Soris” receives the same “lunar era” term of 28 years. The same thing happens again in the fifth dynasty where Usercheres receives 28 years. In the sixth the initial “Othoes” receives the standard Noahic module of 30 years. My source does not give figures for the seventh through ninth eras but skips forward to the twelfth. For the first six dynasties the following principles hold true: 1) The opening reigns of all six dynasties conform to the standard Noahic era of thirty years in a variety of different ways. 2) This process sometimes conforms to the double era of the Akkadian period either through single ruler Menes or pairs of opening rulers such as Necherofes Tosorthios of the third dynasty. 3) The widest deviation from this process is the 68 years attributed to Boethos of the second dynasty. If that term placed at the start of the tenth Noahic era in 2248, the term ends in 2180 within one year of the actual year that Narmer united the Two Egypts— the step essential to distinguishing dynastic Egypt from the predynastic version prior to 2188. 4) Only the first or first two rulers of each dynasty reflect this process. A summary abstract of those relevant reigns is as follows. I add the suggested repetitions of the Akkadian era: Dynasty I. First ruler Menes. 62 years. 2248-2186 Dynasty II. First ruler Boethos. 68 years. 2248-2180 Dynasty III. First ruler Necherofes. 28 years. 2246-2218 Second ruler Tosorthios. 29 years. 2217-2188 Dynasty IV. First ruler Soris. 28 years. 2246-2218 Dynasty V. First ruler. Usercheres. 28 years. 2246-2218 Dynasty VI. First ruler. Othoes. 30 years. 2248-2218 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The purpose of this strange, stuttering arrangement was to show cryptically that dynastic Egypt owed its origin to the Akkadian regime— Waddell’s central thesis. Let’s review how Waddell connects Egypt with the Akkadians. The narrative begins with Ur Nanshe, who came to power in 2278, forty-two years before Sargon: “That King Uruash [Ur Nanshe) and his Panch or “Phoenician” Dynasty were seafaring people is abundantly evidenced by the numerous finds in the stratum of their period at their seaport city of Lagash of fish-hooks, fishing tackle, harpoons, the Net as a figure of the king’s power in sculptures, sea-shell ornaments finely carved and used also for inlaid work, the offering of oars to the patron saint of the city of Lagash and the pictographic use of a sail with the meaning of “winds, watery space and sea” (160-161). A few pages later Plate IX shows photographs of eight seals from the Indus Valley. Eventually Plate X shows ten more of these, Plate XI eleven, Plate XV ten, Plate XVIII nine, Plate XX thirteen and XXA eight more. Every time these seals occur in the text they mark a stage in Waddell’s development of the history of the Lower Sea continuum linking Sumer to India and Egypt. After this discussion of Ur Nanshe, Waddell brings in the seals for the first time in the context of the name Khad occurring in Sumer, India, Phoenicia and ultimately in the Hittite Empire. He establishes this name at Lagash as a title of Ur Nanshe based on pictographs meaning “House of the Fishes.” The reading he avoids, “Ur Nanshe,” means “Champion of the Fish Goddess Nanshe.” In Phoenicia he finds the title in place names such as Kadesh, Qadesh and Gads and in Egyptian usage Qeti as a name for Phoenicia. As for India, he finds the title in the Cedi tribal region and in what he believes to be the cognate term Gut appearing repeatedly in the Indus Valley seals and as an element in Sumerian title given to Ur Nanshe’s son and successor Akurgal. He writes, “The form Cedi, Chedi, Caidya or Cidi used in the Indian epics for a branch dynasty of the Panch Dynasty of this period, which had its capital at Tripuri, is clearly a phonetic variant derived from this Khad or Khaddi title of Uruash [Ur Nanshe].” The Ceda region is shown southwest of Kosala in the map on page 115 above. Waddell reads the first group of Indian signet seals as referring to Ur Nanshe’s successor Akurgal as “Crown Prince” of a settlement in the Indus Valley called “Edin” or “Etin.” Resemblances to Old Testament names such as “Adamu” to “Adam” and “Edin” to “Eden” are brought forward to serve Wadddell’s loathsome attempt to discredit Semites and Christianity— a favorite sport of preudo-intellectuals in the 1920s. Fortunately this ideology can be forgotten in appropriating Waddell’s observations on Sumer, India and Egypt. The seals of Plate X are assigned to Sargon under his Indian name “Sagara” in one instance and Sumerian name “Gan” in another. 247 After translating eight of these seals, the scholar makes indirect contact with Egypt in the ninth: “Gan, the Paru (or Piru or Baru or ‘Pharaoh’). The Gut of Agdu Land” (228). So this seal found in India refers to Sargon as the “Gut” (“Bull”) of Akkad but with an additional title “Pharoah” eventually handed over to the kings of Egypt. The continuous relationship Waddell establishes among Sumer, India and Egypt corresponds to the conventional, modern analysis of the first three centers of world civilization. Next Waddell’s attention shifts fully to Egypt as he attempts to show that Sargon became a pre-dynastic pharaoh eventually buried in a tomb at Abydos in Upper Egypt. At this point he identifies Manishtushu with Menes and claims that both his father and grandfather “were predynastic pharaohs before him” (230). As an imperialist Waddell is obliged to argue against the standard Nativist interpretation of Egyptian civilization as homegrown: “Athough ‘Sargon’ is admitted by a leading Assyriologist to have held Egypt and to have included Egypt within his empire by its name “Mizir” and by its Semitic title “Dilmun,” none of the text-book writers on Babylonian or Egyptian History refers to the subject at all, presumably because it militates against their theory of independent origin of Egyptian Civilization” (231). The “text-book writers” still dominate the field because Nativism harmonizes with our civilization’s commitment to democratic nationalism according to which the origin of civilization by foreign and superior rulers is anathema. In Waddell’s case, foreign and superior rulership derives from his idolatry of the Indo-European stock. In mine it derives from Noahic monogenesis as rooted in Mesopotamia where the “favored race” is a polyglot and multi-racial body of aristocrats distinguished by seniority. I reject Waddell’s identification of Sargon and Peleg as predynastic pharaohs because the Egyptian names he cites actually belong to Sidon and two of the Javanites, and to the late stages of the predynastic order begun by Japheth, and Mizraim in 2308. Manetho’s claim that the predynastic period lasted 300 years, if taken at face value, links up the start of dynastic history in 2188 with 2488 for the predynastic. That means only that Manetho’s tradition began with someone aware that all political authority originated with the diluvian family, who began their movement from Sumer to Egypt at the end of the first postdiluvian era in 2488. ManishtushuMenes and his son Naram Sin-Narmer created Egypt by the authority vested in them by being sixth and seventh heirs of Shem in a sequence beginning with the birth of Arphaxad I two years after the Flood in 2516. Waddell’s theory of the identity of Manishtushu with Menes does not require the names of the predynastic pharaohs he cites. He finds persuasive evidence in one of Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations his Indian Aryan narratives. These stories are the real heart of his theory because of the uncanny way that these Satem Aryans regard the mainstream Mesopotamian history as their own without the slightest sense of any fundamental distinction between the Mesopotamians and themselves. One of the Indian traditions, with a different set names for the Akkadian protagonists, frankly identifies Manishtushu (Manasyu) as a pharaoh of Egypt: “Puru had by his wife Paushti three sons Pra-Vira, Ishwara and Raudrashwa, all of whom were mighty charioteers. Amongst them Pra-Vira had by his wife Acchura Seni a son named Manasyu of the line of the Prabhu [‘Pharaoh’], the royal eye of Gopta [Kopt or Egypt] and of the four ends of the earth. Manasyu by Su-Vira’s daughter begot three sons Shakta, Samhana and Vagma, all heroes and mighty chariot warriors” (232-233). The figure Puru is also named Puru-gin and is Shem’s fourth heir Peleg. In this tradition, the fifth heir Reu-Sargon is named Pra-Vira; the sixth heir Serug, Manasyu; the seventh Nahor, Shakta. The phrase “line of Prabhu” suggests, not only a counterpart to the generic title “Pharaoh” but a term for the imperial line of Shem. Later Egyptian rulers adopted that title of Shem’s heirs, not because they were, but because that title traditionally implied authority to rule the empire of the world including the “four ends of the earth.” The names Pra-Vira, Manasyu and Shakta do not replace the names Sagara, Asa-Manja and Karamba but complement them. We have seen that the Indian protoplast, like all the others, divided into a dyad in 2308. Two Indian races have been distinguished as the round-heads and long-heads, counterparts to the “Alpines” and “Nordics” of Europe. The two sets of Indian names for Shem’s fifth, sixth and seventh heirs derive from this dyad. One way to sort them out is to recognize the importance of the Sagara triad to black African origins. Both Indian groups accompanied black Hamites and the Niger-Congo stock into Africa together with whatever white Hamites completed the colonization of Egypt in the Akkadian period. By analyzing black Africa, we can gain insight into how the Akkadian takeover in that continent unfolded. In the following table, the columns represent the four linguistic stocks of Africa. The first row shows the corresponding sons of Ham doomed to die in the Nile Delta in 2181. The second row lists the supplanting Akkadian emperors; the third, key tribes of divisions within each stock; fourth the Satem Aryan stock involved in the process; and the fifth, tribes or other names of the Niger-Congo stock reflecting the imperial family: Afro-Asiatics: Cush Nilo-Saharans: Put Niger-Congo: Mizraim-Aka 249 Khoisans: Canaan Sagara-Nimrod Rimush Cushitic/Semitic Scythians Sagara (Tanzania) Masai _____ Moshe (West Africa) Asa-Manja/ Akha/ Naram Sin (Mandaru) Akan/Mende Nama Indian long-headsIndian round-heads Manja [Shaka] Zulu (Zaire) (South Africa) The entries of the fifth row all belong to the one Niger-Congo stock (including Bantu); but they associate by proximity with all four stocks. The Sagara or Sagala are a linguistic division of Bantus living in Tanzania in the eastern quarter of Africa distinguished by the Cushitic division of Nilo-Saharans. Nimrod-SargonSagara is a begotten son of Cush and acted as his supplanter in the African-Akkadian scheme. The fourth row might appear superfluous if it weren’t for the Satem Aryan character of the names Sagara, Manja and Shak(t)a. The Moshe are a people of West Africa who complement the Akans and Mende in representing Ham’s son AkaMandaru-Mizraim or his Akkadian supplanter Rimush or Mush. The Manja of Zaire are also Bantus and focus the entire Niger-Congo stock in the center of the continent. “Shaka” is the personal name of a famous king of the Bantu Zulus. Although “Shaka”was also the Indian name for the Scyths, the name conceivably derives from Shakta, son of Manasyu and therefore the fourth Akkadian Naram Sin. From the Akkadian name Naram I derive the Nama division of the fourth, Khoisan stock. In southeastern Africa the Zulus complement the Nama of Southwest Africa (Namibia). A Satem Aryan role in the origin of black Africa is reinforced by the way Nimrod’s Scythian people are known to have left their northern homeland to invade Africa as far south as Ethiopia. To approach the concrete route by which black Africans reached Africa we should outline their history as far back as the First Kish order. We have seen that African quota of six divisions formed pairs at the three “lion cities” of Sippar, Umma and Lagash. In the Uruk-Aratta war, Africans helped form five griffin armies. In one of these the West Africans and Bantus formed a single Niger-Congo body. In the Aegean war the six divisions made up three divisions at Rhodes, Ionia and Chios. The Africans, in this case, resumed their original three groups from the three lion cities. The Afro-Asiatic Hamites bound for Egypt took up their position at solar Rhodes of the Heliadae equivalent to the solar city of Sippar; Nilo-Saharans and West Africans took Chios where the Hellenic version of Nimrod, Orion, matched the Nigerian Yoruba version of Nimrod, Olorun. The Bantus and Khoisans took the continental position of Ionia. After the Arabian war the Africans came under the leadership of patriarchs destined to die in the Nile Delta in 2181. These were ten in number and consisted of the four sons of Ham in 10:6, two additional sons of Ham identified in both Hellenic and Maori traditions and the four Javanites. The four linguistic stocks of Africa divided into pairs and followed eight of these doomed patriarchs, leaving the other Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations two to account for the Hellenes and Phoenicians. The Hellenic tradition deriving the four Javanites from Poseidon and “Libya” (“Africa”) acknowledges that the larger group to whom the Javanites belonged was made up of Africans. The Afro-Asiatics remained divided into Ethiopian Semites and Hamitic Egyptians under Cush and Mizraim respectively. The third son Put remained Iapetus, father of the Hellenes, making Greece a kind of Indo-European extension of Africa. Canaan turns up in Africa under that same name we have identified as a South American god Kuat and the German tribe Quadi. These are the extinct Kwadi if Angola believed to be linguistic relatives of the Khoe of Namibia. The Khoe take the name of Canaan’s non-Genesis 10 brother identified by the Hellenes as the Titan Coeus and by the Maori as the “Father of Cultivated Food.” The sixth son of Ham, Titan Creus and Maori “Father of Uncultivated Food,” accounts for the West African Kru, a part-for-the-whole representation of the West African division of the NigerCongo race. Throughout this analysis, we keep encountering single-tribe representations of the ten leaders. Another instance is the Nilo-Saharan Kanuri, representing the Javanite patriarch Elishah under his Hellenic name Agenor. With Tarshish confined to the Phoenicians, the other two Javanites, Kittim-Khetm-Cadmus and Ro-Rodan-Danaus, turn up as the Kadu, representing another half of the NiloSaharan stock, and the name Rwanda, representing the Bantu half of the Niger-Congo race. These African divisions of the post-Aegean war period should be tabulated before proceeding to consider their roles in wars of the eleventh and twelfth eras. Because the four Hamites belonged among the thirty-two anti-Akkadian kings, they joined Manishtushu as hostages and, in the usual early postdiluvian fashion, became leaders of the Africans by switching sides. Violation of these terms resulted in their execution by Narmer: Leader: Cush Mizraim Put Canaan (Kuat) Coeus (Urukagina) Creus Elishah (Agenor) Tarshish (Phoenix) Kittim (Cadmus) Rodan (Danaus) African Division: Afro-Asiatic Semites (Amharas) Afro-Asiatic Hamites Exilic Hellenes Kwadi Khoe West Africans (Kru) Nilo-Saharan Kanuri Phoenicians Nilo-Saharan Kadu Bantu Rwanda (Kinyarwanda) 251 Eventual Location: Ethiopia Egypt Greece Angola Namibia West Africa Niger-Nigeria Phoenicia Sudan Rwanda The Kwadi language of Angola is extinct but believed to have been a relative of Khoe. Both the Nilo-Saharan Kanuri and Kadu and Niger-Congo Kru and Rwanda divide these two stocks on a west-east basis. Four African divisions with their respective leaders began as an army of occupation at the places where the sons of Ham had served the served the antiAkkadian cause before their defeat by Manishtushu. They occupied a stretch along the southern Arabian coast from Agmanispha Villa to Mada Villa. There they handed over four Amerindian stocks: Amazonians, Muskhogeans, Andeans and Caddoans.The Africans at these locations were African Semites, Upper Egyptians, exilic Hellenes (bound for Europe from the Nile Delta) and the Kwadi bound for Angola. It seems likely that the Kwadi now adopted Canaan’s name Kuat from Amerindians who preserved this name as a god of the Amazonians. The Javanites never joined the thirty-two kings but had served the Olympian faction of the Aegean war. When they switched loyalty to lead African divisions, they were reckoned hostages and became victims of Narmer’s ruthless mass execution in 2181 for switching sides again. Their conversion to the Akkadian side resulted from their father-grandfather Sidon’s conversion as shown in a table on p. 199 above. That event occurred no later than the outbreak of the Arabian war around 2209. Two of the Javanites served as predynastic pharaohs Ro and Khetm in Abydos of Upper Egypt at the close of Japheth’s predynastic scheme from 2200 to 2188. These reigns followed their activity in the Arabian war. The selection of just ten hostages as victims at Metelis tells us something about the role of these victims in the Arabian war because ten was the quota number of the Amerindians. The Amerindians became Narmer’s enemies at Metelis, implying that the hostages broke their agreement with the Akkadians and took over leadership of the ten Amerindian divisions by 2181. They formed a group of ten when they served the Akkadians at the head of the ten African divisions during the Arabian war. A workable scenario is that Manishtushu ordered the ten hostages to use their African followers to guard the Amerindian stocks to their interim settlements in Ethiopia. The discrepancy between nine Ethiopia linguistic zones and the ten Amerindian stocks implies that predynastic Javanites Khetm and Ro led one of the Amerindian stocks north to Upper Egypt, opening the door to the revolt that brought the whole Amerindian north to the Nile Delta and Libya. The six sons Ham had already governed Amerindian stocks in Arabia. In contrast the four Javanite hostages replaced the four sons of Shem, who would have been more difficult for Narmer to murder without incurring the ire of the whole world. The overall population of the Amerindians had been reduced by the conversion of South Semites left behind in Arabia. That loss of population was complemented by the the entire population destined to colonize Africa. These Africans had been servents of the central Mesoptamian powers from the Uruk-Aratta war forward; and they were now trusted to act as guards over the unruly Amerindians. In the process the four great African linguistic stocks submitted to the nominal rule, at Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations least, of the four primary sons of Ham: Cushitic Hamites such as Kali’s Afars, to Cush; the Niger-Congo group, to Aka-Mandaru-Mizraim; Nilo-Saharans, to Put; and Khoisans to Urukagina-Cagn-Canaan. We will also observe that these four sons of Ham are represented “in miniature” by divisions of the Nguni Bantus of southeastern Africa. In order to perform this task of guardianship, the four African stocks divided into ten groups: the Hamites into Berbers, Upper Egyptians (exclusive of the Hamites who had already populated Egypt in the predynastic period) and Cushites; the NiloSaharans, into Nilotes and Saharan Chadics; the Niger-Congo stock, into West Africans, Central African Bantus and Nguni Bantus of the southeast; and Khoisans, into Kwadi of Angola and Khoe of Namibia. The African guardianships over Amerindians in Ethiopia enrich our knowledge of the interplay between the last two colonization processes of Noahic times— the African and Amerindian known to East Indian tradition as the second and third “strides of Vishnu.” In some cases three-point cognate matches of name accurately associate hostage leaders with the African divisions and Amerindian stocks that they sought to govern in Ethiopia after the Arabia war. Ham’s son Creus accounts for the Kru of Liberia, representative of the West Africans as well as the North American Cree representative of the Algonquians. Canaan gives his Amazonian-Teutonic name KuatQuadi to the Khoisan Kwadi of Angola and to his Amerindian people the Javanite Caddoans as represented by Cadmus-Khetm, Canaan’s great-grandson through Sidon and Agenor-Elishah. Although the Amazonians remember Canaan as Kuat, their leader in Ethiopia was Cush, known to them as Tupan, brother of Guaran— “The Warrior” (in Spanish)— another name for Canaan. Creus’ and Canaan’s brother Coeus accounts for the Namibian Khoe. At the end of the list in Genesis 10:6 Canaan forms a continuous subset of Ham’s sons with the extra-biblical Creus and Coeus. The positions of Liberia, Angola and Namibia on the Atlantic coast demonstrate how the western half of the continent was colonized from a voyage by the Akkadian Upper Sea fleet preliminary voyage that crossed the Atlantic. Ham’s second son Mizraim attached his names both to the Hebrew version of “Egypt” and to the Akans and Mende of West Africa. In that sense Mizraim was to Creus-Kru of West Africa what Canaan was to Coeus-Khoe in Southwest Africa. These associations were all established in Ethiopia were the the guardianships were forged after the Arabia war. The Amerindian stock attached to Mizraim was the Muskhogean of Joktan-Meshech-Meskiaggasher. In comparing these names the element “Mush” equivocates among three different patriarchs: Mizraim as taking his Hebrew from the root Mizri or Mushri; Manishtushu’s Akkadian brother Rimush; and Joktan-Meshech as Anatolian “Mushki” and Amerindian Muskogee. When Mizraim took personal control of the Muskhogeans with the assistance of West Africans in the transitory Ethiopian setting these names were somehow exchanged. 253 After establishing the Guti dynasty as Imta, Ham’s third son Put took control of Amerindian ancestors of the Andeans as their sun god Inti according to an identity conflating him with the original sun god Japheth. Among the Africans he took charge either of Nilotes or Chadics. One West Nilotic people, the Acholi, point directly to Put under a cognate to his Hellenic tribal “eponym” of Aeolus, god of the wind. The Acholi inhabit Acholiland in northern Uganda and southern Sudan around the town of Opari at the same latitude as the southern border of Ethiopia. This theory of the transitory presence of Amerindian stocks under African guards in Ethiopia means that the traditional “land of Cush” can be regarded as the dispersion point of the whole of black Africa. An interesting exercise is to attempt to place nine camps of these combined Amerindian and African people in the nine linguistic zones of Semitic Ethiopia. Our big picture is that the whole of ancestral Africa and Native America once inhabited these zones prior to the arrival of Semites from Arabia in about 1000 BCE. If we treat Greater Ethiopia as a seminal region for the whole of Africa, we can attempt to equate its nine linguistic zones as a model for the entire continent like the eight cities of Sumer for the towns in proto-Hungary. Setting aside the sparsely populated Dahlik branch of the Dahlak Islands, we might suggest the following Ethiopian matrix: Tigrinya Eritrea, Egypt; Tigray northern Ethiopia, the Hamitic Berbers of North Africa; the Geez Kingdom of Aksum, Ethiopia itself in view of the value of Geez as the sacred language of Ethiopian Christianity; the dominant of North Central Ethiopia, populous West Africa; the Argobba northeast of Addis Ababa, Nilotes of Sudan; the Gafat along the Abbay-Blue Nile, Bantu Zaire; the Harari of Eastern Ethiopia, the Nguni Bantu of southeast Africa; and the Gurage of southwestern Ethiopia, the Khoisans of southwestern Africa. Except for the Lower Egyptians already in Egypt, these colonies of Africans and Amerindians made up a formal quarter of the human race. Political events of the early 22nd century did not alter their destiny to populate the continents of Africa and the Americas. Those events, however, profoundly influenced the cultural character, for example, of Meso-American religion. The murders of 2181 changed the pantheon of the Mayans, Olmecs and Aztecs into a set of angry and protean ghosts entirely unlike the gods of Sumer, Egypt, India and Greece. Rigors of life in Arabia and en route to the homelands in Africa and the Americas resulted in survivalist cultures generally recognized as uncivilized, “primitive” or “savage.” The use of these terms has become unfashionable along with terms such as “natives” or even “tribes.” At the close of the eleventh era in 2188, Naram Sin came to the end of his 56year reign running concurrently with Sargon’s from 2244. Naram Sin and Manishtushu turned their full attention to Egypt. At the same time, the ten hostage leaders in Arabia arrived at a fatal decision. Two of their members, the Javanites, Khetm and Rodan, had been reigning in Upper Egypt for the previous 24 years. Under their influence the hostages concocted a plan to colonize Lower Egypt with the entire Amerindian stock and Upper Egypt with the whole African stock. If this plan had succeeded, the Two Egypts would have claimed a population greater than that of Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Sumero-Akkadian Mesopotamia. The balance of power in the world would have shifted westward; and the Egyptian tail would have wagged the Mesopotamian dog. Hardened by their years in Arabia, the Amerindians would have created a civilization in Lower Egypt less refined than the one introduced by the dapper patriarch Japheth, the bearded movie-star type of the Mutilated Envoi panel. The Amerindians would have introduced a version of the same culture attributed to them and other members of the Aratta faction as suggested in the figure of the mutilated envoi. Egypt now faced a revival of the Uruk-Aratta war on Egyptian soil. This revolt resulted from the way 2188 also brought an end to Japheth’s longstanding predynastic colonization of Egypt. That process was designed according to a twelve-year module and scheduled to end that year. The Noahic Council was fully aware that a political change must come to Egypt at this time. The result was a kind of Egyptian land rush by two competing powers. The Akkadians intended to leave Lower Egypt as it was but to complete the “griffin” alliance of Afro-Asiatic Hamites and Semites by colonizing Upper Egypt with Semitic Amorites. That is why the Amorites and Canaanites remained a separate people within the same West Semitic stock on either side of the Jordan. Martu had acted as a stepping-stone to Egypt at the start of Japheth’s predynastic process. The Amorites had every reason to believe that they were next to proceed from barren Martu to rich Upper Egypt. When their hopes were dashed after 2188, an attitude of bitter despair contributed to the immoral savagery they exhibited at Sodom and Gomorrah in the 2120s. The Egyptian War - 2188-2178 The plan would have worked if it were not for the revolt in Arabia. The ten hostage leaders had been selected according to the model of the ten Amorite kings who reigned over the eleventh era from 2218 to 2188. The Akkadian plan called for the Amerindians to complement the Egyptians of Lower Egypt by colonizing the African continent from Libya westward. Africans would complement the white Hamites of Upper Egypt by extending southward throughout the continent. The hostage leaders understood what that plan meant because two of their members— Ham’s sons Coeus and Creus— had served Japheth’s predynastic regime by exploring the African continent in advance of it colonization. This exploration, at some time over the long predynastic period, explains certain facts about African ethnology such as the original settlement of the continent by the foraging Khoisans and related Pygmies. It was a 23rd century counterpart to the great colonizations of the 22nd century; and like them it marked progress by the discovery of rivers. As sons of Ham, Coeus and Creus complemented the Ocean Dragon Kings. Their prodigious exploration of Africa followed a parallel course to their history in Arabia and began in the same year of 2278 when Ur Nanshe came to power. The only colonists who followed them consisted of their own families, spread thin over the 255 continent as ancestors of Khoisans and Pygmies. The Pygmy deviation in size resulted from intense inbreeding of an isolated community. The leaders carried out their great task over the sixty years from 2278 to 2218. Because the two proceeded simultaneously at either side of the continent with a quota of ten rivers each, they worked with a module of six years for each river and lived by foraging. The explorer of the eastern coasts Coeus, however, counted the Nile as his own and came to be known among the Maori as the “Father of Cultivated Food” in contrast to the western explorer and pure forager Creus, the “Father of Uncultivated Food.” The river system in the west was more complex and obliged Creus to spend added time in the interior at such great tributaries as the Ubanghi, Kasai and Lualaba. As a result Coeus made more rapid progress on the coasts, rounded the Cape and met his brother in the west coast in Angola. We are bringing forward the histories of Coeus and Creus at the present point to establish their importance as fellow victims with their brothers of Genesis 10:6 in 2181. For some reason these two attached particular importance to their brother Canaan. The likeliest explanation is that Canaan was both a grandfather of Ur-Nanshe and the priest Uru-kagina, fierce antagonist of Shem Lugalzaggesi-Shem in defense of the Ningirsu cult at Lagash. There are several evidences of Canaan’s importance at the meeting point in Angola where Canaan’s name appears three or four times from different linguistic contexts. We have seen that the Kwadi of Angola bear the Amerindian god name Kuat in exactly the same form as the Quadi of Teutonic Bohemia. The Sumerian name Uru-kagina gave rise to that of the chief god of the Khoisans Cagn. Equally striking is the pair of rivers where the brothers met— Creus’ Cuanza to the north and Coeus’ Kunene to the south. The name Kunene represents the Hebrew-Semitic name “Canaan.” The Cuanza may be a variant of Amerindian KuatKwadi but represents some alternative language. If the Akkadian plan had succeeded the twenty rivers discovered by the two brothers would have resulted in the division of Africa into twenty kingdoms associated with the locations of the twenty rivers. In tabulating the twin exploration process of 2278-2218, we can suggest how close modern Africa comes to reproducing this system by naming the most prominent African town or city located on or near each river: Year: 2278 2272 2266 2260 2254 Creus’s River: Modern Town: Senegal Saint-Louis (Senegal) Volta Accra (Ghana) Niger Port Harcourt (Nigeria) Benue Garoua (Cameroon) Chari N’djamena (Chad) 2248 Ubangi Bangui (Central Coeus’s River: Modern Town: Nile Cairo (Egypt) Atbara Ed Damer (Sudan) Blue Nile Khartoum (Sudan) White Nile Omdurman (Sudan) Lakes Albert, Edward, Kivu, Tanganyika, Nyasa Blantyre (Malawi) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 2242 2236 Zaire Lualaba African Republic) Mbandaka (Zaire) Kisangani (Zaire) 2230 Kasai Bandundu (Zaire) 2224 Cuanza Luanda (Angola) Zambezi Limpopo Vaal Lusaka (Zambia) Mochudi (Botswana) Johannesburg (South Africa) Orange Kimberley (South Africa) Kunene Huambo (Angola) Both of these sequences contain wide intervals. In the west the Senegal is far removed from Egypt and implies a Phoenician voyage conducted by Ur Nanshe’s “Panch” dynasty and beginning at the Upper Sea rather than waiting for the “Tyrian” voyage from the Lower Sea. The same maritime route westward through the Mediterranean, past Gibraltar and down the West African coast was pursued in the 22nd century in the main colonization of black Africa. In both cases these voyages ignored the north and northwestern coasts of the continent in quest of the rivers of the Guinea Coast. A similar, if briefer, gap divides the eastern route from the White Nile to the Zambezi. That interval was filled in by Coeus’ recognition of the remarkable chain of five lakes extending north to south as though they were a single river as the Red Sea was before the Flood. If the Akkadians had had their way, the ten divisions of the Amerindians would have colonized the ten rivers of Coeus’ series starting with one division on the Nile as a complement to the Hamites there. The actual positions of the Khoe, Kwadi and Bantu relative to the Kunene, Cuanza and Kasai-Zaire suggest that the Amerindians would have extended no father than the Andeans on the Orange. That arrangement meant that the Caddoans and Muskhogeans would have taken positions as complements to the white Hamites in Lower and Upper Egypt respectively. The Javanite Caddoans in Lower Egypt would have complemented the Javanite settlements of the eastern Mediterranean; the Muskhogeans of Joktan in Upper Egypt, the South Semitic Joktanites in Arabia. A curious confirmation of this scheme is that the Algonquians would have settled in sequence at the five lakes from Albert southward to Nyasa. In point of fact they found their permanent place at the five Great Lakes of North America. Amerindian East Africa came to nothing when the ten hostage leaders in Arabia decided to use the Amerindian stock to overwhelm the Akkadian version of Egypt. A crux concerns what became of the ten African divisions that had been coupled with them. At this point the ten Amorite kings enter the picture. Of these all are Noahic elite and six are members of the Cushite clan of Genesis 10:7. The ten Amorite kings took command of the African divisions, reaffirmed their loyalty to the Akkadian cause and, in effect, set African Genesis 10:7 against Amerindian 10:6. The resulting conflict formed one of two stages of the Egyptian war. Between 2188 and 2181, the two opposed linguistic stocks settled in Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt 257 respectively. Narmer united the two Egypts by defeating and driving the Amerindians out of Lower Egypt to Libya. His army included Egyptians along with the rest of the people destined to populate the African continent. Thus he served as imperial head of the Amorite kings and was surrounded by his elite guard of Egyptians. For a moment in early postdiluvian history, Egypt turned into an international zone as Mesopotamia had been. Two of the Amorite kings, Tudia-Canaan and Mandaru-Mizraim, became members of the rebel hostage sect and had to be replaced by the added Amorite kings Belu-Shelah (Belus-Marduk) and Nabu-Eber (Marduk’s son Nabu-Nebo). Shelah was destined to become one of the great Egyptian pharoahs, Djoser, builder of the seminal Step Pyramid. At this point in early postdiluvian history, the conflict between Shem (Amorite Harharu) and Nimrod-Sargon (Amorite Iangi) ended as Shem recognized the anarchic implications of the Amerindian effort to take over of Lower Egypt by sheer force. In agreeing to take command of African divisions, Shem and his father Noah (Didanu) ended their conflict with Japheth (Zuabu) in a common cause against anarchy and in support of Japheth’s Hamitic Egypt— even if the overlord of the cause was Shem’s dubious seventh heir Nahor-Narmer. Whether or not Shem agreed with Narmer’s policy of executing the ten rebel hostages, he shared in the cause of an orderly, Hamitic Egypt. Although Shem had created his own anti-Akkadian Olympian faction, he recognized that there had been too many of these factions and the Noahic elite had better show a solid front or lose the civilized cosmos which they all desired to create. The value of assigning particular Amorite kings to particular African divisions depends on how long these relationships lasted and how deep the influence became. In the case of this Amorite African alliance sequencing poses a challenge. A familiar pattern of evidence confirms that Nabu-Eber replaced Mandaru-Mizraim. West Africa shows a three point reflection of Mizraim in its overarching Akans (Aka), Moshe (Mushri) and Mende-Mandara (Mandaru). At the same time it reveals the impact of Eber as the West African god Ebore and the tribes Ewe and Igbo. The insertion of Nabu at the point of Mandaru implies that Belu-Shelah likewise replaced Tudia-Canaan. Amorite chronology is a peculiar issue. An easy solution would be locate the dynasty at the head of Africans in Martu in the twelfth era between 2188 and 2158. That scheme, however, cannot work because Noah appears too late in the sequence as Didanu to have reigned prior to his death in 2168. The solution proposed in KAIS is to stretch out the Amorite dynasty over a period of 150 years with a fifteen-year module dating Noah-Didanu well before 2168. That explanation, however, treats the Amorites as a kind of non-participating lunatics in early postdiluvian politics. The present interpretation locates the ten Amorite reigns in the eleventh era according to a brief module of three years. That answer ends in the anomaly that these kings remained in place to take command of the Africans in the same sequence after 2188. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Another substitution accounts for the problem posed by Noah’s death in 2168. This substitute was Noah’s son Ashkenaz. The chief leader of the primary North American expedition, Ashkenaz bears at least two Amerindian names, Wakan-Tanka of the Dakotans and Wabasso of the Algonquians. The name Wabasso agrees with his Amorite name Abazu. This substitution enable us to recognize two successive sequences of the essentially the same Amorite rulers. The first covered the eleventh era with a three-year module, included Didanu-Noah and was located in Martu among Amorite speakers. The second spanned the twelfth era, included substitutes for Tudia, Mandaru and Didanu, was located in Upper Egypt and governed ten divisions of the Africans drawn into the continent from Arabia. Ashkenaz-Abazu’s contribution to African colonization was extensive enough to justify the East Indian concept of him as Vishnu in process of that god’s “second stride.” The “first stride” took the form of colonizing the rivers of Siberia with Altaics in the eleventh era; the “second stride,” colonization of riverlands of the western half of the African process; and the invisible “third stride,” colonization of North America in the thirteenth. Noah’s white son by Uma, Ashkenaz left his name with the black Ashanti-Azande of West Africa just as he left Uma’s name with the red Yumans of North America. Study of West African mythology may some day disclose versions of Ashkenaz like Wakan-Tanka (Wakanda) and Wabasso (Abazu) of North America. We have not yet coordinated the Amorite takeover of the Africans with the concept that the Africans acted as guards over the Amerindians in Ethiopia in the immediate aftermath of the Arabian war. The Amorites were drawn into the equation by the threat posed by the revolt of the Amerindians. By migrating north to Egypt the “race of Tiamat” threatened the entire Noahic world, Akkadians and former members of the anti-Akkadian League alike. Up to this time the Amorites had been part of the anti-Akkadian League. When the Amerindians moved toward Egypt under the “Titan” sons of Ham, the Akkadian leaders promised Upper Egypt to the Amorites to recruit them against the Amerindian threat just as they later promised the Amerindians the right to colonize Mahadevi-Tiamat’s Gutium in order to recruit them against the threat posed by Centum Aryans under the Gallic tetrad. Soon after the Amerindian escape from Ethiopia under the leadership of the ten hostages, ten Amorite leaders agreed to the Akkadian terms and traveled from Martu to Ethiopia to take command of the Africans there and guide them north to crush the Amerindians in Egypt before they could gain a firm foothold on the Nile below the confluence of the Blue and White Nile tributaries. The ten “Amorites” who now took command of the Africans were Riphath-Adamu, Ashkenaz-Abazu, EberNabu, Shelah-Belu, Nimrod-Iangi, Togarmah-Sahlamu, Shem-Harharu, Joktan-Emsu, Ham-Hanu and Zuabu-Japheth. The Noahic Council was now more frightened of the anarchic specter of Amerindians in Egypt under the rebel sons of Ham and Javanites than they ever were of Akkadian tyranny. 259 The presence of Shem, Joktan and Eber among the Amorites in the twelfth era meant that the Gallic tetrad had not yet taken shape. Between 2188 and 2181, these three patriarchs were all located in Ethiopia among the Africans rather than among the Centum Aryans in Syria. If we assume that Amorite warriors accompanied these rulers south to Ethiopia, they left Martu comparatively vacant. It was at this time that the Centum Aryans left their camps along the southern coast of the Persian Gulf and migrated to the land of Martu. Their leaders at this time were logically the two members of the Gallic tetrad never to become Amorite kings— Arphaxad I-Taranis and Peleg-Cernunnus. These two were founders, in effect, of Latin and Celtic Europe. One way to explain the desperate homosexuality of the Amorites of the Dead Sea region is that these men returned from Africa after Centum Aryans had carried off their wives from Tidnum to Syria. Details of the Niger-Congo linguistic stock can be studied in order to identify possible matches between tribe names and the names of Amorite rulers either in Amorite form or in some other. One people that come to mind are the Bantu Herero of Southwest Africa. These suggest Shem’s Amorite name Harharu. An overview of the Niger-Congo branches and subgroups can be found under “Niger-Congo LanguagesSubgroups and Numbers of Speakers” on page 6 of the Wikipedia article on “NigerCongo Languages.” A tabulation of possible matches is as follows: Branch: Mande Dan Volta-Congo: North-Volta Kwa Subgroup: Mende Noah Hebrew: Mizraim Didanu Etana Amorite: Mandaru Kru Gur Adamawa Azande Akan Ewe Baule Anyin Ham Riphath Adamu Ashkenaz Mizraim Eber Shem Nimrod Iangi Hanu Abazu Mandaru Nabu Harharu Other: Creus Gurmu Adapa Yarlaganda Aka Ebore Balih son of Etana West-Benue-Congo Yoruba Edo Nupe Idoma Nimrod Noah Eber Noah Iangi Didanu Nabu Didanu Olorun/Orion Etana East-Benue-Congo Platoid Jukun Joktan Emsu Ikun-Shamash Edom/Dedan Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Southern Bantoid Tikar Tiv Kikuyu Ganda Togarmah Canaan Riphath Ashkenaz Sahlamu Tudia Adamu Abazu Sokar Tiv/Tue Kikku-siwe-tempti Yarlaganda The repetition of an entire “dynasty” in two successive eras at two radically different parts of the earth demands an explanation. It arose from the precedent supplied by the double era of the Akkadian emperors between 2244 and 2188. The Amorite scheme overlapped that period between 2218 and 2158 and presented the West Semitic counterpart to the East Semitic Akkadians. Interplay between Amorites and Akkadians explains why the Amoriite dynasty of Hammurabi took root at Babylon in Akkad and eventually shared the same pantheon with the Akkadians and Assyrians. Furthermore the curious shift from an Amorite populace in Martu to the African populace in Ethiopia or Egypt was precedented by the Akkadians, who represented two radically different ethnic groups, Akkadians of Sargon and Indians of Sagara. Although we have treated the names Sargon and Sagara as interchangeable in the two ethnic groups simultaneously from the first year of the empire, a shift of emphasis occurred in 2218 when the Amorite dynasty began. In short the Mesopotamian regime was to Semitic Akkadians and Satem Aryans what the Martu regime was to Semitic Amorites and non-Semitic Africans. This scenario is complicated by the conviction, stated in KAIS, that Narmer’s three living enemies depicted in the Narmer Palette were Ashkenaz, Riphath and Togarmah. If this interpretation holds true, Narmer’s alliance with the Amorite kings broke down, at least with those three kings. Noah’s sons became the Amorite rulers Abazu, Adamu and Sahlamu respectively. Because Sargon-Nimrod was also an Amorite king, Iangi, the conflict between Sargon and the sixth and seventh heirs of Shem must have persisted into the period when they were all colonizing Egypt. The three enemies in the Narmer Palette are depicted in profile with sloping foreheads as though they are Amorites themselves in contrast to Narmer’s decidedly Egyptian appearance. At least symbolically these portraits show that Narmer’s Egyptians were in conflict with Amorites at one time and not just with Amerindians. The defeated Amerindians are embodied in the ten decapitated hostages on the obverse of the Palette; but the three enemies on the reverse are intended to represent Amorites in the persons of Noah’s three sons. This alienation between Narmer and Noah’s sons, who were supposed to be his allies, resulted from their horror at the execution of the ten hostage victims. Noah’s sons were vassals of Gomer and complements to the four slain Javanites. Riphath and Togarmah are pictured on the reverse in an identical running or swimming posture as though fugitives. Ashkenaz is shown as a defeated foe at Narmer’s feet about to be battered by the pharaoh’s mace. Scholars have identified the 261 enemy at Narmer’s feet as Wash, king of the Libyans. The implication is that the Gomerite revolt against Narmer meant siding with the Amerindians in Libya. Such an association accounts for Ashkenaz’ close identification with Amerindians in the colonization of North America, the “third stride of Vishnu” following the first two “strides” starting with the colonization of Siberia and then the “second stride” in Africa. The African process is discussed here, out of order for continuity with the Egyptian war. The Colonization of Africa 2181-2158 After the executions at Metelis, Narmer summoned the Mizraim clan back from the Aegean realm to Egypt to complement the Amorites in leading the colonization of Africa. Because many of the Amorite kings were members of the Cushite clan, Africa was now divided by “Cush and Mizraim,” in the eastern and western sequences of rivers respectively. The name Cush has always been applied to Ethiopia in East Africa; and the Akan-Moshe-Mende presence in West Africa indicates the dominance of the Mizraim clan over the colonization of the western rivers. The immediate task in Egypt was to divide the Africans into twenty subdivisions to colonize the twenty rivers. Two of the “African” divisions under the rebel hostages had not been African at all but were a combination of exilic Hellenes— the “Titan” branch from Arabia— and Semitic-speaking Phoenicians. When these two peoples left Egypt for the Mediterranean, only eight African units remained from which to colonize the twenty rivers. The leaders needed for the task included Ham as the Amorite king Hanu. Ham just witnessed or otherwise learned of the execution of all six of his “Titan” sons— a personal blow unprecedented in early postdiluvian history to that point. The twenty leaders agreed to compensate this bereaved father the best they could by deriving from each of the original African stocks three subdivisions for each of the four slain sons of Genesis 10:6. The resultant twelve subdivisions complemented the cores of the existing eight stocks to make up the needed twenty stocks. An example of this procedure can be found in the Shilluks and Dinkas of the Nilotic division of the Nilo-Saharan stock. Ham had begotten a seventh son destined to appear with him in the Sumerian restoration dynasty of Third Ur under the names Shulgi and Dungi. Hallo names this successor Shulgi, gives him a remarkable narrative of achievements and notes that he begot a hefty progeny of fifty persons within the dynasty. This statistic accords with the view that his bereaved father Ham (Ur Nammu) encouraged him to produce a large family as a hedge against another disaster like the one in 2181. Waddell reads the name “Dungi” and matches the Sumerian with an Indian King Jama-Dagni. As nothing but variant readings of the same script, “Shulgi” and “Dungi” would be valueless since one reading would Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations simply be an error. Waddell , however, sometimes gets variant readings from different texts. The tribes Shilluk and Dinka become an argument in reverse for two different names of the same son of Ham. Waddell stresses Indian Jama-Dagni’s devotion to the moon god in keeping with Shulgi’s devotion to Nanna at Ur. One of Shulgi’s sons listed by Hallo is Lu-Nanna, “Man of Nanna.” Conceivably Lu-Nanna is reflected in the Nilo-Saharan Luo, the race of Barack Obama’s father in Kenya. These tribal additions in triads associate the sons of Ham with the four ordinal regions of Africa and with the four basic linguistic stocks of the continent: Cush and the Nilo-Saharans in the east; Mizraim and the Niger-Congo stock in the west; Put and the Afro-Asians in the north; and Canaan and the Khoisans in the south. Although the Dinkas and Luos derive from an independent son of Ham, their locations in Sudan and Kenya place them in the traditional sphere of Cush of Ethiopia. As Ham’s surviving heir, Shulgi replaced Cush as Ham’s firstborn. Mizraim’s only immediate children are Philist and Caphtor— Beli and Dôn of the Welsh tradition. Because Dôn variant name among the Irish is Danu, she figures as nominal head of the Dan of West Africa, linking Mizraim to the Niger-Congo group. A comparison of the names Beli, Bile, Byleist and Hebrew Philist suggests that Dôn’s brother is represented in West Africa by the “Atlantic” Fula. Put clearly belongs to North Africa. The Oxford Bible Atlas shows a region named Put on the north coast of Africa directly south of Hellas. We have seen repeatedly that Ham’s son Put fathered the Hellenic stock. The African system in question, however, excludes Indo-Europeans such as the Hellenes. The Egyptians alone are sufficient to show the geographic association of Afro-Asiatics with North Africa; and the same is true of the Berber and Chadic divisions of the stock. The geographic position of this group nearest the Mediterranean suggests a likely connection with the “Libyan,” “African” or Javanite family of Sidon, Poseidon of the Hellenes and Ptah of the Egyptians. In that sense the four Javanites can be said to have died along with Put in 2181. Although the name “Chad” is pronounced “Tshad,” this branch of the Afro-Asiatic stock could be sourced in Elishah-Agenor’s son Kittim, Egyptian Khetm. In contrast we have identified Agenor himself with the Kanuri division of the Nilo-Saharans. By assigning the name Aegyptus— “Egypt”— to the Libyan version of Eber as Belus-Shelah’s son, the same Hellenic tradition associates Egypt itself with that part of Sidon’s Libyan family. With both the Chadic and Egyptian divisions of the stock attached to the Libyan family, it appears likely that the same is true of the kindred Berbers. The Semitic division of the stock is aptly represented by the Phoenicians, who eventually settled at Carthage in North Africa. Thus the “Libyan” Phoenix, a brother of Khetm, adds to this Javanite-North African connection. Despite the position of Cush in East Africa, the Cushitic language is still another member of the Afro-Asiatic family of the north. With Agenor-Elishah relegated to the Nilo263 Saharan Kanuri, we can probe the Berbers (Kabyles) and Cushitics to determine how they relate to the “Libyan” family. As for the Berber Kabyles, we can argue loosely from genetic determinism that the great Christian Berber mind of St. Augustine indicates the derivation of this stock from the early postdiluvian intellectual mystic Sidon, general father of the Libyan family. The name Kabyle suggests that Sidon, in this Afro-Asiatic frame of reference, identified himself with his grandfather Ham under the Cushite name Havilah in the Gutian form Hablum. Process of elimination suggests that the Cushitics such as the Bejas might have derived from the Javanite Ro-Danaus, the last predynastic pharaoh of Egypt. Canaan’s relationship to the Khoisans is particularly well-attested in respect to definitive names. The Kwadi of Angola bear a name virtually identical to the German tribe Quadi, which we derive from Canaan’s Amerindian name Kuat. The closely associated River Kunene suggested the patriarch’s Hebrew name. The Khoisan god Cagn has always suggested the Lagashite priest Urukagina, who makes good sense as Shem-Lugalzaggesi’s bitterest enemy Canaan at the desecration of the cult of Ningirsu. Subdivisions of the Khoisan stock can be searched for a pair of tribes plausibly derived from Canaan to fill out our set of twenty leaders. Both the Nama of the Khoekhoe branch and the Naro of the Khoe-Kalahari branch suggests the emperor Naram Sin and, in that sense, complement such other tribes with Akkadian-East India names as the Bantu Sagara and Manja. Naram Sin, Shem’s seventh heir Nahor, is Canaan’s male line descendent in the matching seventh generation. We can argue that Naram Sin is to Canaan’s Khoisan stock what Manishtushu-Asa-Manja and Sagara are to the Bantu Manja and Sagara of the Niger-Congo linguistic stock. Instead of giving a full outline of the African colonization at this point, we can suggest the four triads that made up the complementary set of twelve units to the eight African stocks brought over from Arabia to Egypt. In dividing the African rivers, the leaders adopted another set of quotas like the ones used to construct the First Kish order. They realized that Hamitic possession of the Nile was worth more in 2178 than the rest of the continent. They assigned to the Afro-Asiatic stock a quota of only two rivers, the Egyptian Nile and the Cushitic Atbara. They granted four rivers to the Nilo-Saharan stock; six to the Khoisans; and eight to the Niger-Congo. The Niger-Congo people are so dominant that, in identifying the Khoisan six, we must draw in two cases on a special class of Niger-Congo Bantu tribes of Southeast Africa. These are the Nguni, who have two special traits. They speak a language with the same click phonemes as the Khoisans and are believed to have adopted these from the Khoisans. Also they exhibit a striking tendency to incorporate the four names of Ham’s sons on Genesis 10:6. The Xotho neatly echo the Hellenic Xuthus-Cush; the Phuthi, the patriarch Phut or Put; the comprehensive name Nguni, for Canaan’s Lagashite name Gunidu; and the Ndebele and Matabele, a compound of Mande-Mizraim (Mandaru) with his son Beli. The rivers can be grouped as follows: Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations A. Afro-Asiatic Rivers 1) Nile. Egyptian Hamites. 2) Atbara. Cushitic Beja B. Nilo-Saharan Rivers 1) Blue Nile. Berta 2) White Nile. Nilotes (Shilluks, Dinkas, Nuers) 3) Niger: Kanuri 4) Chari: Central Sudanics C. Khoisans and Nguni Bantu Rivers 1) African Great Lakes. Sandawe 2) Limpopo. Nguni Northern Sotho 3) Vaal. Nguni group 4) Orange. Hottentots and Nama Khoe 5) Kunene. !Kung 6) Cuanza. Kwadi D. Niger-Congo Rivers 1) Senegal. Mande 2) Volta. Akan 3) Benue. Fula 4) Ubangi. Adamawa-Ubangians 5) Zaire. Luba 6) Kasai. Kongo 7) Lualaba. Rotse 8) Zambezi. Bemba Like the explorations by Coeus and Creus, the colonization took place in eastern and western halves simultaneously. The time module in this case was two years for each river covering the twenty years from 2178 to 2158. The leaders followed an outline supplied by Coeus and Creus before their deaths in 2181. Although the substitutions of Nguni Bantus for Khoisans may appear anachronistic, that impression derives from the polygenetic Nativist assumption that the Khoisan stock once inhabited the whole of southern and eastern Africa for thousands of years prior to the arrival of other stocks such as the Afro-Asiatics. That impression derives in turn from the “Tierra del Fuego” effect of ultra-primitivism on anthropological minds. We will color code the four African linguistic stocks to maintain this underlying reality. Leaders of the eastern process were Amorite kings; those of the western process, vassals of Mizraim: Afro-Asiatics Nilo-Saharans Niger-Congo 265 Khoisans Year: 2178 River: Nile Senegal 2176 Atbara Volta 2174 Leader: Belu: Belus “King of Egypt,” Shelah, Djoser Sidon: Poseidon, father of Belus and (Mizraim-Agenor, Sanakhte, Ptah, Izanagi, father of Mandaru) Zud and Anam Cushitic Beja Adamu: Riphath, Seba vassal of Cush, Osiris of the Great Ennead, Elamite Kikku-siwe-tempti (cf. Bantu Kikuyu of Kenya) Akan (Mizraim-Zud: Susanowo son of Izanagi, vassal Aka) of Mizraim Blue Nile Niger 2172 White Nile 2170 Benue Chari Ubangi 2168 Rift Valley Great Lakes Zaire 2166 Limpopo Kasai 2164 Vaal People: Egyptians Mande Berta Sahlamu: Togarmah son of Noah, vassal of Gomer (Khufu), Birsha king of Gomorrah Kanuri (Elishah-Anam: Amaterasu daughter of Izanagi, Agenor) vassal of Mizraim Nilotes Iangi: Nimrod son of Cush, Sargon, Sagara (cf. Bantu Sagara of northern Tanzania), Elamite Hishur Fula Philist: Beli son of Mizraim (Mynogan) Central Sudanics Harharu: Shem son of Noah, Raamah vassal of Cush, Seth of the Great Ennead, Melchizedek of Salem, Elamite Tata Ubangians Lugalbanda: Shelah, Belus, son of (including Poseidon, Shem’s second heir Banda) Sandawe Nabu: Eber, Aegyptus, son of Belus, Shem’s third heir Luba (LehabNaphtuh: Hamath, daughter of Noah) Noah, wife of Shem, Nephthys of the Great Ennead Nguni Sotho Emsu: Joktan son of Eber Kongo Arvad, daughter of Noah: wife of Pathrus-Riphath, Isis of the Great Ennead Nguni group: Abazu: Ashkenaz son of Noah, Xotho-Cush vassal of Gomer (Khufu) Phuthi-Phut Nguni-Canaan Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Lualaba Rotse (Barotse) 2162 Orange Nama Khoe Zambezi 2160 Kunene Bemba ikung Kwadi Pathrus: Riphath son of Noah, vassal of Gomer (Khufu), Osiris of the Great Ennead, Elamite Kikku-siwe-tempti (cf. Kikuyu of Kenya) Hanu: Ham son of Noah, Shu of the Great Ennead Masluh: Japheth son of Noah, Atum Re of the Great Ennead, Elamite Luh-ishan (cf. Ishan of Nigeria) Zuabu: Japheth son of Noah Caphtor: Dôn, daughter of Mizraim The Celtic War. Battle of the Orontes 2178 While Peleg was still alive before his death in battle in 2178, he joined with Shem, Arphaxad I and Joktan to form the Gallic tetrad of Shem-Teutates, ArphaxadTaranis, Peleg-Cernunnus and Joktan-Esus. This company formed to lead the exilic Celts returning from Arabia and known to history as the Gauls or Gaels. The Gaels of Ireland knew Esus as their great hero Cuchullain— “Dog of Chullain.” The only materials available for a narrative of this war is the death date of Peleg, the Teutates Panel and the legend of Cuchullain. A competing view of the Gundestrup Caldron has influenced my conception of the war. It differs from my position in KAIS at a number of points: the Caldron as insular rather than Gallic, the legend of Cuchullain as source to explain the leafy branches that divide the two registers of the panel, the dominant figure of the Taranis Panel as Fergus rather than Taranis, the dominant figure of the Teutates Panel as Esus-Cuchullain rather than Teutates, this figure’s action of dunking a man in a vat as a baptism rather than human sacrifice and the row of infantry, if not the cavalry, as the enemy. The advantages of this view are its use of the leafy-branch detail and its interpretation of the infantry as enemies. Its disadvantages result from excluding the Gallic tetrad despite identifying Cuchullain with Esus. This fundamental mistake results from a standard Nativist assumption that the Gallic and Gaelic traditions are independent rather than sourced in an actual event occurring, not in Ireland or Britain, but in a Celtic memory of the early postdiluvian world of the Middle East. (See the Teutates Panel of the Gundestrup Panel, scanned from Ole Klindt-Jensen Gundestrup-Kedelen (Danish National Museum, 1961) 267 I yield to the competing view only in borrowing directly from the Cuchullain legend and in identifying the infantry as enemies. The competing view explains the leafy branches but not, for example, the insignias on the helmets of the horsemen. The question of baptism as preparation for battle or human sacrifice for propitious results— as in the Iphigenia legend of the Trojan War— may appear moot; but it bears on the larger issue of whether the panel reflects the Gallic tetrad. The Roman source that reported that feature of the Gallic pantheon noted that Teutates was a god of human sacrifice. Given the date of 2178, this conflict predates Shem’s participation in the African process just described. In the first cycle of the Amorite reigns placed him as Harharu at Tidnum in the years 2206-2203. He approached that setting after failure to defeat the Akkadians in the Aegean war. For whatever reason Arphaxad I failed to become one of his Olympians. It was a comparatively simple matter for Shem to rendezvous with his first heir after 2203 if Arphaxad had either returned to Haran, not far from Tidnum, following his reign as Shushuntara at Elamite Awan. The triggering event behind this new alliance was the arrival of Gallic Celts, if not other Centum Aryans, from Arabia. The best explanation of Arphaxad’s absence from the Olympian sect is that he was serving Joktan as his vassal Hadoram among the South Semites in Arabia. Therefore he was the agent responsible for restoring the Gauls to the north. Specific identities can be given to all of the figures in this crucially detailed panel. As Teutates’ allies the four horsemen represent the other three members of the Gallic tetrad and one other. The identities are established by the insignias but can also be approached by identifying the ten enemies. The seven infantry represent essentially the same septad which we have seen fighting on behalf of the “central powers” of Mesopotamia from 2302 forward, first as the “Erechite heroes” and then as the seven Heliadae of the Aegean war. These seven vassals of Japheth remained intact with two exceptions. Two of their final three members have moved, in effect, from the lower to the upper register of the panel. These are Joktan-Meshech— Esus-Cuchullain of the Celtic tradition— and his father Eber-Tubal. The two converts from Japheth to Shem are revealed by their insignias. They ride at the front of the row of horsemen. In front Joktan wears a bird signifying the deep commitment of this patriarch to South Semitic and North Semitic speakers— Joktanite Arabs and the Syrians of Joktan-Aram. The bird, as we have repeatedly seen, symbolizes the aerial Enlilship of the Semitic linguistic stock. The horseman to Joktan’s rear is Eber, clearly indicated by the boar symbol incorporated in the Teutonic reading of his name “Eber” in German and the English value of his name Bor as Odin-Joktan’s father. Behind Eber rides his heir Peleg-Cernunnus, identified by horns with knobbed tips. At the rear and directly in front of his father Shem is Arphaxad I-Taranis as signified by the half circle representing his wheel attribute. Among the seven infantry, Meshech and Tubal have been replaced by the two leaders who had now cast their lot with Japheth’s Hamites in Egypt— ManishtushuMenes and Naram Sin-Narmer. These first two dynastic pharaohs, pictured here as Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations foot soldiers, have joined in effect several sons of Japheth destined to reign in Egypt as pyramid pharaohs in Dynasty IV. The three trumpeters with vertical instruments create a pictorial impression like that of the four standard bearers on the obverse of the Narmer Palette, depicting the bloody aftermath of the the battle of Metelis three years earlier in 2181. The Gundestrup artisan, working primitively in a difficult medium, is at pains to describe the trumpeters with non-European profiles; and that is true of the three enemies shown on the reverse of the Palette. These three, therefore, are Gomer’s three vassals restored to the Japhethite cause. After the death of the four Javanites in 2181, these were Japheth’s only remaining subvassals. So the complete set of fourteen vassals in Genesis 10:2-4 have been reduced to eight: Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Ashkenaz, Riphath and Togarmah. The troops implicit in each of the lower register Japhethites are no longer Africans. They are the ten Amerindian stocks, converted to Akkadian service by the promise of a homeland in Mahadevi’s Gutium. In the upper register the forces of Teutates consist of more than the dominant Celts. The four horsemen represent four of the exilic Centum Aryan stocks. The four helmet insignias give these four stocks an even greater range of meaning. To deal with that meaning we need to consider two topics— the origin of the Centum Aryan branches and the original set of symbols recognized by the united Noahic council for all eight stocks of the human race. The Caucasoid bias of the European continent and analogous racial biases in Africa, the Far East and the Americas are more pronounced than would have been the case if it were not for deliberate eugenic activity following the Tower of Babel event. Both the Ethiopians and Khoisans of African display traditions based on dividing people on the basis of skin color alone. These traditions date back to the post-Babel scene in the early years after 2340 when the Centum Aryan branches were distilled from other stocks and a kind of “European race” came into existence. Before now I have attributed the Centum Aryans rather vaguely to the diluvian union of Ham with his wife, white Uma. In reality the Centum branches resulted from distilling whiteskinned members of all seven of the non-Indo-European stocks and then converting them to the Centum form of the Aryan language. To establish which branch came from which non-Indo-European stock we need to investigate a system of eight symbols agreed upon by Noah’s family in distinguishing the eight stocks of mankind. We have already identified a few of these. The bird insignia on Joktan’s helmet signifies the Semitic linguistic stock as embodied in Arabs and Arameans. In the context of the Teutates panel, however, the insignia does not represent Semites as present in the battle of 2181 so much as it does the Centum branch derived from fair-skinned Semites after 2340. Joktan’s high importance as Odin of the Teutons suggests that that Aryan branch was the Teutons. Note the murderous absurdity of Teutonic “anti-Semitism” (actually anti-Judaism). 269 The original system of eight symbols was so deeply rooted in the Noahic theocracy that it recurs in the symbology of the four Christian Evangelist symbols, an obsessive factor in religious art of the Middle Ages. Two of the Evangelist symbols— the Lion of St. Mark and Eagle of St. John— have already been identified in early postdiluvian terms as the Hamitic lion and Semitic bird fused into the the HamiticSemitic or “Afro-Asiatic” griffin armies of the Uruk-Aratta war. In what appears to be a significant coincidence, the Venetian tradition of the Lion of St. Mark claims that this Evangelist’s body was recovered from Alexandria in Egypt, land of the Hamitic “Lion Stock.” The horn attribute of Peleg-Cernunnus can be taken as equivalent to the Ox of St. Luke. By that account we have six of the needed eight symbols: the Wheel of Taranis-Arphaxad, Horns of Cernunnus-Peleg, Boar of Eber and Bird of Esus-Joktan, Man of St. Matthew and Lion of St. Mark. To these we can add as symbol of the Indo-Europeans the Thunderbolt of Shem’s Ishkurship. The eighth and last symbol belongs to Uma-Nanshe’s Fish as representation of the Sumerian stock. In the triad of Gudea’s dream, the Sumerians are represented as a “flood wave.” This flood wave is combined with fish in a cylinder seal of the Abzu Sea Temple of Enki, “Lord of the Land” of Sumer. Our task is to identify these eight symbols, first with the eight stocks of mankind and then with six Centum Aryan branches expanded to seven by viewing the Thraco-Phrygians as though they were Centum speakers. The only stock not represented separately by Centum branches is the one to which they all belong— the Indo-European; so the Thunderbolt will not be of use in working out the Centum scheme. The symbols of the eight stocks of mankind and their original founders are as followers: Symbol: Ox-Bull-Horns Thunderbolt Bird-Eagle Lion Man Wheel-Moon Fish Boar Stock: Uralo-Altaic Indo-European Semitic Hamitic Amerindian Sino-Tibetan Sumerian Austronesian Original Founder: Noah Shem Ham Japheth Mahadevi Durga Uma Kali We have seen that the Gugalanna, “Bull of Heaven,” slain by Gilgamesh was a version of the Ural-Altaic stock in a failed attempt to occupy Sumer in the UrukAratta war period. As for Mahadevi and the Amerindians, the claim in the Marduk Epic that mankind was created from the blood of Kingu really means that the Amerindian race of Peleg-Kingu’s mother Tiamat-Mahadevi was brought into its exilic existence as a result of their defeat. The notion that this event was tantamount to Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the creation of mankind reflects the symbolic application of the “Man” to the Amerindians. The longstanding identification of Arphaxad with the lunar cult of Ur and the Sino-Tibetan stock serves to identify the revolving Wheel symbol of Arphaxad-Taranis with phases of the moon as timekeeper. As for Eber’s boar sign, his equation with Shem’s vassal “Elam” tells the tale. Not only was Kali the original claimant of Lumma-Elam but she created the Austronesian stock. The ElamoDravidian isolate may not be related to the Austronesian language type; but the Dravidians and Australians are clearly associated with Austronesians by the common identity of these peoples with Riphath-Tamula-Durumulun-Olifat. To put this new sense of symbology to the test, we may try to reinterpret the Gundestrup Panel of the Boar-Holding Men as presenting a dyad formed by Austronesian “Boars” with Amerindian “Men.” The principal figure of the panel was Noah, diluvian husband of Amerindian Mahadevi and at least partly sharing in Kali’s Adamic Negroid race. In antediluvian times, those two races inhabited the twin lands of “Cush and Havilah.” So the panel seems to be saying something about the postdiluvian disposition of those two peoples in an alternative way to the cartographic presentation to the Braided Goddess Panel, given to Noah’s wife Mahadevi. If we continue to apply the dyad of Noah’s panel to the Uruk-Aratta war and the coupling of two leaders with respective champions, this politics has now resolved itself into opposed “red” leaders with “black” champions; whereas our analysis to this point suggests that the war pitted the red family of Mahadevi, Peleg and Heth against the African blacks included in the griffin armies of Uruk. The design of Noah’s panel needs further study in future. Logical associations tie each of seven Centum Aryan stocks to respective general stocks, enabling us to identify the helmet insignias with specific Centum branches: Centum Aryan: Thraco-Phrygian Teuton Hellene Celt Tocharian Illyrian Italic General: Amerindian Semitic Hamitic Uralo-Altaic Sino-Tibetan Sumerian Austronesian Rationale: red Phrygian cap Joktan-Odin Uranus-Ham Horned Cernunnus proximity to China Illyrian Fish Rider Italics at Nippur Symbol: Man Bird Lion Horns Wheel-Moon Fish Boar From this reading, we conclude that the Centum branches forming the army under the Gallic tetrad were Teutons (Joktan-Esus’ Bird), Celts (Peleg-Cernunnus’ Horns), Tocharians (Arphaxad-Taranis’ Wheel-Moon) and Italics (Eber’s Boar). Three of those branches formed classic non-Hellenic Europe, two hidden away as uncivilized Celts and Teutons. The fourth was the obscure Tocharian race destined for 271 distant Sinkiang. This analysis means that the people of Hellenic-Thraco-PhrygianIllyrian zone of southeastern Europe were not involved as though their central role in the Aegean war precluded participation in the later war. In order to establish this analysis on a firm foundation, we need to eliminate equivocal alternatives by focusing on the big picture. The geographic association of Hellenes, Thraco-Phrygians and Illyrians in southeastern Europe is particularly significant. These three branches can be eliminated from the Gallic alliance on the basis that they were all fully engaged in the Aegean War. Aware of how the nonexilic members of these stocks took part in that war around 2230, their exilic brethren from Arabia refused to join the Gallic alliance in order not to suffer genocide by attrition. Their task was to join non-exilic brothers in southeastern Europe in order to fortify these branches against extinction. That means that they formed a separate part of the Centum Aryan world from the branches that joined the Gallic alliance. In effect Centum Aryan Europe is divided in half between the Hellenic-Thracian-Illyrian group in the southeast and the Celtic-Teutonic-Italic group in the north and west. One way to measure this difference is to observe the distinction in mood between classical Greek and later Roman sculpture. Despite Roman imitation of the Greeks, their art betrays grimness more attuned to realism than to classical idealization. The same is true of the difference between Greek temples with their open-air rows of columns and Roman temples closed in at the altar end. When Celts and Teutons turned Christian and imitated classical art, they were much closer in spirit to the Romans than to the Greeks. They adopted the Roman basilica meeting hall for their church designs. Like the Romans they achieved greater originality in painting than in sculpture. In short Roman, Celtic and Teutonic Christian art possesses a moody quality foreign to the serene self-possession of the classical Greeks. That difference in mood can be attributed, in part, to contrasting experiences of Aryans who remained in Sumer prior to 2244 and those who suffered hell in isolation in the Arabian Peninsula after 2296 for the sin of the Aratta Schism. When Shem created the Olympian sect and migrated to the Aegean after 2244, he carried with him much of the Noahic Sumerian perspective embodied in Indo-Europeans who had remained in Sumer and had never known defeat. Hellenic classical serenity is one result of that comparatively fortunate Mesopotamian prehistory, rooted in the eight cities which began as pristine colonies created by the eight survivors of the Flood. In contrast, the Gallic Celts, Teutons and Italics who made up the Gallic army had suffered massive defeat in 2296 and harrowing experiences in the Hades of Arabia. The Hellenes knew of this Hades largely by hearsay; but members of the Gallic alliance knew it as personal trauma of the sort that grips the soul and leaves a deep cultural impression. They were accordingly less civilized than the Hellenes and, up to a point, could be considered gloomy savages. The distinction in mood can easily be felt in the contrast between Homer’s two epics and Roman Vergil’s Aeneid, which possesses a rich, dark atmosphere reminiscent of the dark green shades of cypress Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations trees or broccoli tops. Greek art is not exactly blithe, but the term “serene” has always been selected to describe its mood: (See Artemis as Huntress (Paris Louvre) --www.original.britannica.com copied 9/7/08 Roman art took its departure from Hellenistic when even Greek art was more troubled or emotionally involved than it had been. The Romans, however, made this stylistic tendency their own as though it struck a responsive chord in them: --www.flickr.com copied 9/7/08 Aside from the Teutates Panel, the main source of detail for the battle of 2178 is the insular Gaelic legends of Cuchullain and Conchobar. One reason for giving these legends the mythological status of early postdiluvian traditions is that they show no awareness of Christianity even though Ireland had long since become Christian in the period when the texts were composed. We assume the stories resulted from longlasting oral traditions as in the case of the Hellenic Argonautica. Priests of the various pagan cults were deeply devoted to these traditions in the same way that Christians are devoted to the Bible. Preservation was of the essence even when the original settings passed out of memory and the events were conceived as occurring in Ireland. The traditions came from priests; and anachronisms, from popular rationalizations by uneducated persons unaware of the world outside Ireland, Britain and Gaul. In many cases gods such as Esus were made over into heroes such Cuchullain just as early postdiluvian heroes first came to be regarded as gods. The Gaelic material relevant to our study is located in a large body of texts known as The Ulster Cycle. The two most important stories are The Cattle Raid of Cooley and The Battle of Ros na Rig. In the first of these stories, what immediately draws our attention is that two of our identified postdiluvians, Medb-Inanna and Fergus-Peleg, are pictured as sharing the same cause. Medb is married as queen to a third figure, Ailill king of Connacht, the western kingdom of traditional Ireland. That name Ailill calls to mind Ellil, the Akkadian version of the Sumerian god Enlil. Because of Nimrod-Sargon’s role in recovering the Enlilship from Shem, the name suggests Nimrod. In fact Sumerian tradition refers to Ninurta-Nimrod as the “chief warrior of Enlil.” If that identification holds true, King Ailill, Queen Fergus and Fergus emerge as the ruling triad at Aratta at the outset of the Uruk-Aratta war— not our much later battle in 2178. Our assumption is that the Gaels were charter members of the Aratta faction as those “went with Fergus” to Aratta after 2308. Like the Indians, they read the histories of such leaders as Inanna, Nimrod and Peleg as though they were rulers of their own. The story of The Cattle Raid of Cooley begins with a dispute between King Ailill and Queen Medb over which of the two is wealthier. Their wealth consists largely of livestock. At one point they agree that they both own a boar— a detail evocative of the Panel of the Boar-Holding Men. The argument boils down to a dispute over prize bulls. Medb has owned theit best bull Findbennach; but this 273 creature has a mind of its own. Ashamed of being owned by a woman, it voluntarily joins Ailill’s herd. Undaunted Medb determines to find an even greater bull. Mac Roth tells her that such a superior bull can be found in the rival kingdom of Ulster— Northern Ireland in contrast to Connacht in the west. The bull named Donn Cuailgne is owned by a man named Daire. Mac Roth journeys to Ulster to ask Daire to loan Medb the bull for one year to win the dispute with Ailill. He offers such a handsome reward that Daire cannot resist and agrees to the loan. Unfortunately a loose tongue angers Daire by informing his that Medb and Aillil would have taken the bull by force if Daire had refused. They would have done so with the assistance of Fergus as guide. Daire now refuses to hand over the bull. Mac Roth returns to Medb to report this unhappy fact. Ailill regards Daire as his own vassal. Medb summons a large army including seven sets of 3000 men each from the “Maines” as well as troops from other sources. Given our understanding of the early stages of the Uruk-Aratta war, Connacht (at its capital of Rath Cruachan) figures as Aratta under the leadership of MedbInanna, Nimrod and Peleg. The large muster of troops agrees with our understanding that Peleg and the others carried off half the world to populate the colony at Aratta. The attention to a prize bull reminds us of our conviction that the Sumerian legend of Gilgamesh’s slaying of the Gugalanna or “Bull of Heaven” figured as a disposal of the Uralo-Altaic linguistic stock when it was attempting to overrun Sumer by drinking the Euphrates dry. In fact the lesser bull Findbennach could refer to the Uralics or Finno-Ugrians under the domination, first of Inanna-Medb and later of Nimrod-Ailill. All the attention to the Uralo-Altaics resulted from its identification with the Anship claimed by Inanna as the “goddess of heaven.” The chaotic state of this stock resulted from Canaan’s usurpation of the Anship from Noah in 2359. We have returned to the scene of the Uruk-Aratta war at this point because we are reviewing the memory of the Gaelic or Gallic people who played a central role in the battle of 2178, 120 years later. As the Gaels recall their Noahic history, those two wars are viewed as closely related as were the stories of the Cattle Raid and Battle of Ross na Rig. Memory works thematically and often condenses time spans. A colorful passage occurws in The Cattle Raid of Colley when Medb encounters a prophetess named Feidelm: “The sweet sound of her voice was as melodious as the strings of harps plucked by masters. As white as snow falling in one night was the luster of her skin and body shining though her garments. She had long and very white feet with pink, even, round nails. She had long, fair-yellow, golden hair; three tresses of her hair wound round her head, another tress falling behind, which touched the calves of her legs.” The perfect type of the European blond, barefoot; long-haired sylph shines as an ideal. Such beings really existed in the early postdiluvian world when genetic health was greater than in later times and when priests, prophets, priestesses and Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations prophetesses were in plentiful supply. Asked repeatedly by Medb how her army will fair in its invasion of Ulster, Feidelm answers in visionary fashion, “I see red on them. I see crimson.” Because of the Gugalanna tradition, we conclude that Ulster is Sumer to what Connacht is to Aratta despite the differences in relative directions. Mac Roth’s commission to borrow the bull from Daire figures as Inanna’s attempt to recruit UralUralo-Altaics still in Sumer to the cause of Aratta. Inanna figures prominently in the legend of Gilgamesh and Gugalanna. The Gaels have supplied their own names and their own way of conceiving of the Uruk-Aratta war. When we come to The Battle of Ross na Rig and the corresponding battle of 2178, this Gaelic tradition will retain many of the same names and dramatis personae. The bitter experiences of the intervening period in Arabian exile are neatly forgotten despite what we have said about the gloom of Italics and Teutons. The Gaels are known as a sanguine race; and there is something decidedly light-hearted in the style of the Gundestrup Caldron. In a verse vision of Cuchullain, Feidelm foretells, “He will lay low your entire army.” As Esus Cuchullain is not just Joktan-Aram but Japheth’s vassal Meshech one of the eight Erechite heroes who led Enmerkar’s forces against Aratta just as the Gaelic tradition suggests. The Gaelic bias gives Meshech a much greater relative importance than the other vassals of Japheth just as the Indians single out Su-DasaTarshish as the hero who single-handedly defeats the cause of Aratta. A transparent reason for giving preference to Joktan-Meshech is that he was one of two Japhethites who defected to Shem’s cause in the battle of 2178. Another reason is that Meshech was Meskiaggasher, founder of the victorious Eanna regime and father of its victorious king Enmerkar. The Erechite cause, by this account, is the anachronistic cause of Ulster. (See The Prophetess Feidelm on Hosesback. --- www.flickr.com copied 9/7/08) After a section of text summarizing the routes by which allies of Ailill and Medb approach Ulster comes a description of the order of the host. Once again we see that Fergus ranks high, confirming our belief that this tradition is giving the Aratta faction of 2302 headed by Nimrod, Inanna and Peleg: “After the first day’s march on which the hosts went, they spent that night in Cuil Silinne and Aillil mac Rosa’s tent was pitched for him. The tent of Fergus mac Roich was on his right. Cormac Cond Longas mac Conchobuir was beside Fergus. Ith mac Elgaith was next, then Fiachu mac Fir Aba, then Goibnend mac Lugnig. Such was the placing of Aillil’s tent on his right during this hosting, and thus were the thirty hundred men of Ulster at his right hand. . . . Medb Cruachan was on Ailill’s left with Findbair beside her. The came Flidais Fholtchair, the wife of Ailill Find, who had slept with Fergus” (Tain Bo Cuailgne from the Book of Ulster, Second Recension, Text 3). 275 According to this Gaelic tradition, the forces of Aratta were led at this stage by nine leaders: Ailill mac Rosa Fergus mac Roich Cormac Cond Longas Ith mac Elgaith Fiachu mac Fir Aba Goibnend mac Lugnig Medb Cruachan Findabair Flidais Fholtchair Nimrod Peleg (Kingu, Lord of Aratta) Ham Heth Put Coeus Inanna Mahadevi Kali If the total ran to eight, we could take this as evidence that the Aratta Schism drew recruits from all of the linguistic stocks. However, we recall that the Su-Dasa tradition suggests that the entire Indian stock remained true to Uruk, giving fifteen half stocks to Aratta rather than sixteen. That distinction might explain the discrepancy between eight and nine leaders. Careful study of the Gaelic names of these leaders will shed further light on the Uruk-Aratta war. In the following text Fergus and Medb fall out over the use of his men. Medb claims that her men could easily kill off Fergus’ if they wished. This conflict anticipates Peleg’s eventual defection to the Erechite side. The immediate conflict is resolved when Fergus agrees to disperse his men among other divisions of the Aratta forces. This Gaelic tradition gives what we failed to find in the Sumerian where the Lord of Aratta claims that Inanna is on his side but there is no concrete interaction between the two. Another detail of the Gaelic text rings true to the Uruk-Aratta war. The armed forces discuss why they favor Fergus to lead them— in keeping with the Akkadian Kingu tradition— because he knows more about Ulster than the rest do because he had been king of Ulster for seven years before being exiled for seventeen. Nothing more basic to the Uruk-Aratta war occurred than Peleg’s having reigned at Sumerian Kish before losing power. The Gaelic story adds that he was forced out of power and exiled for seventeen years down to the opening of hostilities. If we date the scene of the story in 2302, that exile began in 2319, nine years prior to the beginning of the Eanna epoch. The story claims that affection for the Ulstermen (Sumerians) causes Fergus to lead the Aratta forces astray when he is commissioned to guide them. That development results in a dramatic dialogue between Medb and Fergus. It begins as follows: Medb: Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Fergus, what do we say of this? What manner of path is this that we go? Past every tribe we wander north and south. Fergus: Medb, why are you perturbed? This is not anything that resembles treachery. O woman, the land that I traverse belongs to the men of Ulster. Medb: Ailill, the splendid, with his army, fears that you will betray him. We have described Aratta as holding a defensive position against the Erechite invasion under Enmerkar. The Gaelic tradition suggests the opposite— that a great army from Aratta invaded Sumer. The one Sumerian tradition that suggests the same is the legend of Gilgamesh and Gugalanna in which a large foreign force is located in Sumer threatening to eat and drink up the Sumerian grain and water supplies. That force has been identified as the Uralo-Altaics only; but the Gaelic contribution suggests that it included much of the whole armed force from Aratta. In any case, the singlehanded Erechite victory attributed to Cuchullain-Joktan Meshech is transferred in Sumerian tradition to his father Gilgamesh-Eber-Tubal. As the dialogue halts, Fergus claims that he has been wandering off the beaten path to avoid encountering the nemesis Cuchullain. The ensuing dialogue pictures Medb as confident that she can deal with Cuchullain and Fergus. After the forces of Connacht (Aratta) kill a large herd of deer, the scene shifts to Cuchullain and his father Sualtaim— presumably the patriarch Eber-Tubal. Cuchullain has a premonition that a great enemy army is near and asks Sualtaim to go warn the people of Ulster-Sumer to hide in the woods and avoid the plains where battle will take place. After Sualtaim does so, his son leaves a message in the ogam script warning the enemy of dire consequences if they pass that point farther into Ulster. The inscription declares that its object is to “cause anxiety to the four provinces of Ireland— and many combats. That is the only reaon why the ring was made.” Recognizing the ritual method by which Cuchullain left this message, Fergus warns the army that they had better take it seriously. He asserts that “one of you” must create a similar ring in the same way that Cuchullain did by standing on one foot and using one eye and one hand. I suspect that this ritual bears on the principle of Noahic atum or total unity for violation of which the conquered people of Aratta were punished by Arabian exile. In Egyptian tradition, the “Eye” of Atum Re represents an heir of Shem as part-for-the-whole representation of the whole. By standing on one foot and using one eye and one hand, a hero like Cuchullain-Joktan-Meshech confesses that he is only a part in organic subordination to the whole. Otherwise he is a schismatic forming an illicit sect. Hostile actions must be performed as agents of the whole, never as unauthorized sectarians. 277 The ennead of leaders given in this passage yields an analysis of leadership in the armed force of Aratta more precisely and accurately than before. What we already know is that that force was led by Mahadevi-Tiamat, Peleg-Kingu, Nimrod, Ham and some combination of the sons of Ham. The Braided Goddess panel adds that Mahadevi was so closely allied with Kali that she too was part of the Aratta faction and brought her Austronesians with her just as Mahadevi brought in the Amerindians. The Gaelic tradition now gives a full set of names and yields a more accurate picture of the significance of the three wild felines in the Medb and Taranis panels. The “hosting” of Ailill’s army condenses into a single location the three widely separated locations signified by the wild felines. The three female leaders on his left flank represent Medb, Tiamat and Kali at the head of the Medb Wild Feline in the east at Aratta proper. The central part of Ailill’s host at the Eastern Leopard of the Taranis panel is led by the triad of Ailill-Nimrod, Fergus-Peleg and Cormac-GurmuHam. The Western Medb Leopard is led by Ith-Heth, Fiachu-Phut and GoibnendCoeus. The condensed scene displayed in the Gaelic story is literally factual at one point if we assume that the story recounts a stage of the war when the army of Aratta attempted to invade Sumer. Either the three divisions of the ennead proceeded southward from the positions in Aratta and Syrian Mesopotamia or retreated to those positions by dividing into thirds after failing to take Sumer. In the ensuing text Cuchullain performs a fabulous exploit by driving a stake with four points into the ground. On the four points he fixes the heads of his first four victims. When the army of Connacht discovers this warning, Fergus wins some glory of his own by pulling the stake out of the ground after seventeen chariots are shattered in the attempt. Although these details are fanciful enough, the prominence given to Cuchullain and Fergus remind us that these are the brothers Joktan and Peleg at a time when they fought on opposite sides in the Uruk-Aratta war. In this context Ailill names “Conchobor” as the king of Ulster. The hypothesis that identifies this name with Arphaxad’s son Obal takes rise from the fact that the first founder of the Eanna dynasty in the Sumerian Kinglist is said to be the sun god Utu, Obal as adoptive “father” of Meskiaggasher-Meshech. Therefore Obal can be referred to as the King of Sumer-Ulster at any moment during the war even after Enmerkar began his reign. Fergus goes on to refer to Cuchullain as a “fosterson” of himself and King Conchobor. Fergus recites Cuchullain’s mighty deeds even as a little boy as though Cuchullain were equivalent to Hercules. This hero is clearly the counterpart to heroes such as Herakles of the Hellenes and Gilgamesh of the Sumerians. The Gaels have given this status to the Gallic god Esus, Joktan-Meshech-Aram of Genesis 10, a man with more vassals than any other postdiluvian. A Semitic tradition refers to him as Melqart, “King of the City,” the “Tyrian Hercules.” In the extended Gaelic narrative, Cuchullain states his preference for his own name Setanta mac Sualtaim. in the light of the tribe name “Choctaw” for a Muskhogean tribe of his, a variation “Shoktan” is a conceivable cognate to “Setanta.” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations When the narrative of the war resumes, colorful details follow with little bearing on the war of 2302-2296 except for a reminder that Meshech and Inanna were enemies. The hero spares Medb’s life but with a flourish: “Then Cuchullain vowed that wherever he saw Medb, he would cast a stone at her and it would not go far from the side of her head. It happened as he said. Where he saw Medb to the west of the ford, he cast a stone from his sling at her and killed the pet bird on her shoulder” (Text 5). Ironically Fergus sings a warning about Cuchullain claiming that he is a kind of world traveler acquainted with the part of the world where the Uruk-Aratta war really happened rather than in anachronistic Ireland: “For Cuchullain went a longer journey than this, as far as the mountains of Armenia” (Text 6). The prize bull Donn Cuailgne now enters the plot as a woman warns him about the invasion from “Ireland,” that is, the rest of Ireland outside Ulster-Sumer. This bull is so mighty that he can father fifty heifers in one day— not beyond possibility when we consider that the bull represents the Uralo-Altaic linguistic stock. In Text 8, Fiachu goes to Cuchullain to present Ailill and Medb’s offer to bring him in as their own. After he refuses, Medb and Fergus return to their practice of disputing how great a threat the hero poses to them. Fergus is much more convinced of the threat. At Text 9 begins a series of duels between Cuchullain and hapless champions on the other side. Meshech may well have been one of the chief dueling champions of the Erechite cause. In Text 26 Fergus agrees with Medb to go and duel with Cuchullain. When the two duelists meet, however, Fergus declares that he has no desire to fight this fosterson but asks him to pretend to flee from him. Fergus promises Cuchullain to do likewise when he finds his fosterson wounded. The scene makes one wonder about the actual relationship between Peleg and his brother (not just fosterson) JoktanMeshech. In Text 29 on Cuchullain’s “Encounter with Fer Diad,” the hero defines the significance of the boar image as a zealous duelist: “I have come, as a wild boar of the herd, before warriors, before troops, before hundreds, to thrust you beneath the waters of the pool.” The Panel of the Boar-Holding Men has always suggested a pair of duelists offered by a pair of rulers somehow representive of the Noah figure. In this particular case, Cuchullain is loathe to fight Fer Diad because the two were old friends. When the hero finally slays Fer Diad, he grieves deeply. In Noahic context, the Uruk-Aratta conflict was a civil war of this type. In the long narrative of Text 40, Fergus and Cuchullain meet again, and Fergus pretends to retreat as he has promised. As a result, the alliance of ConnachtAratta is routed and Medb flees for her life. She manages to bring the prize bull with 279 her into Connacht: “As for the Donn Cuailgne, when he saw the beautiful strange land, he bellowed loudly three times.” According to our reading, this detail means that Inanna and Ailill succeeded in leading away the Altaic stock to Aratta where they joined the Uralics, represented by the bull Findbennach. “Then Findbennach tossed his head violently and came forward to Cruachu to meet the Donn Cuailgne.” According to the Gaelic account, the meeting is not friendly: the two bulls rush at each and collision ensues. “That night the bulls traversed the whole of Ireland.” Donn Cuailgne, the greater bull, slaughters Findbennach and scatters his parts all over Ireland. If we identify the Uralics (Findbennach) with the linguistically kindred Sumerians, we would conclude that the story means that the Sumerians, following a battle with the Altaics (Donn Cuailgne-Gugalanna) dispersed into all the cities of Mesopotamia— an outcome that occurred in any case. Both the Gaelic and Sumerian traditions of the Uruk-Aratta war suggest that it was complicated by a delay in recruiting or otherwise appropriating the Eastern Uralo-Altaic stock— Mongols et al.— for the cause of Aratta. We now come to the fundamental question of whether the sequel The Battle of Ross na Rig refers to a battle fought some 130 years later in 2178 or to some other battle occurring earlier. The first hypothesis depends on the view that the Gaels have severely condensed time. In support we have seen that they have radically condensed space by presenting armies in three different locations from Aratta to the Upper Euphrates into a single battle line under the nine leaders of the “Irish” forces of Ailill and Medb. Because we are dealing with longlived early postdiluvians, the passage of 130 years poses no problem in that respect. But we must determine whether The Battle of Ross na Rig really fits what we know of the battle in 2178 and that means the battle depicted in the Teutates Panel. The opening text of The Battle of Ross na Rig clearly states that the events it deals with are an immediate sequel of the ones just summarized. Conchobar, king of Ulster, is sick to death because of losses incurred by Ulster and the “Ulaid” through the invasion by Medb and Ailill. Without a compelling reason to believe otherwise, we would naturally conclude that the events of this story belonged to the latter stages of the Uruk-Aratta war before 2296 rather than those of an entirely different setting in 2178. Conchobar can only be satisfied by killing off Medb and Ailill for having ravaged his country unjustly. On the advice of the druid Cathbad, Conchobar delays retaliation until the following summer and sends messengers to Conall Cernach to report to him the theft of the prize bull. Deeply moved, Conall promises to avenge the loss and sends messengers of his own to the Gallic lands and even farther away to gather an army. One way to explain why Conchobar would still be regarded as king of SumerUlster in 2178 as in 2308 is that the Gaels never ceased to regard Sumer as synonymous with the Eanna regime founded by Utu-Obal-Cochobar and his “son” Meskiaggasher-Joktan-Cuchullain in 2308. To confirm the identity of Conchobar with Obal, we can turn to the example of Bantu Africa where the line of Peleg, Reu and Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Serug appears as the Lega, Sagara (Indian Sagara-Reu) and Manja (Indian AsaManja-Serug). In Bantu Africa, the Kongo and Zulu form a northwest-southweast axis equivalent to the siblings Obal and Uzal at Utu’s Sippar and Inanna’s Uruk. If these identities hold true, the name Obal derives from the latter part of a full name Kongobal, Kongobar or Conchobar. The Lega hold a position roughly comparable to Peleg’s Kish; and the Sagara, to Sargon’s Agade. In the southeast, the remarkable Bantu Nguni reproduction of the sons of Ham— Xotho-Xuthus-Cush, Phuthi-Phut and Nguni-Gunidu-Canaan— correspond to Lagash as the city of Gurmu-Ham. These relationships can be tabulated as follows: Sumerian City: Sippar Agade Kish Lagash Patriarch: Utu-Obal Sargon-Sagara Peleg Gurmu-Ham Uruk Inanna-Uzal Bantu Africa: Kongo Sagara Lega Nguni: Xotho-Xuthus-Cush Phuthi-Phut Nguni-Gunidu-Canaan Nguni Zulu Nguni Ndebele Matabele Gaelic Ireland: Conchobar Ailill Fergus Cormac Medb Utu-Conchobar’s Eanna regime, instead of being restricted to the period between 2308 and 2278, emerges in Gaelic tradition as a Sumerian nation— Ulster of the Ulaid— at least as long as Obal remained alive. The name Ula(id) can be explained as the Gaelic version of the Kullab repeatedly applied to Sumer-Uruk in the Sumerian literature of the Uruk-Aratta war. The African Bantu regarded Sumer in the same way as the land of Conchobar, that is, the land of the Kongo. Even the name Zaire might be explained as a Bantu equivalent of Daire the “Ulsterman” who owns the prize bull. Despite this concept of the perennial Eanna regime, the text of The Battle of Ross na Rig must be searched to determine whether it contains anything suggestive of 2178 rather than 2296. We can point to the appropriateness of Conchobar’s grieving over not having killed Ailill for the scene as late as 2178. In the interval between these two dates, Ailill came to power as Sargon, founded the Akkadian Empire and dominated Conchobar’s Ulster-Sumer as a foreign Semite. That outcome explains Conchobar’s grief over the plight of Ulster even though the story treats this grief as an immediate response to Ailill-Nimrod’s and Medb-Inanna’s escape during the UrukAratta war. All that the 2178 theory does is to interpret the event of the Teutates Panel as a final stage of the same Uruk-Aratta war after the lapse of 124 years like the “Hundred Years’ War” of the English and French. The intervening Aegean and 281 Arabian wars filled the interval like the later battles of Poitiers and Agincourt and the hostilities in the time of Joan of Arc. A hint of the extended passage of time occurs in Text 15: “It is then that Conchobar went on into the great royal-house in which were the veterans and old champions. It is then that they raised their heads out of their couches to see the large-eyed majestic king. And their spirit was not indeed satisfactory to them”. They ask why he has come to them. He replies by informing of the invasion from Connacht and adds, “I should like an expedition of hostility against them, and that it be by your direction [will] and by your counsel that the expedition may proceed.” They volunteer their old steeds and chariots to go on the expedition with him. Granted that such an event could have occurred during the Uruk-Aratta war, it also makes sense as an attempt to breathe new life into a cause dating back 130 years. After rejecting an offer of reparations offered by a messenger from Ailill and Medb, Conchobar defies them by reporting that he is about to march toward them and will camp above the “bright Boind.” I take that river to be the Irish counterpart to the Upper Euphrates where both Su-Dasa’s victory over Aratta and the battle of 2178 occurred. In a verse dialogue between an envoi and Medb, he refers to “sons of Magach” and she to the “king of Maga”— a name we have not seen yet as though it originated from some oral tradition coming from a tradition outside the context that the medieval author is trying to create by condensing two wars into one. Because the enemy, in any case, represents the old cause of Uruk, embodied in the seven vassals of Japheth, the “sons of Magach” can be taken as referring to Japheth’s son Magog— one of the five vassals who remained true to Japheth in 2178. Christian Gaels have claimed descent from Magog. In Text 34, Conchobar’s army crosses the “Boand.” In the Irish setting, the Ulaid of Conchobar have proceeded from east to west or north to south. In Ireland the river separating Ulster from Connacht is the Erne, which flows northwest into Donegal Bay. Most of the Euphrates flows from northwest to southeast; so the druid priests responsible for preserving early postdiluvian tradition anachronistically by exchanging Ireland for the Middle East might have chosen the Erne for that purpose. On the other hand the relative positions of Ulster and Connacht are the reverse of those of Sumer in the southeast and Syrian Mesopotamia in the Northwest. By 2178 political geography was complicated further by the full shift of Japheth’s forces from Sumerian Uruk to Egypt in the southwest. Geography is not going to help much in determining how well The Battle of Ross na Rig fits the battle of 2178. After the battle begins, things go badly for Conchobar’s Ulaid until they find refuge in the strong arm of Conall, a figure whom we have not yet identified. In Text 44 Cuchullain enters the plot peripherally. Since he is still pictured as a member of the cause of Ulster, the narrative contradicts our view that, by 2178, Cuchullain-EsusJoktan switched sides and fought on the side of the Gallic tetrad against his former brethren in arms, the vassals of Japheth. We can argue that his late and relatively Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations trivial entrance into the text at this point is all part of the medieval author’s anachronistic attempt to identify two wars as one. However in Text 51 Cuchullain enters the action more fully by killing off the Connacht leader Cairpre Nia Fer. A clear indication of the superficiality of Cuchullain’s supposed participation in the Ulaid cause is Conchobar’s declaration that that the Ulaid would have been defeated if it were not for Conall— not Cuchullain. If the conflict of the cattle raid was Cuchullain’s war, the war of Ross na Rig has become Conall’s war. The text of the complete Battle of Ross na Rig has failed to disclose the detail of leafy branches that divides the two registers of the Teutates Panel. A check of the Wikipedia article on the Gundestrup Caldron reveals nothing like my systematic interpretation of the artifact. Instead the usual empirical approach has resulted in the usual empirical results— isolated facts and Nativist attempts at interpretation. The article names an authority named Olmsted who goes so far in attempting to shifting the basis of the artifact from Gaul to Ireland that he identifies the antlered figure of the Cernunnus Panel with Cuchullain rather than Cernunnus. Olmsted has the overwhelming advantage over Pilkey of being free from “religious prejudice” in favor of the Bible! It is difficult to keep a straight face in dealing with the empirical Nativists who dominate the learned world today. I respectfully return to the view that the Gundestrup Caldron is a Gallic rather than Gaelic document and to an interpretation of the Teutates Panel in keeping with my own, highly systematic views. The Gaelic tradition is clearly a variation of the Gallic as indicated by the match between the Gallic god Esus and Gaelic hero Cuchullain. My effort to match the Battle of Ros na Rig with a battle occurring in 2178 is so far inconclusive just as the given treatment of the second battle as an immediate sequel to the first is awkward and unconvincing. Our next step is to furnish an early postdiluvian identity to the supplanting hero Conall Cermac if possible. The 2178 hypothesis suggests that Conall should be one of the Japhethite vassals symbolized by one of the infantrymen in the lower register of the Teutates Panel. The most likely of these would be one of Japheth’s immediate sons. We can eliminate Magog as the Magach named in the text. Gomer is known to the Celtic pantheon as Llyr of the Britons and Ler of the Gaels. We are not looking for a pantheon name any more than we should have searched for the name Esus rather than Cuchullain. In Irish tradition, Conall is one of two familiar names that appear derivable from Gomer, Conall as a cognate to his North Semitic name Gumalum of Ebla and Connor from the Amorite city name Gomorrah linked to Gomer’s vassal Togaramah, Birsha king of the doomed city in the 2120s. In support of these identifications, the hard c version of Gomer’s name appears in the Cimmerai and in Cymru-Wales. The l variation appears in the Himalayas, linked by the Indians to their version of Gomer, Himavan. The reduction of the labial semi-vowel m to the nasal semi-vowel n is consistent in both Irish names. 283 A probable cognate showing the original g and r with the internal nasal is the name Goneril, a daughter of King Lear in Shakespeare’s tragedy. Lear is known to be a legendary version of Llyr-Ler, “Old Man of the Sea,” the Teutonic sea god Hler, brother of the wind god Kari (Magog-Rudra) and fire god Logi (Madai-Ahura Mazda). Gomer’s appearance as Gumalum, first king of Ebla, reveals the most probable location of the battle of 2178. We can now label it Battle of the Orontes. Ebla makes perfect sense as the Semitic, Syrian city where the victorious vassals of Japheth settled after the Uruk-Aratta war. As generals of the Semitic-Hamitic griffin army, they were as familiar with Semites as with their father’s Hamites in keeping with the concept of an over-arching “Afro-Asiatic” linguistic stock rooted in antediluvian “Cush and Havilah” on either side of the River Pishon-Red Sea. Ebla lies about a quarter of the way from Hamath on the Orontes to Carchemish to the northeast on the Upper Euphrates. The design of the Teutates Panel now takes on cartographic value. It shows the Japhethite infantry from Ebla crossing the Orontes westward to attack Shem’s position at Ugarit where Shem ranks so high as the storm god Aliyan Bal. At the same time Shem’s horsemen cross the Orontes eastward to attack Ebla from the north. A case can be made for the Japhethite identity of nearly all the kings of Ebla. K. A. Kitchen’s The Bible in Its World (1977) dates these kings prior to and during the Akkadian empire. The Japhethites spent time in Ebla in the 23rd century jusy as they spent time in Egyptian Memphis during the 22nd. After Gumalum-Gomer initiates the dynasty, Ebrum-Eber-Tubal reigns as the fifth king in the time of Rimush and Manishtushu after 2218. Because Tubal is the fifth Japhethite of Genesis 10:2, we have every reason to identify the two lists. In fact Kitchen’s list ends with just seven kings reinforcing a match established by cognates in the first and fifth. The fourth ArEnnum offers a possible cognate to Javan’s Gutian name Ibranum, source of the tribe name attached to Ireland— the Iberni or Iverni with a weakening labial suggestive Irennum. The Japhethite match at Ebla is complete enough to suggest an isochronic process. Kitchen dates the last king Dubuhu-Ada just before the accession of Naram Sin. He adds two rulers at Semitic Mari with the phrase “of Ebla.” One of these, Shura-Damu, offers a possible cognate for the seventh Japheth Tiras’ Phrygian name Tyrsenos. Kitchen treats Shura-Damu as a strict contemporary to Manishtushu. He places Sargon at a point in time after the first Eblaite kings equivalent to Japheth’s personal offspring in contrast to the final three recruits. If we accept this overall chronological perspective, the Japhethites carved out for themselves a ninety-year period like those of Peleg-Lugalannemundu beginning in 2338 and the Gutians beginning in the late Akkadian period. Those ninety years are logically the ninth, tenth and eleventh eras between 2278 and 2188. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The module relevant to Kitchen’s list appears to be seven years for each member of Japheth’s own family and a more leisurely term of twenty years for each recruit as follows: Term: 2278-2271 2271-2264 2264-2257 2257-2250 2248-2228 2244 2228-2208 2218 2209 2208-2188 Eblaite Ruler: Accession at Mari: Accession at Agade: Gumalum (Gomer) Igrish-Halam (Magog) Irkab-Damu Iblul-Il (Madai) Ar-Ennum (Javan) Enna-Dagan Ebrum (Tubal)(Eber) Sargon (Reu) Ibbi-Sippish (Meshech) Rimush Shura-Damu (Tiras) Manishtushu (Serug) Dubuhu-Ada The logic of the battle requires that the Japhethites of the “Ulaid” were still based at Ebla ten years later in 2178 despite serving in the Aegean war as Heliadae at Rhodes. As their Olympian adversary, Shem was aware of the strategic importance of the Syrian coast as intermediary between Ebla and Rhodes. Therefore when he formed the alliance of the Gallic tetrad, he concentrated on Ugarit on the coast. Hallo, in his map of the period of Naram Sin, shows only the town of Ullisu on the Syrian coast without marking Ugarit. A map in Chaim Bermant and Michael Weitzman’s Ebla, however, shows Ullisum as just north of Ugarit at a latitude only slightly south of Ebla to the east of the Orontes. One wonders if Ullisu was founded first in the 23rd century before Shem’s forces arrived on the coast to build Ugarit and the cult of Shem-Aliyan Bal-Adad. These Syrian locations harmonize with Gaelic Ireland much better than to those of the Uruk-Aratta war period. The Orontes plays the role of the Erne in dividing Ulster east of the river from Connacht west of it. In other words Syria east of the Orontes is to Ulster what Syria-Phoenicia to Connacht to the west By concentrating his forces in Phoenicia, Shem drew on the precedent of the Satem Aryan colony of Indians in the First Kish period. He was Brahma of the Trimurti, creator of the Satem Aryan stock but now functioning at the head of Centum Aryans including the Celts. The Japhethites of Ebla had drawn on the even more ancient tradition of Japheth’s original domain of Syria-Amanus (Marhashi), claimed within the first thirty years after the Flood. This battle of 2178 would decide the issue between them and bring to an end the chain of wars that had gone on for 130 years. By choosing to hold the Syrian coast, Shem sought to block Semitic access to Rhodes and, in that sense, to secure Europe as an Indo-European realm. 285 The pentad formed by Teutates and the four horsemen expands to a septad if we include the warrior in process of baptism and the wolf leaping at Teutates’ feet to bar the way of the infantry advancing from the east. The additional two figures open the possibility that the Gaelic stress on Ailill and Medb applies as readily to 2178 as to 2302. That possibility increases in view of the way the Syrian location fits Ireland better than any scene of the Uruk-Aratta war. Waddell’s view that Britain was populated from Phoenicia adds to the view that the druid priests responsible for the Gaelic traditions drew on Syria and the war of 2178 as models and only then applied it to the Uruk-Aratta war of the “Cattle Raid.” In 2181 the Japhethites at the head of their customary Africans defeated the Amerindians in the Nile Delta. Over the three years Narmer and the Japhethites persuaded the Amerindians to replace the Africans as their troops under the incentive of recovering Mahadevi’s domain of Gutium if they could prevail over Shem at the Orontes and then drive the Gutians out of Gutium. The Gutians had become archenemies of the Akkadian Empire by sacking Agade in the time of Naram Sin. The ten figures in the lower register of the Teutates Panel, therefore, represent not only the ten remaining vassals and sub-vassals of Japheth (after the murder of the Javanites in 2181) but also ten traditional divisions of the Amerindian stock. A few traditions associate specific Japhethites with specific Amerindian branches. Although Ashkenaz became the general colonist of North America, his striking identity as Dakotan Wakan-Tanka (Wakanda) identifies him with that branch. Magog’s identity as Hurricano associates him with the Caribbean and therefore with the Amazonian stock. If Joktan-Meshech had remained in the Japhethite alliance, he would have headed the Muskhogeans named for him. Instead he left these people to one of his substitutes, either Manishtushu or Naram Sin. Because Naram Sin’s Hebrew name Nahor accounts for the Nahua Aztecs, this Akkadian led the UtoAztecan or Uto-Athabascan stock, leaving Manishtushu to lead the Muskhogeans. Javan logically took the command over the Caddoan tribes named for his deceased vassals. As a son of Mahadevi and half-brother to Magog, Togarmah became the logical leader of the Mayans, making Mayan Guatemala a complement to the Caribbean of Hurricano. Beyond this point it is useless to speculate on relationships that were largely too shortlived to leave deep cultural marks. The associations suggested are merely to establish the premise that Amerindians replaced Africans east of the Orontes as the Africans began their distant colonization of Africa. The ethnology of Shem’s alliance west of the Orontes was more complex. The Centum Aryan branches following the four horsemen are identified on page 252 above; but even that analysis, based on helmet insignias, is not quite adequate. Arphaxad’s identification with Tocharians makes sense in view of his identity as the Chinese patriarch; but it is not altogether clear that the Tocharians ever detached themselves from the Sino-Tibetans in Arabia. If they had, it makes no sense that they failed to find a homeland with the other branches in Europe. Furthermore Arphaxad’s identification with the Italics as Saturnus is too deep to disregard. On page 252 we Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations identify the Italics with Eber on the basis of the boar helmet insignia. Yet Eber never appears impressively in European tradition. Hellenic Athamas and Teutonic Bor are shadowy, unimportant figures. Apart from Sumerian Gilgamesh, Eber’s most important mythological identity has not been mentioned. He appears as Mitra of the East Indians, Mider of the Celts and Mithras of the Iranians, centerpiece of the imposing religion of Mithraism. As bull-slayer Eber-Mitra appears as a diminiutive figure with raised sword in the act of slaying a large bull on the floor panel of the Gundestrup Caldron. The bull symbolizes the Akkadian empire of the time of Naram Sin, who wore bull horns as a sign of his devotion to the lunar cult at Ur. Mitra’s deed refers to the Gutian sack of Agade during Naram Sin’s reign as though Eber led that attack after breaking ranks with the other vassals of Japheth and abandoning the cause of defending Mesopotamia. For Shem’s alliance in 2178, the implication is that Eber handed the Italics over to Arphaxad and led into battle an Iranian contingent destined to give rise to the cult of Mithraism. As an analogous convert in the act of being baptized, Nimrod-Ailill brought with him another Satem Aryan people: the Scythian-Iranians destined to form the Iazyg tribe in his name. The last allied stock west of the Orontes is represented by the leaping wolf. Gaelic tradition emphasizes the marital alliance between Ailill and Medb so firmly that we are inclined to identify the wolf with a people under InannaMedb’s control. Her experience as the queen of Aratta placed her there at an important stage of her career. The implication is that Eber, in leading one of the Iranian groups to the west, also brought a contingent of Gutian Kurds and gave them to Inanna-Medb to lead in holding the Orontes against the “Ulaid” infantry. This movement from the Gutian east to the Syrian west established a predecedent for the similar movement of Gutians and Elamites from Iran to the Amorite west in the Abrahamic war of the 2120s. In fact the feudal alliance between Iranian kings and West Semitic kings at the start of Genesis 14 was a vestige of Shem’s alliance of 2178. Even at this point we have not completed an analysis of Shem’s alliance. Three lines of reasoning indicate the presence of Semites in that alliance. The first is the arrangement of Genesis 14:1-6 just named. The second follows from the conversion of Nimrod-Ailill to Shem’s cause. That development reverses the logic of the Myth of Zu in which Nimrod stole the Enlilship back from Shem-Zu. As Shem’s loyal fifth heir Nimrod-Reu now made the Semitic stock available to Shem as his allies. The name “Semitic” now regained its value. Third we have to account for the potent mythology of Ugarit west of the Orontes where Shem appears as the storm god Aliyan Bal, Sidon as his ally Kothar-wa-khasis and “Bull El” Shelah and his three sons as his adversaries. 287 As befits the Syrian locale, the two remaining contigents in Shem’s alliance were both Semitic speakers. Inanna-Medb’s Canaanite importance as Astarte identifies her followers at the point of the leaping wolf as the Canaanites destined for Palestine. These people spoke a language virtually identical to that at Shem’s coastal base at Ugarit. With Amorites serving to organize the African expedition at this time, Canaanites joined the anti-Akkadian alliance in their stead. Shem’s high pantheon importance in Syria as Bal-Adad suggests that he led a contingent of Aramaeans named for his vassal Aram-Joktan. Shem’s alliance, therefore, consisted of Centum Aryans, Satem Aryans and Semitic Canaanites and Aramaeans. These opposed the entire male population of the Amerindian protoplast on the east bank of the Orontes. The mere fact that Amerindians inhabit the Americas rather than Iran proves that Shem’s alliance won the battle. Otherwise the Amerindians would have succeeded in driving the Gutians out of Gutium as allies of the Akkadian empire. Instead the Gutians remained in place to harass the empire from the east. At the same time Shem’s strategic motive concerned Europe as it had in the Aegean war when he dealt with non-exilic Centum Aryans rather than the exilic group that joined him in 2178. His motive was to hold Syria-Phoenicia in order to keep the African-Egyptian branch of the empire from capturing Europe. Seemingly he was unconcerned about the direct route from Egypt to Crete and felt that the keys to securing Europe were Cyprus, Rhodes and the Aegean coast of Asia Minor. Because Phoenicia was the land of access to that chain of positions, he fought to hold Phoenicia at all coasts and set up his alliance there. The Akkadian Egyptians Menes and Narmer recruited the defeated Amerindians in an attempt to take Phoenicia from him. After losing for a second time, the Amerindians were putty in the hands of the imperialists and ready to colonize the Americas beyond the African rivers now being colonized. They retreated to Libya and were shipped from there to the Americas via the Guinea coast of West Africa. Their story is one dimension of the mighty career of Ashkenaz as colonist. Before dealing with Ashkenaz, however, we need to look at the Ugaritic mythology and determine how it relates, if at all, to the Battle of the Orontes. The Clan System of Genesis 10: Ten Semitic Cities 2296-2128 Two discrepancies exist between Ugaritic mythology and that battle. First it places primary stress on Shem’s second heir Shelah as “Bull El.” We have not factored Shelah into the dramatis personae of the Battle of Orontes so far. Second Tr Il’s three sons are all pictured as Aliyan Bal-Shem’s enemies. One of them, however, Yamm, is Shem’s third vassal Eber; and we have placed Eber among Shem’s four horsemen. These discrepancies suggest that the mythology relates to some period previous to 2178 when Eber had not yet converted to Shem’s cause. The mythology places Tr Il and his three sons “in the midst of the headwaters of the Two Oceans” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations and emphasizes the work of Shelah’s father Sidon— Kothar-wa-khasis— as the creator of “Bal’s Temple.” These themes suggest that the Ugaritic mythology refers to a period when Shem was seeking to recover from his humiliation as Lugalzaggesi in 2244. In fact the Ugaritic mythology figures as a variation on the theme of the Aegean war. That is the reason for the mysterious identification of “Tr Il” with “Tros” and “Ilos” of Dardanian Troy. At some time after the close of the Uruk-Aratta war Shelah-“Bull El” and his sons Yamm-Eber, Mot-Hazarmaveth and Athtar-Assaracus-Jerah settled in Syria and took on the roles attributed to them as antagonists of Aliyan Bal-Shem after 2244. The phrase “in the midst of the headwaters of the Two Oceans” occurs at the opening of the Ugaritic text headed Poems about Baal and Anath in Pritchard’s Ancient Near East. It occurs in parallel with the previous line “To El of the Sources of the Floods.” Formerly I have referred to that land as Upper Mesoptamia; but that makes no sense. The two rivers that flow into both the Persian Gulf and Mediterranean are the Euphrates and Orontes. Consequently the city nearest to the specified location is either Ebla or Armanum, now known as Aleppo. Berment and Weitzman’s Ebla (1979) quotes two Akkadian passages in which Naram Sin is said to have been the conqueror of “Arman and Ebla.” One of the two passages reads as follows: “In all time, since the creation of men, no king among kings had ravaged the land of Arman and Ibla. Hence the god Nergal, having opened the way for the valiant Naram-Sin, has delivered Armanum and Ibla into his hands” (172). About midway between the Orontes and Euphrates, Armanum-Aleppo fits the specifications of Shelah-Bull El’s location better than Ebla. The two cities are clearly complementary. If, as we believe, Ebla was the Semitic city of the Japhethite clan, Armanum makes sense as the city of the Shemite clan of Genesis 10:22 to the extent that Bull El’s family includes two members of that family— Elam-Yamm and Arphaxad II-Bull El— together with the Joktanite vassals Hazarmaveth and Jerah. The immovable character of Armanum and Ebla prior to Naram Sin’s reign arose from their having been powerful capitals of victorious forces in the Uruk-Aratta war located just to the west of the Taranis theater of that war. Despite the Semiticspeaking character of the two cities, they nominally represented the Semitic-Hamitic dyad of the five victorious griffin armies. At a time before 2244 when Shem still maintained nominal control of the Semitic linguistic stock, Armanum served to represent his authority in the hands of Arphaxad II-Shelah and Elam-Eber-Yamm. Eber belonged to both the Japhethite and Shemite clans as Tubal and Elam. He served to unite the land between the Euphrates and Orontes into a unit despite the dual powers of Japheth and Shem. In effect the mythological family of Bull El represents 289 the Shemite king list of Armanum and all the more so because the name El, at the head of the Canaanite pantheon, is equivalent to Enlil-Elohim, the Air-Creator God proper to the entire Semitic linguistic stock. By conquering the land of Armanum and Ebla, Naram Sin went a long way toward erasing the basic structure of the Noahic world order with its Japhethite and Shemite thirds. Syria-Amanus had been Japheth’s original domain a few years after the Flood “since the creation of men” in the regenerative postdiluvian sense. Ham had made the complementary land of Martu, to the south, the home of the Semitic linguistic stock transferred to Shem. Nimrod-Sargon exalted the Semitic Enlilship in 2244; and Bull El Shelah evidently claimed it for himself between 2218 and 2188 while Shem was reigning among the Amorites in Martu. The name Arman suggests a Semitic variant of “Ahriman,” a Satem Aryan version of Nimrod alternative to “Varuna.” Nimrod is another of the vassals of Genesis 10:22 under the East Semitic name “Asshur.” It would be rather surprising if all five vassals in 10:22 failed to appear as rulers of Armanum at one time or another. In short the Japhethite and Shemite clans set up at Ebla and Armanum after the UrukArtta war just as the sons of Ham became Ocean Dragon Kings in Arabia, the Mizraim clan colonized predynastic Egypt and the Cushite clan correlated with the Amorites of Tidnum after 2218. The Canaanite clan had served to coordinate the First Kish order before 2308. Interplay among kings of Ebla and Mari brings these cities into contact with the Sumerian Kinglist where Mari is accorded one dynasty between the years 2278 and 2248. So many of these Semitic urban regimes arise in the 23rd century that we can survey the full set of ten Genesis 10 clans in these terms. We can tabulate ten Semitic cities, matching clans, local rulers and specific periods in which these rulers enter history. The cities are arranged arbitrarily in the order of the corresponding clans: City: Ebla Clan: 10:2 (Japheth) Gomorrah Ullisum Sodom Tidnum 10:3 (Gomer) 10:4 (Javan) 10:6 (Ham) 10:7 (Cush) Rulers: Gumalum (Gomer) Igrish-Halam (Magog) Irkab-Damu (Madai) Ar-Ennum (Javan) Ebrum (Tubal) Shura-Damu (Tiras) Birsha (Togarmah) [Elishah] Bera (Ham) Adamu (Seba) Hanu (Havilah) Harharu (Raamah) Zuabu (Sheba) Period: 23rd century 2120s 2218-2188 2120s 2218-2188 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations [Kish]/ Agade 10:13-14 (Mizraim) Ugarit 10:15-18 (Canaan) Armanum 10:22 (Shem) Damascus 10:23 (Aram) Assur-Calah Gasur (Nuzi) Hamath Mari 10:26-29 (Joktan) Didanu (Dedan) Iangi (Nimrod) Aka (Mizraim) Manishtushu (Menes) Naram Sin (Narmer) Kothar (Sidon) Bal (Jebus) Anath (Hamath) Yamm (Elam) Tr Il (Arphaxad II) Uz Hul [Gaur of Kish] Mash (Math) Ikun-Shamash (Joktan) 2294-2290 2209-2194 2244-2188 2188-2158 23rd century unknown 2278-2248 We have discussed the case for the Japhethites at Ebla both in principle and detail. Birsha king of Gomorrah is Gomer’s vassal, Noah’s son and Ham’s full brother Togarmah under a Semitic name derived from his Uralo-Altaic title Pyrshak Khan. Elishah’s repeated importance as the Javanite Agenor and source of the name Alashiya-Cyprus suggests that the port of Ullisum incorporates a version of his name with the u/e juxtaposition as in Puluga-Peleg and Uruk-Erech. Ham’s name Bera as king of Sodom in Genesis 14 derives from the root of his First Kish/Eanna name Enmebaraggesi. In that sense his disastrous reign at Sodom anticipated his restoration reign at Ur under the Sumerian name Ur Nammu toward the close of the 22nd century. The six Amorite kings at Tidnum are members both of the primary set of ten and the Cushite set of eight. Their better known names in order are Riphath, Ham, Shem, Japheth, Noah and Nimrod. Their Cushite and Amorite names derive from separate traditions, both the West Semitic Amorite and the African, either Hamitic or one of the other African language types. The African Cushite-Amorite connection is discussed on pages 38 and later. The connection between East Semitic Agade and Mizraim, if not the Mizraim clan, is established at two points. Ham’s yellow son Mizraim reigned as Aka at Kish in the Eanna period. Kish lay in the same capital zone shared by Agade, pan-Hamitic Babel and the solar cult center Sippar inhabited by Hamites in the First Kish period and later. Second the proudest achievement of the Akkadian Empire was the creation of dynasty Egypt in which Emperors Manishtushu and Naram Sin became the first two pharaohs Menes (Aha) and Narmer. The name Aha is no doubt an Egyptian cognate with Aka, making Shem’s sixth heir Manishtushu-Serug “Mizraim II.” The 291 Hebrew name “Serug” is based on a word meaning “branch” and possibly refers to Magan-Egypt as a branch of the Akkadian Empire in the eyes of these rulers. In the final analysis, the Ugaritic mythology identifies more closely with Bal than it does with his enemies in the family of Tr Il-Shelah. Bal’s faction consists of himself, his assistant Kothar and his wife Anath; and that means the first, third and last vassals of Canaan— Sidon, Jebus and Hamath. The Ugaritic language is synonymous with Canaanite-Hebrew meaning that the Semitic-speaking— originally Indo-European— Canaanite clan found a home at Ugarit at the time that Shem built his alliance there leading to the Battle of the Orontes. According to the Ugaritic Poems of Baal and Anath, Shem’s worst enemy in the tenth era was not his second heir Shelah but his third heir Eber, Yamm of the text. This character, already established as Gilgamesh of the Sumerians, must have been a complex and dramatic character. He was destined to join Shem as Mitra-Mithras, the horseman with boar insignia in the Teutates Panel and Battle of the Orontes. The Poems of Baal and Anath need close inspection in order to reveal the peculiar character of early postdiluvian political time leading up to the battle in 2178. If Shelah and his sons inhabited Armanum throughout the eleventh era, one wonders why the priests and people of Ugarit made so much of them as though they had been living on the coast. This family ranked high because the myth refers to Shelah as El as though he, rather than either Shem or Nimrod, possessed the Enlilship of the Semitic linguistic stock in this period. Apparently when Shelah broke with Shem and ceased functioning as the Indo-European Olympian Ares, he claimed the Enlilship for himself. He probably realized that the Akkadians were worshipping him as Marduk owing to the service he had rendered to the Erechite cause in the UrukAratta war. In any case the Canaanites of Ugarit regarded Shelah rather than Shem as the legitimate claimant to the pan-Semitic name El. The antagonism featured in the Ugaritic story took shape in a stage of the tenth era when Shelah abandoned the Olympian cause.At this time, the myth states, Bal had no palace, meaning that his humiliation as Lugalzaggesi left him without a trace of the power implied by his status as one of the three overlords in Genesis 10. The central theme of Syrian religion was his heroic struggle to recover power. Throughout much of early postdiluvian tradition he is viewed as a struggling hero rather than an established potentate. That is true of his Syrian image as Bal and Adad, his Hellenic image as Herakles and his Teutonic image as Thor. When the would-be hero and mass murderer Adolf Hitler titled his book Mein Kampf, he was attempting to appropriate to himself this ancient theme centered in Aliyan Bal, “Puissant Baal,” founder of the Aryan stock. A heading at the start of Pritchard’s text reads, “El instructs Kothar to build a palace for Yamm. Athtar complains of not being accorded the like favor” (93). Although actual palaces might have been involved, Kothar’s capacity to build “palaces” for others has a wider meaning. It refers to Sidon’s authority as commander of the cult of the Wisdom God to sanction feudal oaths and create feudal clans such as Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the ones recorded in Genesis 10. The palace for Yamm translates into the clan of Genesis 10:22 inasmuch as Yamm-Elam heads the list. What is missing is Shem’s presence as “father” or head of the clan. The Hurrian theme of The Song of Kumarbi that Shem’s heirs and vassals— taken from the male line of Canaan— would cause him more harm than good has taken the form of a flat denial that Shem is the lord of any of these figures. Such is the damage caused by the humiliation of Lugalzaggesi. Nevertheless we will find Bal hanging on to his claims of power and attempting to confirm them by bravery and physical violence. Because Yamm was Shelah’s heir Eber, it makes sense that Shelah-El would order a palace for him rather than his brother Athtar (Joktanite Jerah). Athtar complains, “’Oh my father Bull El!/ I have no house like the gods,/Nor court like the holy ones”— an instance of what has been called “Hebrew parallelism” in verse expression. There is no question that the Hebrews derived from this culture but with Abraham’s divine experiences with El Shaddai added. In the next set of lines, Aliyan Bal calls down wrath on Yamm as though he has taken the part of Athtar. In response Yamm approaches Bull El and requests that he be permitted to lord it over Bal: “Surrender the god with a following, Him whom the multitudes worship: Give Baal to me to lord over, Dagon’s son whose spoil I’ll possess” (94). Dagon, fish god, is the Ugaritic and Philistine version of Noah, reinforcing Bal’s identity with Noah’s son Shem. In his pride, Yamm-Eber is gloating over the fact that he has gotten the better of the great antediluvian survivor Shem. In the next scene, Bal is attending El at an assembly of the gods tantamount to the perennial Noahic Council but located in this case at “Mount Lala,” a kind of Ugaritic Mount Olympus. When the messengers of Yamm arrive, the gods drop their heads in cowardly fear of Yamm’s power, centered in the physical power of EberGilgamesh. We are about to witness the clash of two heroes. The gods lift their heads as Bal promises to answer the messengers of Yamm himself. As directed by the upstart Yamm, the messengers stand in El’s presence rather than bowing to him. When they deliver Yamm’s proud demand, El instantly acquiesces in the will of his son: “Thy slave is Baal, O Yamm, Thy slave is Baal forever, Dagon’s son is thy captive; He shall be brought as thy tribute” (95). Throughout the eleventh era, Eber-Yamm continued to function as Japheth’s vassal Tubal as he had in the Uruk-Aratta war. That meant that he remained an “Ulaid” enemy of Shem’s faction. The “Ulaid” faction perennially meant the 293 Sumerians. Eber had established a powerful Sumerian identity as Gilgamesh. This identity was not to be abandoned easily in favor of Shem. Eber-Gilgamesh-Yamm carries into the Ugaritic story the same power to intimidate others as in the Sumerian account of his conflict with Aka-Mizraim of Kish. He has now intimidated his own father into handing Shem over as a conquered enemy. Nevertheless Shem-Bal emerges in this account as a defiant hero consistent with our biblical knowledge that, if everything were as it should be, El-Shelah and Yamm-Eber should be functioning as his vassals Arphaxad II and Elam. Bal is on verge of battering Yamm’s two messengers for their impudence when he is restrained by Ashtoreth, the Canaanite version of Astarte-Ishtar-Inanna. This woman, Medb of the Gaels, was destined to become Shem’s ally at the head of the “Leaping Wolf” by 2178. An important passage in William Foxwell Albright’s Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (1969) brings together Bal, Anath, Astarte and the Egyptian sun god Atum Re— Shem, Hamath-Nephthys, Inanna and Japheth. In the passage cited from Egypt, Bal’s sister-wife Anath emerges as Inanna-Medb’s equal in militarism and Bal is accurately identified with Seth of the Great Ennead: “The most striking of the Canaanite myths of Anath preserved in Egyptian dress runs as follows: Anath was bathing on the shore of the sea at Hamkat. Baal (Seth) went for a walk and raped her, “leaping her as the sacred ram (of Amun) leaps, forcing her as a… forces… Baal fell ill because of this, but Anath came unexpectedly to his rescue: “Anath the Victorious, a man-like woman, dressed as a man but girded as a woma, went to the sun god, her father.” Re replied at some length, stressing Baal’s folly and endin, “it is punishment for his folly, since he… had intercourse with her in fire and raped her with a chisel.” The chisel of Anath appears in another magical text. On Roman coins the divinity of Ascalon named Phanebal(os), “Presence of Baal,” has long been recognized as a man-like goddess, with slender, uncurved body in female dress but fully armed. Another Egyptian magical text says that “the mouth of the wombs of Anath and Astarte, the two great goddeses, was closed by Horus (Canaanite Horan or Hauron), so they could become pregnant but could not bear, and was opened by Seth (Baal)” (129-130). The “two great goddeses”— Shem’s granddaughter Inanna-Astarte-Medb and sister wife Hamath-Anath— formed an alliance with him by 2178 in defiance of the vassals of Atum Re-Japheth. Thus the dramatis personae of the Battle of the Orontes became central figures in the overlapping religions of Canaan and Egypt. To understand the heritage of the Eastern Mediterranean coast we should keep in mind that cultic triad of Shem, Hamath-Anath and Inanna-Astarte. Pritchard’s Ugaritic text goes on to affirm that Bal, with the aid of Kothar, strikes down Yamm and is again restrained by Ashtoreth, who declares, “Captive is Prince Yamm” (97). The conversion of Eber into Shem-Teutates’ horseman with the boar insignia has taken the form described in the Ugaritic story. With Kothar’s Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations assistance, Bal has used two clubs to subdue Yamm, one named Yagrush (“Chaser”) and the other named Ayamur (“Driver”). The editor explains that Yamm thinks he is dying after Bal has struck him on the head with Ayamur: “But apparently Yamm does not die, but is only confined to his proper sphere, the seas.” Our euhemeristic reading suggests that Eber has been forced to join the Gallic alliance located between the Orontes and the sea. At least that is the eventual outcome. The next group of lines introduce Bull El’s wife “Lady Asherah of the Sea,” ostensible mother of El’s three sons. Kingship at Its Source identifies Lady Asherah with Mahadevi. Our view, however, that Kali was Eber’s mother implies that Asherah serves, as does Indian Mahadevi, as representative of the Mahadevi tetrad. Both Lady Asherah and her “son” Yamm-Eber identify with the sea. I fact the name “Yamm” means “sea” in Ugaritic. Asherah-Mahadevi, mother of the Amerindians, is to the Upper Sea, what Yamm-Elam is to the Persian Gulf. The identity of Asherah tells us why the Amerindians were called upon to become the army of the “Ulaid” east of the Orontes and also why, following their defeat, they were banished to the extreme limit of the Upper Sea Mediterranean-Atlantic continuum with the Americas. After a break in the text, someone has promised to give homage to Asherah if she enables Bal to possess a “house like the gods/ a court like Asherah’s sons.” Bal sends two messengers, Ugar and Gapn, to Anath to call on her to do homage to Asherah for this purpose. The three members of the Canaanite clan whom we have placed at Ugarit— Kothar-Sidon, Bal-Shem-Jebus and Anath-Hamath— were all children of Caucasoid Uma rather than Amerindian andSemitic Mahadevi-Asherah. Perhaps for racial-political reasons white Anath had to be persuaded to submit to red Asherah. Uma’s proper people were Sumerians, not Semites. Favor from Asherah was required for these white progenitors to establish high rank among the Semites created by her son Ham. That is why Asherah is referred to in the Ugaritic text as “Progenitress of the Gods,” diluvian wife of Noah and the Joktanite Havilah, living link to the antediluvian Semitic race of Arabia-Havilah along with her son, the Cushite Havilah-Ham. Shelah’s prestige as Ugaritic El arose from his marriage with the proto-Semitic Asherah-Mahadevi. Blocks of missing lines make the ensuing story difficult to follow; but the general drift is that the craftsman Kothar has created a magnificent silver dais covered in gold and a throne to win Asherah’s favor when Bal and Anath come to El to plead their case. At first Asherah is appalled that Bal should seek for the sort of status enjoyed only by her sons: She lifts up her voice and cries: “Why is Puissant Baal come? And why the maiden Anath? Have my children slain each other, Or the brand of my kinsmen destroyed one another?” (99) 295 Then, however, her eye catches the magnificent treasures created for her by Kothar. All of this makes concrete good sense as Sidon approaches Queen AsherahMahadevi to seek a place for Shem in the “Semitic” world named for him. Asherah’s question, “Have my children slain each other?” means that, to raise Shem to his true status would destroy some status achieved by her sons through Shelah’s possession of the Enlilship. That possession means that Shelah has taken over the political status originally held by Ham as creator of the Semitic stock. Accordingly Asherah’s sons Yamm, Athtar and Mot have become substitutes for the three sons of Ham maintaining three clans in Genesis 10. Yamm-Eber has become Mizraim’s supplanter. Whether or not Jacob Bryant’s etymology of “Mizraim” is correct— the Hebrew dual form concealing Mizra-Yamm or “Encircling Sea”— the Titan Oceanus-Mizraim possesses exactly that value in Hellenic tradition in reference originally to the waters surrounding the Arabian Peninsula, the “five rivers of Hades” in another Hellenic tradition. As Yamm Eber has now laid claim to that same identity and as Gilgamesh has gotten the better of Aka-Mizraim of Kish. This juxtaposition of Eber with Mizraim explains why the god Ebore turns up in the West African land of the Akan, Mande-Mandara and Moshe-Mushri, all representing Mizraim. The same logic applies to Mot-Hazarmaveth and Athtar-Jerah as Ugaritic substitutes for Cush and Canaan. The land of Hazarmaveth, Hadramaut, has belonged at one time to the land of Greater Cush encompassing both Ethiopia and southern Arabia. As Cush’s substitute in the eleventh era, Mot must have laid claim to the Cushite clan synonymous with the realm of Amorite Tidnum to which Shem-Bal belonged as Harharu. Therefore Mot could regard himself as overlord of the Amorites and feudal lord of the “upstart” Shem. Athtar’s identity is clarified by curious echo of Ugarit in the Dardanian line of Phrygian Troy where Tr Il becomes “Tros and Ilos” and “Ilos” is the father of “Assaracus.” The implication is that Athtar regarded himself as feudal lord of Ugarit and its Canaanite clan, hence Canaan’s substitute. This disposal of the sons of Ham by the eleventh era lay the groundwork for their murder by Narmer in 2181. Narmer could conclude that they no longer possessed any postdiluvian legitimacy and could be disposed of like slaves. In 2178 Narmer joined forces with the Japhethites east of the Orontes to defend the regime which justified his murders. He did that despite having conquered Armanum and destroyed Ebla during his Akkadian reign. That turnabout countered those of EberTubal and Joktan-Meshech in joining forces with Shem-Teutates. In Pritchard’s narrative Asherah decides to back Bal and Anath’s claim. The three approach the throne of Bull El. The translation of Asherah’s words to her husband is in doubt and confusing: “Thy decree is: our king’s Puissant Baal, Our sovereign second to none; All of us must bear his gift [be tributary to him], All of us must bear his purse” (100). Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations It appears that Asherah-Mahadevi, who knew Shem from before the Flood, is calling on Shelah to recognize him for what he was before his humiliation as Lugalzaggesi. After El listens to Bal’s complaint about not having a “house,” he turns to Asherah with sly derision: “Am I a slave, an attendant of Asherah? Am I a slave, to handle . . . ? Or is Asherah a handmaid to make bricks?” (102) Referring to Bal’s request for a “house,” El takes it literally. Nevertheless El agrees to build a house worthy of Bal’s true status in contrast to the inferior one that is overgrown with weeds. That inferior house, not mentioned before, refers to the inferior status that has hampered Shem since the disaster in Sumer in 2244. Anath rushes off to Bal on Mount Zaphon to announce the good news to him. After Kothar assists Bal in building the great palace, Bal summons to it “Asherah’s seventy children” (105). Over the 330 years since the Flood, Mahadevi-Asherah could have bourn seventy at the rate of only one every five years. This figure of seventy probably bears on the population of the Semitic linguistic stock or a combination of the Semites and Amerindians. The next section refers to Yamm as El’s Beloved, consistent with Eber’s identity as Shelah’s heir. After conquering ninety hamlets, Bal heeds Kothar’s words by making a window in his house, a “rift in the clouds.” (106) Through the window Bal shouts (presumably with the voice of thunder) and his enemies take refuge in the woods, “Hadd’s foes to the sides of the mountain,” Hadd being Bal’s name Adad or Dada, cognate with his Sumerian and Elamite names Dadasig and Tata. In his state of exaltation, Bal refuses to submit any longer to El’s son Mot: Tribute I’ll not send to Divine Mot, Nor dispatch to El’s Darling Ghazir. Mot calls out in his soul, The Beloved thinks in his heart, “I alone will have sway o’er the gods So that gods and men may feed, Who satisfies the multitudes of the earth.’” Because Ghazir-Mot (Hazarmaveth) has now replaced Yamm as “El’s Darling,” the editor suggests that Bal has disposed of Yamm in a set of illegible lines. Because we know that Eber lived on until 1987 BCE, this disposal has taken the form of converting him into the horseman with the boar insignia in the Gallic alliance. This conversion has made Hazarmaveth into Shelah’s would-be heir. Bal sends his messengers Ugar and Gapn to Mot’s land but warns them of the danger he poses: 297 Yet beware, divine messengers, Approach not Divine Mot, Lest he make you like a lamb in his mouth, Ye be crushed like a kid in his gullet. Even the Gods’ Torch Shapsh, Who wings over heaven’s expanse, Is in Mot El’s Beloved’s hand!” (107) In assigning this task to his messengers, Bal has described Mot’s realm as the Earth in contrast with Yamm’s Sea: “And descend to the depth of the earth,/ Be of those who descend to the earth. There now, be off on your way/ Into his city Pit,/ Low the throne he sits on,/ Filth the land of his inheritance.” The editor seizes on this shift from Sea to Earth to apply the anthropological logic of Frazer’s Golden Bough by explaining the change as purely a matter of natural cycles without a euhemeristic, historical dimension. Symbolism derived from patterns of nature obviously plays a role in early postdiluvian tradition; but these have no negative bearing on historical euhemerism. They only mean that the early postdiluvians were intellectual aristocrats who thought logically in terms of appropriate symbols rather than the kitchen science of denuded causes and effects. In euhemeristic terms, we can consider whether the polarity of Earth and Sea in this text means that Hazarmaveth has taken up residence in distant Hadramaut named for him. That land at the bottom of Arabia might be described as the earth’s “Pit” whence came Osama Bin Laden in our times. However the great distance from Syria to Hadramaut renders that hypothesis practically untenable. Bal defies Mot’s authority but, after a gap of thirty lines, is frightened and sends his messengers to Mot to declare his submission— “Thy slave I, thy bondman forever.” (108). After a gap of twenty-five lines, Anath bears Math, Shem’s son and Aram’s vassal Mash. After a third gap of thirty lines, messengers come to El to announce that Bal has fallen dead. Both El and Anath mourn for him. Anath’s goes out, finds Bal’s corpse, buries it and sacrifices hordes of animals to honor the fallen hero. She then returns to El to repeat the news of Bal’s death: “Now let Asherah rejoice and her sons, Elath and the band of her kinsmen; For dead is Puissant Baal, Perished the Prince, Lord of earth.” (111) At this El calls on Asherah to name one of her sons as Bal’s successor; and they agree on “Ashtar the Tyrant.” After trying to reign from Bal’s throne in the clouds, Athtar finds it too lofty for him, descends and “reigns in El’s earth, all of it.” (112) After another missing thirty lines, Anath grabs Mot and demands that he restore Bal to life. When he confesses that he killed the hero, Anath draws her sword Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations and cuts him to pieces, leaving the remnants for the birds to eat. After forty missing lines, Bal is alive again. As in the case of Kingu’s execution by Marduk, these deaths and resurrections refer to poltical changes of the sort that occurred formally every thirty years. In Indian mythology, they took the form of avatars of reincarnation. One way to establish a chronological framework for these events is to notice that seven years pass from the time Bal returns to life and his throne to the moment that Mot (himself still alive) calls for Bal’s downfall (114). We can identify these seven years plausibly as the period from the beginning of the twelfth era in 2188 until Mot, death personified, struck his greatest blow with Narmer’s actual executions of ten patriarchs at Metelis. The allegorical framework can be backed to the period of the Aegean war. Shem’s defeat in that attempt to recover his power in 2222 matches the moment when Bal swears that he is Mot’s slave. The beginning of the eleventh era in 2188 marks the point of Bal’s “death.” Throughout the eleventh era Bal remained relatively powerless except for his cooperative place among the Amorite kings at the barren “Mountain of the Amorites.” Named the “Amurru” or “Flood People,” the Amorites at this time took on a kind of memorializing value by including all four male diluvian survivors as Didanu (Noah), Harharu (Shem), Hanu (Ham) and Zuabu (Japheth). To confirm the humiliating nature of this distinction, the same diluvian survivors were not only reduced to vassals of Cush but appear in Egyptian mythology as the male half of the ogdoad of Hermopolis, described as reptiles or amphibians crawling through primordial slime. To cap off this theme of humiliation, the Assyrians remembered the ten Amorite kings as dwellers in tents rather than the glorious palaces named in the Ugaritic mythology. Still another evidence is that Genesis 14:1-6 pictures five Amorite kings as vassals of four Eastern kings rather than vice versa. “The Mountain of the Amorites” was hardly a Mountain Olympus or Valhalla. [See Jebel Bishri, “Mountain of the Amorites” --- www.helsinki.fi copied September 16, 2008) and, (See also Ruins of Ebla. --- www.spazioinwind.libero.it copied September 16, 2008] In contrast the ruins of Ebla are rather imposing if we fill in the blanks to imagine what it looked like in the 23rd century. In the eleventh or Amorite era, Shem was unable to do anything to recover the status suggested by his place in the text of Genesis 10. At the time he was still a relative stranger to the Semitic stock named for him. He could only take his turn with other primary patriarchs such as Ham-Hanu original founder of the stock. According to the Ugaritic tradition, the entire stock lay in the hands of Shem’s second heir, Sidon’s son Shelah, “Bull El.” (See Ruins of Ugarit. --- www.shunya.com copied September 16, 2008) Another impression comes from the ruins of Ugarit showing a single foundation. Our conception of Ugarit is that it not only gave us the text under review but represented the Canaanite clan of Genesis 10:15-18 as embodied in the inner circle of Bal, Anath and Sidon. Historically we conceive Ugarit as the rallying point for Shem’s alliance west of the Orontes and symbolized by the upper register of the 299 Teutates Panel as opposed to the Japhethite infantry representing Ebla east of the Orontes. I conceive of Ugarit as younger than than Ebla, conceivably founded as late as the early 22nd century. Its mythology has more to do with Shelah’s Shemite regime at Armanum, an ancient location presumably swallowed up by medieval and modern Haleb-Aleppo. One authority questions the identity of Armanum with Aleppo, probably to preserve the modern Law of Empirical Fragments: “Thou shalt not synthesize, reconstruct or interpret.” I have nothing against the future discovery of Armanum at some other location just as I have nothing against the future discovery of the ruins of Aratta or Agade. In the last passage of the Ugaritic text Bal and Mot are literally locked in a duel: Mot’s firm, Baal’s firm. They gore like buffaloes: Mot’s firm. Baal’s firm. They bite like snakes: Mot’s firm. Baal’s firm. They kick like chargers. Mot falls. Baal falls. (115) At this moment the sun goddess Shapsh intervenes and warns Mot that, if El knew what he was doing, he would destroy Mot’s palace. At this threat Mot is terrified and leaves Bal victorious. That outcome is as close as this myth comes to acknowledge Shem’s victory in the Battle of the Orontes. Shelah-El, as theocratic head of the stock within the poem, recognizes Shem at the expense of his son MotHazarmaveth, who now sinks into little more than a vassal of Joktan. Before leaving the Ugaritic tradition we should consider the meaning of El and Asherah’s three sons in broader terms. The identity of Mot’s biblical name Hazarmaveth establishes a strong link between that figure and exilic Arabia. Instead of requiring that we place Mot in Hadramaut during the events of the myth, the implication is that Mot governed one of the exilic stocks. The final struggle between Mot and Bal just quoted identifies that stock with Asherah-Mahadevi’s Amerindians, the troops led into battle by the Japhethites in lieu of their usual troops, the Africans then colonizing the rivers of Africa. The same logic implies that Yamm’s identity with Eber-Ebore of West Africa was designated Semitic head of the African protoplast, carrying that distinction over from his Japhethite identity as Tubal. This relationship explains why Semites have settled both in North and West Africa and have converted the Nigerians, for example, to Islam. The Moors, who take their name from a Semitic word meaning “Westerners” form a virtual continuum with the Spanish Iberians presenting Eber’s name and a cognate r variant of “Tubal,” namely “Thiber.” Finally El and Asherah’s choice of “Tyrant Ashtar” to replace Bal at his “death” in 2218 means that Athtar-Jerah became Shem’s viceroy in governing the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Semitic stock over the span of the eleventh era. Just how Shelah and his son Athtar related to the Amorite kings in this period is uncertain but their relations with them may have been as hostile as was Akkadian Naram Sin’s. In any case the eleventh era of Noahic history brought the Semitic stock into a predominant place in the world in keeping with Sargon’s rise to power early in the tenth. In other words it took time and Sargon’s victory in the Aegean war to raise the entire Semitic stock to the level of dominance implied by his Akkadian Empire. The “Three Strides of Vishnu” Colonizing Activities of Ashkenaz This Semitic domination of the world correlated with the removal of rival linguistic stocks to distant regions of the globe. The greatest leader of this world enterprise was a figure named Vishnu by the East Indians and to the Bible as Ashkenaz vassal of Gomer. Hindu theology has raised Vishnu to the top of the Trimurti, meaning to the pinnacle of the Indian pantheon. Ashkenaz was Noah’s son by Uma, making him full brother of Shem and Japheth. If the three main divisions of Genesis 10 were headed by Caucasoids, Ashkenaz would have replaced Ham. Noah, hardly a Caucasoid himself, had no interest in such an arrangement. The three great stocks that Ashkenaz led into the far corners of the world all non-white: Asian Altaics to Mongolia and Siberia, blacks to Africa and Amerindians to the Americas. Indian mythology identifies these three great expeditions as Vishnu’s Three Strides, the last one invisible to mankind. This patriarch bears a series of cognate names in relevant cultures: PersianHebrew Ashkenaz, Gutian-Kurd Yarlagan or Yarlaganda, Tatar Yashil Khan, Slavic Yarilo and Dakotan Wakanda or Wakan-Tanka. The African expedition left another version in the Ashanti of Ghana, speakers of Akan named for the nominal overlord Aka-Mizraim. The Amerindian form Wakan-Tanka suggests a synthesis of Ashkenaz’ name Ganda or Canada with Mizraim’s name Aka on Akan. The colonizations of Africa and Africa came in sequence, identifying those two “strides” as the second and third ending with the “invisible” one across the Atlantic. Ashkenaz began with the Siberian expedition and approached that land from the Uralo-Altaic colony of Kuru shown in the table on page 122 and dated from the year 2256— a terminus a quo for Ashkenaz’ first expedition. Study of Indian tradition may some day disclose a particular association between the cult of Vishnu and the Gangetic Kuru region between the Shutudri tributary of the Indus and the Yamuna tributary of the Ganges. KAIS speculates that Ashkenaz led the Uralo-Altaics through a pass of the Himalayas or Hindu Cush into the Tarim Basin to the northeast. It also dates the colonization 2218-2188, the eleventh era, allowing Ashkenaz a decade to shift scene from Eurasia to Africa to begin the “second stride” African expedition in 2178 according to our present understanding. Over the interval from 2256 to 2218 the 301 colony at Kuru received the entire Uralo-Altaic stock no matter what their exilic history in Arabia. The book dates the Amerindian “invisible stride” between 2162 and 2146. Those dates can be compared to the 2160 to 2158 for the tail end of the “second stride” in Khoisan Africa when we can imagine that Ashkenaz left the expedition in the hands of others. For one thing we now conceive of the African expedition in two simultaneous branches. Ashkenaz could not be both in East Africa and West Africa at the same time. Details of the African and American chronologies can be worked out but have no bearing on my published view that the Siberian expedition covered the eleventh era beginning in 2218. The “first stride” colonization is outlined on page 85 of KAIS. In a sense it conforms to the pentad division of the Uralo-Altaics determined by formal quota in the First Kish era. There are ten units but these are distributed in simultaneous pairs anticipatory of our present understanding of the African scheme. If the five UraloAltaic divisions of the the First Kish order are plotted into their Eurasian positions, they form a clearcut pattern with Tungusics in the northeast, Mongolics in the relative southeast, Samoeds in the northwest, Turko-Tatarics in the southwest (Central Asia) and Finno-Ugrians far off to the west in what is now Russia, Finland and Hungary. If this pentad is compared to the outline on page 85 of KAIS, the Mongols and Koreans form the first pair at the southeast; Turko-Tartaric Yakuts and Turks link the the northeast to the southwest; Tungusic Tunguses and Manchus establish the northeast; the northwestern Samoeds are paired off with the Ugrics; and finally Finnics and Finno-Ugrian Volga-Bulgarics are coupled with Satem Aryan Slavs in the west. These groupings are consistent with the First Kish pentad while adding certain features such as Finno-Ugrians with Slavs or Mongolics with Koreans. The Turks establish the southwestern position in Central Asia even though the linguistically kindred Yakuts settled in the northeast. In short the pattern generated by rivers in KAIS is consistent with the pentad division of First Kish. The reason for bringing the alien Satem Aryan Slavs into the pattern is to account for the Slavic tradition of Ashkenaz-Yarilo. This concept assumes that the Balto-Slavs, like the Centum Aryans, were split by the Aratta Schism and sent part of their number into Arabian exile along with the Uralo-Altaics. If so, we might distinguish the three Slavic divisions on this basis. The South Slavs conceivably represent non-exilic Slavs that joined Shem’s Olympian faction and settled in the Balkans or on the Danube without having anything to do with Ashkenaz’ Uralo-Altaic expedition. This hypothesis requires that East Slavs, if not West Slavs, descended from an exilic group attached to the Uralo-Altaics. The problem with this theory is that it splits the Olympian family of Apollo (West Slavs), Orpheus (South Slavs) and Asklepios (East Slavs). In partial confirmation of the theory, Yarilo-Ashkenaz was presumably a god of the East Slavs per se; but another problem is that another people the Bulgarians are classified today as South Slavs despite settling in a land formerly settled by Finno-Ugrian Volga-Bulgarics. Perhaps we can remain content to refer to the exilic group as the “Yarilo Slavs.” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations KAIS fails to recognize the seminal value of the Gangetic colonies. Possibly the exact position of the Kuru will clarify the route that Ashkenaz took in leading his followers from India to Eurasia. The only difference, however, between the former logic in KAIS and our present understanding is that I was placing Ashkenaz’ seminal colony on the Upper Indus rather than a position between the easternmost tributary of the Indus and westernmost tributary of the Ganges (the Yamuna). As it turns out, the key to Ashkenaz passage from India to Sinkiang remains the Karakoram Pass through the Karakoram Mountains and from the Upper Indus to the Upper Yarkant, a tributary of the Tarim. The Karakoram Pass lies at 35.30N 77.50E. We have not yet discussed enough about Ashkenaz to explain why he should have risen to the pinnacle of the Indian pantheon or become the chief colonist of the human race. These distinctions began with the man’s ancestry as the Caucasoid full brother to Shem and Japheth. These three established three foundational Caucasoid races: Shem, the Satem Aryans as Brahma of the Trimurti; Japheth, the Egyptians; and Uma’s postdiluvian son Ashkenaz, the Sumerians. Although I am no white supremacist like Waddell, it is probably no coincidence that the three centers of world civilization coincide with those three sons of Uma. The black Dravidians of the Indus Valley civilization derived from the third member of the Trimurti, Shiva-Riphath, their half brother by Noah and Kali. Ashkenaz fails to appear in Genesis 10 as one of the chief feudal lords along with the antediluvians Shem, Ham and Japheth. Ham takes what might have been his place among his two half-brothers. In dealing with these sons of Noah there are two generic names or titles that are applied to them: Ural-Altaic “Khan” (“Prince”) among the sons of Kudai Bai Ülgön and “Dumuzi” (“True Son”) among the Sumerians. All of Noah’s sons have been identified among the sons of Kudai Bai Ülgön. So far we have identified Dumuzi the Shepherd with Ham (Kirghiz Khan) and the male Dumuzi-abzu with Riphath (Kara Khan). Two more figures bearing that title are Wild Bull Dumuzi of the pantheon and Dumuzi the Fisherman in the king list of the Eanna Dynasty. Whether either of these names applies to Ashkenaz is uncertain; but neither seems important enough to reflect the genetic importance of Ashkenaz in Sumerian origins. Ashkenaz’s obscurity in this respect derives from his character as an imperial rather than national figure. The Indians recognized this importance because maintained an imperial perspective in their richly developed traditions. After all they recognized the Mahadevi tetrad with greater clarity than the other traditions and promoted the memory of Ashkenaz as Vishnu to an extent beyond other cultures. Ashkenaz was a “son of the lingua franca” of the Ark— Sumerian. That is why Ham attempted to match his distinction with the pan-Hamitic scheme at Babel. Ashkenaz succeeded where Ham failed because Sumerian had always been the legimate lingua franca of Noah’s family. 303 Indian tradition preserves Ashkenaz’ unique status in the form of ten avatars (“descents”) of Vishnu. In order to understand these avatars we need to return to the earliest years after the Flood and the theme of linguistically distinct theocratic cults. Although we have treated the primary eight cults as a given, they had to be formally established after the Flood. Fortunately the Book of Exodus reveals a pattern suggesting how these cults were established. Moses’ descent from Mount Sinai was not unprecedented. Nor was the Bible’s reference to him as a “god before Pharaoh” nor his privilege of founding a nation on the basis of what had been a set of tribes. All of these things derived from early postdiluvian precedents under new dispensational circumstances distinguishing Israel from other nations. The elements that went to make up this history were based on an epic ritual. Moses represented a people on the verge of a migration from one continent to another and speaking a language different from the one spoken in Egypt. To accomplish his task of theocratic nation-building, he ascended a mountain, encountered God under a particular name Yahweh, received a law from Him and descended the mountain to present this law to his people. The pattern followed by Moses also existed in Noah’s world and tells us how the theocratic cults were formed. I recognize the theological resentment traditionally stirred up by any suggestion that events such as the Exodus of Israel were not entirely unique. Moses place in history differed radically from that of the sons of Noah. The Judaeo-Christian heritage should be distinguished rigorously from everything that preceded it. However the symbolic materials that went to make up this history were not conceived ex nihilo. The principle of theocratic mountain descent existed in Noah’s world and was employed as the one archetypal means of establishing of genuine religious cults without which ancient history and Noahic nation building makes no sense. Noah and his family descended from a mountain after the Flood. They received the law of capital punishment after doing so. They, like Moses, migrated from one part of the earth to another and in the process created nations. Noah’s primary political act after descending from the mountains of Urartu was to establish the domain of Subir on the Upper Tigris, a land eventually inhabited by Semitic Assyrians distinct from the Ural-Altaic stock which he called into being. His descent from Mount Ararat, reception of the law of capital punishment and creation of the Uralo-Altaic stock established a recurrent ritual. The opening Matsya Avatar of Vishnu refers to that primary descent in the year 2518. The image governing this avatar was a fish, in keeping with Noah’s image as the fish god Dagon and his identity as Abzu-Apsu, the first lord of the Abzu Temple of Eridu with corresponding image of streaming fish. That image alludes to the diluvian sea and the “primal mud” left by it as in Noah’s matching Egyptian Nun in the slimy Ogdoad of Hermopolis. The avatars of Vishnu record a series of such descents carried out by Noah and his six sons in succession ending with Shem in two such descents in keeping with the Indo-European-Semitic dyad which Noah conferred on him. The eight avatars are succeeded in the Garuda Purana by two more, one Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations referring to Buddha in later times and the final, Kalki Avatar to be fulfilled in the distant future. In every case Noah’s family migrated to a mountain, sent a son of Noah up its slopes and observed his ritual descent with some law required for the existence of a particular theocratic language type. The respective mountains can only be guessed on the basis of relevant geography. For example, the second avatar takes the form of a tortoise. The tortoise god of the Indians was the sage Kasyapa, their version of SidonEnki of the Sumerians. Sidon, however, was not a son of Noah and did not qualify as one of the descending figures. Because the Sumerians were the proper people of white Uma, the relevant descending patriarch was the father of the Sumerian race, Ashkenaz, the Lord Vishnu himself. Because Sumer lies in a river valley, the mountain must be identified in the hursag or range to the east in Elam. A logical choice is the Kuh-e Karun lying east of Sumer. We could call this elevation the “Mountain of Ashkenaz” and view it as the formal birthplace of the Sumerian people at a time in 2488 when Ashkenaz was only about 28 years old and in process of begetting a “second Sumerian” after himself. Evidence for the existence of these mountain rituals is entirely circumstantial. They were barely witnessed at all. Most of them occurred when world population was small. Furthermore they were performed by individuals in deliberate isolation. In each case a son of Noah was sent out in advance of the nomadic community to a mountain range beyond a river valley. Ashkenaz acquired his reputation as an explorer by reaching Kuh-e Karun east of Sumer in 2488 when the nomadic family had only left Martu for Akkad and had not yet reached Sumer. The most extreme instance of this ritual process occurred at the next epoch of 2458 when the nomadic family left Gutium for Lumma after leaving Sumer. The next ritual involved Ashkenaz’s half brothers Riphath and Togarmah— Uralo-Altaic Kara Khan and Pyrshak Khan. On the reverse of the Egyptian Narmer Palette, the three Gomerite brothers all appear as comparatively large figures along with the conquering Narmer in 2181. Ashkenaz is being battered at Narmer’s feet. The other two are depicted as though swimming: (See The Narmer Palette. --- www.white-history.com copied September 18, 2008) Instead of merely describing how Riphath and Togarmah escaped from the battlefield of Metelis, the swimming posture identified who they were. When Riphath took his turn at the mountain ritual, he may have swum the Gulf of Suez in order to reach Africa in 2458. His goal may have been Ras Dashan in Ethiopia. This goal was to seek a mountain in the southwestern quarter of the world to complement Ararat in the northeast and Kuh-e-Karun in the southeast. Beginning his trek as early as 2488, he had the entire second era to work with in reaching Ethiopia. The nudity he and Togarmah display in the Narmer Palette and loin cloth worn by the figure of Ashkenaz convinces the racist Waddell that the three 305 figures shown as defeated are “primitives” in contrast to the Caucasoid-looking Narmer: “It is thus rendered abundantly clear by the testimony of King Narmar or Naram himself on his own Egyptian monument that King Manun-Dan (or MannuDannu) of Magan, conquered by him, was not, as has hitherto been supposed, Menes of Egypt, who we have found was his own father. On the contrary, besides his name and country-name this king of Magan is pictured by Narmar in this Palette of aboriginal type, with large broad negroid nose, long matted and wooly hair, and like other aborigines in the scenes, naked except for a loin string” (318). Waddell identifies the Sumerian name Magan with the Sinai Peninsula rather than Egypt. The difference in race between the three figures and Narmer is unmistakable and owing to Noah’s own partly Negroid character on these three sons. If Riphath and Togarmah escaped the aftermath of the Battle of Metelis by swimming the Gulf of Suez, they were duplicating the same feat in the opposite direction some three centuries earlier— another instance of profound postdiluvian longevity and physical prowess in the earliest generations. Within the second era (2488-2458), Riphath reached the African coast of the Gulf of Suez and made his way down the coast until approaching Ras Dashan from Eritrea where they could have reached the source of the Takkaze River, a tributary of the Atbara, near Ras Dashan. For Riphath these activities in Sinai and Africa laid the groundwork for his claim to the domain of Egypt at the sign of the lion in the Braided Goddess Panel. In the Indian avatar sequence however, the lion image does not enter the picture until the fourth, Narasimha Avatar, half man and half lion. The “descent” itself referred to the fourth ritual carried out by Japheth on behalf of his Hamitic stock in 2428. The third avatar achieved at Ras Dashan in 2458 is with the boar image Varaha later adopted by Eber as his insignia. In 2458 Riphath applied the avatar to the Austronesian stock identified with the boar image on page 252 above. The mountain ritual of Ras Dashan set a precedent for the aftermath of the Arabian war of the 22nd century when the Amerindian and African protoplasts settled temporarily in Ethiopia as we have explained. Ras Dashan lies south of the Takkeze opposite the town of Aksum, focusing the Kingdom of Aksum with its sacred language of Geez. Although the African Semites did not cross into Ethiopia until 1000 BCE, the importance attached to this part of Africa may have reflected a tradition of the mountain ritual of 2458. (See Ras Dashan covered by clouds. --www.tapestrybooks.com copied October 11, 2008) After Japheth at Mount Sinai, the next son of Noah in line for the fifth ritual at Mount Hurum north of lunar Haran was Ham. Despite what we have said about Ham’s creation of the Semites of the Enlilship and pretensions to the Anship at Babel (his identities as Hellenic Uranus and Maori Rangi), his later career shows a deep association with the Nannaship of the moon. He and his sons colonized China in the tenth era and were so central to Chinese tradition that they appear both as the Ocean Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Dragon Kings of the ninth era and the Wu-di emperors of the tenth. The Egyptian pantheon identifies him as Zehuti-Thoth, god of the moon. Even more striking, he concentrated as Ur Nammu on building the great lunar temple at Ur in the Sumerian restoration period. Magog’s Gutian name Kurum, reflected in the Hurrian race of Mount Hurum near Lake Van may owe something to Ham’s Lagashite name Gurmu. The association is rendered more likely by Ham’s First Kish role as Persian Jemshid at Gutium and his later Gutian appearance as Hablum (Cushite Havilah). As for Mount Hurum, that Sumerian name can be variously applied to mountains in the vicinity of Lake Van. A possibility is Mount Nemrut immediately west of Lake Van and about 150 miles southwest of Noah’s Mount Ararat. Or Mount Hurum could be the loftier peaks Bingol or Ala even closer to Ararat. The name Ala is suggestive since the Muslim name for God, Allah, is supposed to have been a moon god, equivalent to the El Shaddai of Abraham and sourced in the Nannaship of Ur and Haran. Because Kramer stresses the vicinity of Mount Hurum to Lake Van, we can accept Nemrut tentatively. Whatever the location, the fifth descent is referred to in Indian tradition as the Vamana Avatar. Vamana is pictured as a dwarf. That image conceivably refers to the comparatively diminutive size of many Asian Sino-Tibetans, the people of the Nannaship. This avatar took place in the person of Ham in the year 2398, the last epoch before colonization began in Mesopotamia. The sixth Avatar of Parasuram is said to have been less than an immediate avatar of Vishnu but only of a representative symbol, “Rama with an Axe.” The only one of these avatars to present Ashkenaz-Vishnu in propria persona is the second at Kuh-e Khaiz; so the distinction drawn at the Avatar of Parasuram seems pretty abstract. The agent of descent in this case was Togarmah as representative of his mother Mahadevi’s domain of Gutium, possibly at Oshtoran Kuh. As a full brother of Ham with a name something like Gurmu or Gurma, Togarmah’s descent in 2368 complemented Ham’s farther north in 2398. The ethnic stock in view was Mahadevi’s Amerindians— the race who failed to win their way to Gutium in the Battle of the Orontes of 2178. Noah’s favorite son Shem established the last two avatars of early postdiluvian times, first for the Indo-Europeans in Syria in 2338 and then for the Semites at Jebel Bishri in 2308. Three successive avatars involve the name Rama— Parasurama in 2368, Rama Chandra in 2338 and Balarama (Krishna’s brother) in 2308. In view of Shem’s Cushite name Raamah, we would suppose that Rama refers to him. The Rama Avatar in 2338 coincides with the beginning of the First Kish order. Shem appears early in the First Kish Dynasty as Balih, son of Etana. The Sumerian note that Etana “ascended to heaven and made firm the lands” has always suggested a journey to the north in view of southern Arabia’s identity with Hades in the opposite direction. The Avatar of Rama connects that northern journey with a ritual establishment of the Indo-European stock in Syria at the moment when the 307 stock began dividing under Canaanite leadership and coordinating all eleven colonies of the First Kish order. The Phoenician locale of the Indian colony of Shem’s Satem Aryans suggests that he may have enacted the ritual of 2338 at Talat Musa in the Jebel esh Sharqi or Anti-Libanan Mountains. At this point we can tabulate the avatar system before returning to the issue of what this scheme meant for the career of Ashkenaz: Year: 2518 2488 2458 2428 2398 2368 2338 2308 Avatar: Mountain: Agent: Stock: Matsya Ararat Noah Uralo-Altaic (fish) (39.40 N 44.24 E) Kurma Kuh-e Karun Ashkenaz Sumerian (tortoise) (21.27 N 50.18 E) Varaha Ras Dashan Riphath Austronesian (boar) (13.19 N 38.20 E) Narasimha Jabal Katrina (Sinai) Japheth Hamitic (lion-man) (28.31 N 33.57 E) Vamana Nemrut Dag (Hurum) Ham Sino-Tibetan (dwarf) (38.30 N 42.16 E) Parasuram Oshtoran Kuh Togarmah Amerindian (“Rama with (33.20 N 49.16 E) an Axe”) Rama Talat Musa Shem Indo-Europeans (Rama Chandra) (34.00 N 36.30 E) Krishna Jebel Bishri Shem Semites (Balarama) (35.20 N 39.20 E) In the Trimurti Vishnu is known as the Sustainer in contrast to Brahma the Creator and Shiva the Destroyer. If we combine that role with Vishnu’s avatar series, we conclude that Ashkenaz was somehow chosen to maintain the eight linguistic stocks against the threat of dissolution and loss of identity. The theocracy depended on a plenitude of eight principles. Ashkenaz’ role as colonist arose out of this primary mandate to maintain the integrity of the stocks. One way to achieve that goal was though remote isolation as in Siberia, the rivers of Africa and the distant Americas. The decision was left to Ashkenaz to discipline potential troublemakers in this way. The Altaics of Mongolia and Siberia had gone on a rampage in Sumer as suggested by the Gugalanna myth. The black Africans, despite having served the Erechite cause consistently, may well have disputed possession of the Lower Nile with white Hamites. The Amerindians were defeated three times— in the Uruk-Aratta conflict, the Battle of Metelis and the Battle of the Orontes— and were the most disruptive of all. In order the control these dissidents, Ashkenaz had to possess the most compelling form of authority. The mountain avatars supplied that reverence and were Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations attributed to Ashkenaz because he was the first son of Noah to undertake the task after Noah himself had done so in his descent from Ararat. Another factor is that Ashkenaz performed the ritual in his young adulthood as though to identify the ritual as his divine mission in life. He appears in Genesis 10 as a vassal of Gomer rather than Noah only because of Noah’s loss of authority in 2359 and failure to create a Genesis 10 clan of his own. That clan would probably have conformed to the Uralo-Altaic quota of five divisions based on five of the six sons of Kudai Bai Ülgön (exclusive of Japheth-Suilap) and the text of Genesis 10 might have begun with the formula, “The sons of Noah were Shem, Ham, Ashkenaz, Riphath and Togarmah.” To account for the omission of Japheth, the text would have named the three antediluvian sons as it does in Genesis 1:1 before adding the Noahic clan under a new set of names like the ones in the Cushite clan but possibly adapted from the Uralo-Altaic titles converted into Semitic as in the case of Togarmah-Birsha for Pyrshak Khan: “And the sons of Noah were were Tös Khan [Shem], Kirghiz Khan [Ham], Yashil Khan [Ashkenaz], Kara Khan [Riphath] and Birsha [Pyrshak Khan-Togarmah].” Ashkenaz’ unique authority lay in determining all of the permanent settlements of the Noahic world. This power differed from Peleg’s in 2338 to design the First Kish order on the basis of temporary colonies. The only exception was the nine-city colonization of Sumer by Ashkenaz’ own Sumerian race. In this case permanent settlement complemented the temporary colonies determined by Peleg. In order to exercise his authority, Ashkenaz remained at the core of each meeting of the Noahic Council rather than appearing frequently in the king lists. The local dynasties of the Sumerian Kinglist invariably meant impermanent regimes. These lay outside the range of Ashkenaz’s authority. He himself appears rather peripherally as Argandea in the late Dynasty III period and as Yarlagan in the late period of the Guti dynasty. These late reigns are the exceptions that prove the rule. Ashkenaz concentrated his efforts in the outer world where colonies became both isolated and permanent. Another feature of Ashkenaz’ role is that he had to become the world’s most accomplished linguist, mastering at least one language from each of the eight great stocks. That accomplishment is implicit in the avatar sequence in which each “descent” means the final authorization of a linguistic stock as prerquisite to final, nationalistic settlement of certain parts of the world such as Teutonic Germany, Semitic Arabia or Sino-Tibetan China. If, for example, the Gutians were the Iranianspeaking Kurds, Ashkenaz’ appearance as a recurrent name Yarlagan among the Gutians implies that he spoke an original form of the Kurdish language as a step in establishing a permanent Kurdistan which lasts to the present time. In his permanent colonization of North America, it appears likely that he spoke either proto-Yuman or proto-Dakotan or both. The name Yuma honored his mother Uma as founder of his own Sumerian stock; whereas his identity as Dakotan Wakanda suggests a particularly close association with that stock. 309 Ashkenaz’ Altaic name Yashil Khan suggests the division of the stock to which he was most closely related. The name Yashil appears to be cognate with his Slavic name Yarilo and part of his Gutian name Yarlagan. The overall impression is that “Yarla” is a title element. In fact Waddell thinks that it is cognate with the AngloSaxon title “earl.” The Persian name Ashkenaz, despite translating “hunter” as a unit, might be read also as a title and the name “Ash-Kenaz” equivalent to the Sumerian “Ar-gandea” the the Sumerian-Gutian “Yarla-ganda.” The root of the name, in this case, figures as “Ganda,” “Canada” or even the Dakotan root “Kota” (despite our earlier suggestion that that name derives from “Hod,” the Teutonic name of Heth). In that case his “home tribe” is the Yakuts of the Turko-Tataric division. The Yakuts inhabit the northeastwern corner of the Uralo-Altaic world on the River Yakutsk. Their language is regarded as the most conservative within the stock. At the opposite, southwestern end of the Uralo-Altaic stock, the adjacency of Turkey with Kurdistan reinforces the premise that the Turko-Tatarics were Ashkenaz’s main link to the stock. In the geographic realm of the Austronesians, the clearest presentation of Ashkenaz is in the native Australian Aranda not far from the Alura, the two tribes echoing the Dynasty III Sumerian names Lugalure (Gomer-Llyr) and Argandea (Ashkenaz as Gomer’s vassal). Despite their black skins the Australians are generally closer to being Caucasoid than are any of the Austronesians. The implication is that Ashkenaz’s own Caucasoid bloodline may well be present in native Australia. As for black Africa, we have pointed out the value of the Ashanti-Azande. Around 1815 the Kingdom of Ashanti lay along the Guinea coast in Ivory Coast and Ghana east of the Volta. It was from this coast that the Amerindian “Third Stride” began. Setting aside the possible value of the Yumans and Dakotans for North America, the most striking connection between Ashkenaz and the Amerindians lay with the Arawaks, who shared all of the Caribbean islands with the Caribs. Arawaks of the Bahamas, facing the Atlantic, are known as Lukayo, a name virtually identical to Lycaon, the “Wolf,” son of Pelasgus, the “Seafarer,” whom we have repeatedly identified with Ashkenaz. Because the name “Carib” derives from the title “Karibu” applied by the Akkadians to Ea-Enki-Sidon, the Caribs and Arawaks represent the two patriarchs most closely identified with the Sumerians, Enki as “Lord of the Land” of Sumer and Ashkenaz as physical patriarch of the race. In this way Ashkenaz devoted the Americas, at their Caribbean gateway to the Sumerian tradition from which he came. The Carib language constitutes an independent Cariban stock. The name Arawak, given to Ashkenaz, triggers a series of associations leading to a theory of the rulership of Lagash prior to the rise of Heth-Ur Nanshe there in Dynasty III after 2278. The name resembles “Arwasag” assigned by Waddell to Ur Nanshe along with his reading of the signs for “Ur Nanshe”— “Uruash”— and East Indian Haryashwa. We have already suggested that Ashkenaz and Heth offer equivocal possibilities for the root of the name “Dakota.” Furthermore the Hellenic epithet “Seafarer” fits with Waddell’s concept of the Ur Nanshe as “Phoenician” and preoccupied with the sea and distant colonization. If we identify the name “Arwasag” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations with Ashkenaz and “Uruash” with Heth, the identity Waddell gives these names only show continuity in the tradition of the port of Lagash before and after 2278. Waddell tabulates his concept of a “Phoenician” dynasty in Sumer on page 169 of Makers of Civilization. Instead of beginning the dynasty with Ur Nanshe of the ninth era, he extends it back into the Eanna Dynasty of the eighth era by identifying “Arwasag” as a son of King Gilgamesh. This direct linkage of Dynasties II and III opens up a new dimension of Sumerian history. Hallo names only two rulers at Lagash in the Eanna or Dynasty II period: Lugal-sha-engur in the fourth “generation” of Gilgamesh (2298-2294) and Enhegal in the seventh “generation” of Dadasig-Shem. Rulership at Lagash in the Eanna period is a key issue because our analysis of the First Kish (Dynasty I) order locates the Amazonians at Lagash. The Arawaks were Amazonian speakers despite extending as far north as the Bahamas. Waddell’s claim that “Arwasag” was a son of Gilgamesh must be tested. It can not be taken literally if by “Arwasag” we mean either Ur-Nanshe-Heth or Ashkenaz. However the opening of the Eanna dynasty shows a purely feudal sonship between Japheth-Utu and Meskiaggasher-Joktan-Meshech. The same sort of feudal link might explain the sonship of “Arwasag” to Gilgamesh-Eber whether we identify that name with Ashkenaz or Heth. What holds all these associations together is the concept of a Sumerian “sea dynasty” given to distant colonization as stated by Waddell’s chart title of “Uruash’s or Haryashwa’s ‘Panch’ or First ‘Phoenician’ Dynasty of Sea-Emperors.” His table contains four columns beginning with two different Sumerian king lists, Sumerian inscriptions (such as the one on the Ur Nanshe Plaque) and Indian lists. The two different Sumerian king lists— in contrast with the single, consecutive list given by Kramer— suggests the possibility that we are dealing with both the Eanna and Dynasty III periods and that the “Phoenician” dynasty named by Waddell started at Lagash in the Eanna period and included the “Seafarer” AshkenazPelasgus. But these claims imply even more than that. If Ashkenaz was factored into the the equation as a feudal son of Gilgamesh-Eber, we are faced with a new construct in which an attempt was made to drop the offending Peleg from the line of Shem’s heirs and replace him with Ashkenaz on the basis of that man’s full brotherhood to Shem— rather like the English succession of James II to Charles II on the basis of a fraternal relationship. As Tubal and Ashkenaz, these two men shared membership in the Japhethite section of Genesis 10 synonymous with the Erechite cause of the UrukAratta war. To reinforce the “Phoenician” character of these names, the Carib complement to the Arawaks represents the Akkadian title of Sidon, who gave his name to the Phoenician port along with that of Tyre-Sur, named for Sidon’s son Surya-Shelah-Lugalbanda, Gilgamesh’s father. It makes perfect sense to extend Waddell’s “Phoenician” dynasty back to Sidon then down his male line to Shelah311 Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh-Eber before grafting in a new successor to Eber to get rid of the offensive Peleg before drawing on another fraternal relationship to bring in Sidon’s brother Heth as Ur Nanshe of the succeeding Dynasty III period. What we are facing here is the creation of a “Phoenician clan” existing outside Genesis 10 but with great historical significance. Beginning with Sidon and including both Ashkenaz and Heth, this clan became the model for the “Hittite clan” we have already proposed for Heth; his five sons and descendents. The difference is that this “Phoenician clan” represented the cause of Uruk rather than Aratta. The key to this Phoenician clan was the secondary Japhethite section of Genesis 10:3-4. These seven patriarchs have always appeared to be under-represented in the Sumerian Kinglist. The reason is that their chief place in Sumerian history has been buried by the politically biased omission of all reference to Lagash in the Kinglist. Aside from omitting the powerful Ur Nanshe dynasty well known to scholars from inscriptional evidence, the same policy omits all of the rulers at Lagash in the preceding period. That is where and when the whole body of Genesis 10:3-4 reigned. Not only did this clan pre-exist the Ur Nanshe dynasty; there is good reason to believe that it preexisted all other clans in Genesis 10, beginning as it did with three postdiluvian sons of Noah. Lagash is omitted from the Sumerian Kinglist for the same reason that “Ziusudra” of The Epic of Gilgamesh begets no one and holds no power. The head of the Phoenician clan was the Ugaritic god Dagan, Noah himself. In addition to the secondary Japhethites this clan included the same two sons of Canaan who head the Canaanite clan, Sidon and Heth. Its protypical eleven members were rounded out by Sidon’s son and grandson, Shelah and Eber. All four of these patriarchs surround the Eanna period under the names Kalbum (Sidon), Ur Nanshe (Heth), Lugalbanda (Shelah) and Gilgamesh (Eber). The best approach in this case is to tabulate the Sumerian setting of the clan before commenting on its meaning. Members of the clan are printed in red. If they also belong to the “Libyan” family of Sidon, these Hellenic names are added in blue: The Phoenician Clan in Sumer 2308-2272 Years: 2308-2305 2305-2302 Kish: 2302-2298 2298-2294 Enmebaraggesi Uruk: Utu (Obal) Meskiaggasher (Joktan-Meshech) Enmerkar (Abimael) Lugalbanda (Belus) Dumuzi fisherman/ Lagash: Ashkenaz Riphath Togarmah Elishah (Agenor) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 2294-2290 2290-2286 2286-2282 2282-2278 2278-2275 2275-2272 (Ham) Gilgamesh (Aegyptus) Aka (Mizraim) Ur-lugal (Peleg) Susuda (Sud) Utul-kalamma (Reu) Dadasig (Shem) Magalgalla (Canaan) Kalbum (Poseidon) Tuge (Togarmah duplicated) (Lugal-sha-engur) Tarshish (Phoenix) Kittim (Cadmus) Rodanim (Danaus) (Gurmu) (Ham) (Gunidu) (Canaan) Ur Nanshe (Heth) Noah created this clan in 2368 in order to extend the colonization program beginning at Eridu overseas in due time. When Noah lost his power in 2359, his conqueror Canaan transformed the clan into the Canaanite clan destined to colonize the eleven localities of the First Kish order. The Canaanite clan adopted IndoEuropean; but the Phoenician clan had spoken Sumerian and disseminated it among Ashkenaz’s people, the Sumerians. The only two men belonging to both clans, Sidon and Heth, left the Phoenician clan, leaving it at nine members equivalent to the Sumerian quota of nine divisions in the First Kish order. The core of the Phoenician clan remained in place to become vassals of Gomer and Javan in order to assure that the Sumerians would remain faithful to the Erechite regime while the primary seven Japhethites went out from Uruk under Lugalbanda-Shelah to attack Aratta in 2302. The secondary Japhethite stronghold became Lagash throughout the Eanna period before Sidon and Heth reasserted themselves at Kish and Lagash in the Dynasty III period. At some point during the 24th century, Noah’s six sons agreed to take responsibility for eight zones of the entire globe as known to them from antediluvian tradition. Ashkenaz took three of the eight: Altaic Siberia; Africa and the Americas. These zones were not only the lion’s share but the most distant from Mesopotamia. The three antediluvians divided the interior positions: Japheth, the Mesopotamia of the Erechite faction; Ham, Arabia; and Shem, the Indo-European zone including Europe. The remaining two postdiluvian sons shared zones in the East— Togarmah, the Sino-Tibetan world and Riphath, the Austronesian. The actual colonization of these lands proceeded according to the ideal chronological module of successive eras beginning in 2368 and ending in 2128. Noah’s family concentrated exclusively on Mesoptamia at the eight cities between 2368 and 2338. In the First Kish period, the world expanded to include IndoEuropean colonies in Phoenicia and Gutium as well as Semitic Martu. Because the Semites did not then divide beyond Martu, this second era of colonization went to Shem as creator of the Satem Indo-Europeans. The third era of Dynasty II was complicated by the Uruk-Aratta war. If al had gone normally the Uralo-Altaics would have settled in Subir on the Upper Tigris and expanded from there beyond the Caucasus as far as Mongolia and Siberia. The war delayed the colonization of Siberia 313 to a later date and replaced the Caucasus crossing with a Himalaya crossing from the Gangetic colony of Kuru. Owing to the punitive scheme following the war, Ham gave his land of Arabia for the purpose of punitive exile in the ninth era; and his sons became the Ocean Dragon Kings of Chinese tradition. The process left the war era of the eighth generation blank and combined both the Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan colonizations in the tenth era as the colonies at Videha and Kosala emptied out. It was in the tenth era that Sargon recruited Austronesians from exilic Arabia to tip the balance of forces in his favor in Mesopotamia. The Austonesian colonization of the tenth era, therefore, was confined to the favored group centered in Indonesia. The twin colonization plan resulted in the hybrid Austroasiatic colonies, inhabited by a people speaking a distant relative of Austronesian but living on the Asian continent in close proximity to Sino-Tibetans. Ashkenaz completed the process with his “Three Strides” in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth eras down to 2128: Period: Linguistic Stock: 2368-2338 Sumerian 2338-2308 Indo-European 2308-2278 none 2278-2248 Semite 2248-2218 Austronesian/ Sino-Tibetan 2218-2188 Uralo-Altaic 2188-2148 African 2148-2128 Amerindian Rationale: eight cities of Sumer Phoenicia and Gutium outside Mesopotamia schismatic interruption punitive exile in Semitic Arabia Sargon’s use of exilic Austronesians/ hybrid Austroasiatics “First Stride” of Vishnu-Ashkenaz “Second Stride” of Vishnu-Ashkenaz/ post-Akkadian dynastic Egypt “Third Stride” of Vishnu-Ashkenaz Originally designed through an agreement among Noah’s six sons, this process represents the core of early postdiluvian accomplishment in that it resulted in the civilizations in Mesopotamia and Egypt as well as the colonization of the entire globe. The eight-location process of the Sumerian cities was thus part of the same plan that resulted in the colonization of black Africa and red America. The distinction acquired by Ashkenaz in becoming the first son of Noah to enact one of the mountain rituals in 2488 led to his completion of the process in the “Three Strides.” Because that ritual gave formal identity to the Sumerian linguistic stock, Ashkenaz served symbolically as the personal focal point for the whole process. His “Second Stride” in Africa included the creation of the great Egyptian civilization as complement to the primary Sumerian. To give an idea of Ashkenaz’s impact on mankind, we can construct a cognate name cluster like the one shown for Nimrod but extending to seventeen names (See following page).: Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Of these names six are Satem Aryan and four Amerindian. These stocks converge on Mahadevi’s original domain of Gutium in western Iran. The Amerindians came within the one Battle of the Orontes of winning that domain back for themselves in the name of their matriarch Mahadevi. In losing that battle, they consigned themselves to the end of the earth in America. Uralo-Altaic: Persian (Hebrew): Gutian: Slavic: Sumerian: Australian: West African: West African: West African: Dakotan: Iroquoian: Dakotan: Gutian: Scythian: Hellenic: Mayan: East Indian: Y a sh i l Kh a n A sh k e n a z Y a r la g a n [d a] Yarilo Ar g a n d ea Ar an d a A sh an t i Az an de A k an Wa k a n da k a n a ta (“Canada’) [L] a k o ta G u ti S k y th S k y th es Ix V i sh n u The Iroquoian name “Canada” derives from a word meaning “village” and was first adopted by Jacques Cartier in 1535. Etymologies of this sort always make the impression that they cannot derive from proper names. After all, Canada is a land, not a tribe, nation or god. But the original interplay between proper names and epithets always implies that these names should be investigated for personal reference if the context suggests it. The Genesis 10 name “Hazarmaveth” means “Village of Death” and refers to a god referred to in Ugaritic mythology as “Mot,” “Death” according to a cognate relationship between Ugaritic mot and Hebrew maveth. The North American concept of a “village” began with the early postdiluvian reality of primitive settlements consisting of small numbers of dwellings. That is how all the city states of Sumer and all the distant colonial settlements began. Because Ashkenaz was the physical ancestor of the Sumerians, it made sense for Iroquoian descendents of persons once inhabiting the First Kish order to associate settlements or kenatas with Ashkenaz and adopt the word from the name. The correlative possibility is that 315 Ashkenaz’s root name “Ganda” took on that meaning through association with settlements according to a word pre-existing the name. On the other hand, we have the Uralo-Altaic name Yashil Khan in which the “Gan” element means “Prince.” In observing these associations, it makes little difference whether personal names or epithets come first. The best explanation in this case is that the Amerindians adopted their word kenata from “Yarlaganda” sourced independently in the personal name Yashil Khan. As for the differences between the names of lands and gods, we have seen from an analysis of Genesis 10:5 that lands were the correlative of godhood in the minds of the early postdiluvians. “Canada” was founded by the Dakotan god Wakanda-Ashkenaz in a process of establishing kenatas or settlements named according to that word among the Iroquoians. Comprehensive Noahic Colonization Scheme 2368-2128 Because we now conceive of the entire Noahic colonization scheme as a unit ending in the “Three Strides,” that process should now be discussed as a unit in all its details. We have now added the concept of mandate given to Noah’s six sons to find final homes for all eight primary linguistic stocks over a pre-designed period of 240 years beginning 150 years after the Flood. In effect that means that Noah’s family mapped out for themselves a plan to maintain ethnographic control over their offspring for a total of 390 years to a point forty years after what turned out to be Noah’s death in 2168. As this period drew to a close in the 22nd century, Egypt took on the character of a fixed nation as Sumer had two centuries earlier. From the perspective of the Sumerian linguistic stock, the colonization program took on the character of nation-bulding rather than the formation of imperial colonies. For all the other linguistic stocks in 2368, the world remained an empire to which they belonged, not as fixed nations but as dynamic tribes yet to be converted into nations. Although the Sumerian race arose from the family of Ashkenaz, the patriarch who took responsibility for them was Japheth. What did that responsibility mean? We have seen that Japheth established his own city of Uruk out of order in respect to seniority. He then proceeded to defend Sumer in its regime at Uruk in the Eanna period by sending his primary vassals of Genesis 10:2 to lead the attack on hostile Aratta. Instead of sending Sumerians into battle, he sent out five griffin armies consisting of his own Hamitic stock and the Semitic stock authored by Ham but ceded to Shem. In that sense he defended the Sumerian race by using resources that they could not claim themselves. To preserve the Sumerians at the imperial core of the world meant to preserve atum or “totality” embodied in Japheth’s Egyptian pantheon name Atum Re. From Japheth’s role we conclude that the colonial initiatives of the other five sons of Noah implied the same defensive mandate. In the latter stages of the process, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations however, defense took the form of distant migration. The Amerindians were safe from attack by non-Amerindian forces once they reached two continents inhabited only by themselves. Isolation, inbreeding and uncivilized “primitivism” were the prices that had to be paid to achieve security through geographic remoteness. The nations favored by remaining in the Fertile Crescent, on the other hand, had to pay for this privilege by partipicipating in or at least witnessing large-scale wars. All of the wars involving Japheth’s Hamitic stock were fought as though continuing the original Erechite cause and thus demonstrated the depth of the mandate to protect the Sumerian people. In the First Kish period, Shem’s Satem Aryans established the first two colonies outside Sumer-Martu. According to the Indian tradition of Su-Dasa I, the Indians became so zealous in overthrowing the enemy at Aratta that they appear to have taken the initiative in defending themselves after Shem had commissioned his acquired Semites to form halves of the griffin armies who formed the main force against Aratta. Shem’s relationship to his own Satem Aryans was shortlived to the extent that the Indians came out solidly against him in the Aegean war. That political change helps explain why Shem-Brahma has taken a lower place in the Trimurti than his half brothers Ashkenaz-Vishnu and Riphath-Shiva. It arose from the premise that the Indians, like the Hamites, felt a deeper commitment to defend the Mesopotamian regime— no matter what its current leadership— than to any one patriarch or set of patriarchs. That is why Shem turned chiefly to the Centum Aryans in the Aegean war and Battle of the Orontes. He intended for these people to fulfill his original mandate to secure Europe for the Indo-European stock. As early as the revolution of Noah’s curse, the Satem Aryans passed from Shem to Japheth to compensate him for losing the “Hamites” to Ham. This process came full circle when Shem lost the allegiance of his Satem Aryans and turned to the Centum Aryan sons of Ham and Uma to populate Europe according to his original intention in sending East Indians to Phoenicia and Iranians to Gutium in 2338. The colonization plan was so damaged by the Uruk-Aratta war of the eighth era that the stock intended for that era was deferred until the tenth. These were the Austronesians of Kali and Riphath. The original plan was to settle them permanently in Kali’s domain of Lumma-Elam where they would have spread eastward across the northern coast of the Persian gulf into India. Once there they would have complemented the Sumerians of Mesopotamia and Indo-Europeans in the north. All of these were supposed to have been permanent, national settlements lasting down to the present day. The logic of the Braided Goddess panel shows that Kali saw herself as a strict ally to Mahadevi. When Mahadevi conspired as Tiamat with Peleg, Heth and Nimrod to form the Aratta Schism, Kali cast her lot with her red “sister.” The Austronesians became charter members of the Aratta faction along with the Amerindians. As people of the Ninurtaship, the Austronesians saw themselves as masters of war and followers of Nimrod, the Maori Rehua. The rather vague concept 317 of Rehua reflects how Nimrod turned traitor against the Aratta faction before the end of the war. In the Dynasty III period, the fate of Austronesians in Lumma was shaped by rulers of the Elamite dynasty of Awan starting with Peleg as Peli. The stock chosen for permanent settlement in the Dynasty III period (ninth era) was the Semitic, who expanded from Martu to encompass the Arabian Peninsula— antediluvian homeland of Mahadevi and Ham. Those two— both named “Havilah” or “Arabia” in Genesis 10 — had created the postdiluvian Semitic stock to regenerate that part of the world. Arabia became the Hades of the Hellenes, Sumerians and Chinese partly because of historical circumstance in which the ninth era presented the need to punish the offending populations from fallen Aratta. If the punitive use of Arabia coincided with the creation of a permanent Semitic homeland, this development must have involved the South Semitic Arabs and their lord Joktan. This patriarch had come to prominence as founder of the Eanna dynasty at the start of the previous era. He did so as a “son” of Utu, the sun god whose identity changed from Japheth to the Joktanite Obal. From this pattern of associations, we can make out how the Semitic homeland was created after 2278. Somehow the Semitic beni-Khitan of Arabia resulted from an understanding between Joktan and Obal, on the one hand, and Ham and his sons on the other. As a son of Noah, Ham was the man authorized to create a Semitic homeland in Arabia; but the Semites who populated Arabia took their names from Joktan and his clan. According to Hallo’s chart of Dynasty II (Eanna), Enmebaraggesi-Ham came to power at Kish in the fourth “generation” of the period. Our chronology maintains that this reign began just seven years after Meskiaggasher-Joktan began to reign at Uruk and immediately at the close of the reign of Meskiaggasher’s son and successor Enmerkar-Abimael in the year 2298, two years previous to the end of the Uruk-Aratta war. These more or less contemporaneous reigns at Uruk and Kish suggest the setting in which Ham and Joktan planned how to colonize Arabia with permanent South Semites and not just with the temporary exiles who settled at Hazarmaveth’s “Villages of Death” along the coast. Arabia was no doubt conceived as an extension of Martu. We have located the First Kish South Semites in the northeastern corner of Martu before the Eanna epoch brought them to the southwestern corner at Kedar in Arabia. It was that South Semitic colony that figures as an object of negotiation between Joktan and Ham toward the close of the Uruk-Aratta war. Ptolemy’s Chart XIX divides the northern part of Arabia into two parts: Arabia Petrea to the west and Arabia Deserta to the east. Arabia Petrea begins along the northern coast of the the Red Sea and shows an abstract northern border that intercepts the Dead Sea at one point. Arabia Deserta extends northward to a stretch along the Euphrates. The Arabian Peninsula to the south in Chart XXI is labeled Arabia Felix— “Happy Arabia” in ironic contrast to our concept of that land as a mass of penal colonies and the Hellenic-Sumerian-Chinese hell of the ninth era. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Kedar was a substantial enough place and people to be known to the Assyrians as the kingdom of Qidri. The Oxford Bible Atlas shows it as a land of considerable extent to the southeast of Judah, Ammon and Edom, east of Midian, west of Buz and northwest of Dedan, which lies wholly in the peninsula of Arabia Felix. The atlas suggests that it covered more territory than any other of these regions and kingdoms. Our analysis suggests that it was once the dissemination point for the South Semitic race as permanent inhabitants of Arabia from the ninth era forward. In terms of the Oxford map labeled “Israel and Ancient Trade Routes” (67), it forms a widespread triangle with “Babylonia” and “Horites” at least symbolic of the first three permanent settlements of postdiluvian mankind as formed by the Sumerians, IndoEuropeans and Semites. In Ptolemy’s framework, it corresponds to Arabia Petrea as defined by a line extending northwestward from the north coast of the Red Sea toward Assyria. Once the Semites acquired their permanent homeland, the sons of Noah turned their attention to the outer world. The schematic triangle formed by Sumerians in Mesopotamia, Indo-Europeans in the Hurrian land and Semites in Kedar served to program the rest of the world as follows: Uralo-Altaics (Ashkenaz) 2218 Indo-Europeans (Shem) • Hurum 2338 Kedar 2278 Sumer 2368 • • Semites (Ham) Sumerians (Japheth) Africans (Ashkenaz) Sino-Tibetans (Togarmah) 2178 2248 Amerindians Austronesians (Ashkenaz) (Riphath) 2158 2248 As a reminder, the six persons named in this scheme were all sons of Noah— three antediluvians named in Genesis 10:1 and three vassals of Gomer named in 10:3. They agreed among themselves and the Noahic Council to divide the world by establishing permanent homelands for the eight primary linguistic stocks of mankind as essential for the plenitude of Noah’s theocracy. 319 The scheme was interrupted by the Uruk-Aratta war so that no new homeland was established between 2308 and 2278. In order to keep to the original schedule, the Council determined to settle both the Sino-Tibetans and Austronesians in their homelands in the tenth era between 2248 and 2218. The sons of Noah chosen to guide those stocks to their homelands were red Togarmah and black Riphath, representatives of their mothers Mahadevi and Kali shown in the Arabian-African cartographic design of the Braided Goddess panel. In that sense Arabian Kedar might be regarded as a point of departure. Furthermore Riphath had sanctioned the existence of the Austronesians at the mountain ritual of Ras Dashan in Ethiopia as though the Austronesians were originally designed to inhabit that land. The Afro-Asiatic continuum of Semites and Hamites, however, prevailed over any such intention. The Austronesians were compelled to inhabit lands to the east of Africa no nearer the continent that Malagasy off the southeastern coast. Nimrod-Sargon made elaborate use of the Austronesians both as colonists and as warriors. As people of the Ninurtaship they served him as the god Ninurta. He worked out a plan for using the Oceanic group, as noted on page 143 above, as warriors as far west as the River Sangarius in Phrygia before sending them to the opposite end of the earth to colonize their permanent homelands in the Pacific. Three divisions of the stock remained at the Gangetic colony at Videha before leading off the colonization process in Austroasia, Malaysia and Indonesia. All of this activity was accomplished within the tenth era, much of it contemporaneously with the Aegean war. The process began in 2248, four years before Sargon’s rise to power. During these four years, while his enemy Shem-Lugalzaggesi was reigning in Sumer and destroying the Ningirsu-Ninurta cult at Lagash, he deployed the three Oceanic divisions over a wide range of his ideal empire. Sargon sent the Polynesians to the far western post of Phrygia where they planted the river name Sangarius, based both on their name for Mizraim, Tangaroa. He adopted the Austronesian name of Mizraim to establish his imperial design to take command of Egypt as his son and grandson did in the 22nd century as Menes-Aha and Narmer. The Austronesians reserved to reinforce his Akkadian forces in Mesopotamia were the Micronesians, hence the Palau Island names Babelthuap and Urukthapel. These Oceanic Austronesians no doubt occupied Akkad (“Babel’) and Sumer (“Uruk”) as foreign mercenaries until the the year 2243 when Sargon set them in motion along with the rest of the stock. In 2248 he stationed the Melano-Papuans at the Indus. Known to the Polynesian Maoris as the god Rehua (Shem’s fifth heir Reu), Sargon worked at five-year intervals according to a pre-concerted design in which he sent Austronesians divisions eastward from their original deployments. In 2243, one year after his rise power, he summoned the Polynesians back from Phrygia to Mesopotamia and sent the Micronesians to the Indus where they eventually joined the chief local colonist Riphath, known to them as Olifat. Meanwhile the MelanoPapuans migrated eastward to Videha. During the first five years of the era, 2248- Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 2243, the Austroasiatics colonized Southeast Asia according to a one-year module at Munda-speaking India, the Nicobar Islands, Lower Burma, Cambodia and Vietnam. As the Oceanic divisions shifted positions eastward between 2243 and 2238, the Malayo-Javanese division left Videha to colonize their permanent territories in Malaya, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and Sulawesi. The same process then operated down to the end of the era in 2218 as the Polynesians left Mesopotamia for India and the Tagala group colonized their permanent locations between 2238 and 2333 and so forth. That last year marked the beginning of the Aegean war in the west as both ends of the world were turning their attention to islands in the Aegean and the Indian-Pacific sphere. It is no wonder that the Polynesians referred to their version of Mizraim as the “Father of Islands.” The yellow patriarch Mizraim contributed a non-Austronesian element to this colonization process when Japonic ancestors of the Japanese of Mizraim-Amenominakanushi attached themselves to the Tagala group and began colonizing Japan at the fifth point of that pentad in 2333. Thirty years of Austronesian colonization resulted in the distribution of thirty subdivisions in their permanent homelands. In two more cases, non-Austronesians attached themselves to the process, the Andamanese as an isolate in the Austroasiatic sphere and the Australians as an integral part of the Melano-Papuans as though they were reckoned part of that stock: Year: 2248 2247 2246 2245 2244 2243 2242 2241 2240 2239 2238 2237 2236 2235 2234 2233 2232 2231 2230 Subdivision: Munda Andamanese Nicobarese Khmer Vietic Malayan Sumatran Sundanese-Javanese Sunda-Sulawesi Sulawesi Dayak Manobo Visayan North Luzon Japonic Papuan Australian Melanesian Melanesian Division: Austroasiatic isolate Austroasiatic Austroasiatic Austroasiatic Sunda-Sulawesi Sunda-Sulawesi Sunda-Sulawesi Sunda-Sulawesi Sunda-Sulawesi Borneo-Philippines Borneo-Philippines Borneo-Philippines Borneo-Philippines Uralo-Altaic Melano-Papuan isolate Melano-Papuan Melano-Papuan 321 Location: India-Bangladesh Andaman Islands Nicobar Islands Cambodia Vietnam Malaysia Sumatra Java W. and S. Borneo Sulawesi Borneo Mindanao Central Philippines Luzon Japan New Guinea Australia Solomon Islands New Hebrides 2229 2228 2227 2226 2225 2224 2223 2222 2221 2220 Fijian Palauan Ponapeic-Trukic Marshallese Kosraean Gilbertese Ellicean Ellicean-Samoic Tongic Tahitic Melano-Papuan Sunda-Sulawesi Micronesian Micronesian Micronesian Micronesian Polynesian Polynesian Polynesian Polynesian 2219 Marquesic Polynesian Fiji Islands Palau Islands Truk and Ponape Marshall Islands Kosaie Gilbert Islands Ellis Islands Samoa Tonga New Zealand (Maori) Rarotonga (Rarotongan) Tahitian (Tahiti) Marquesas Islands (Marquesan) Hawaiian Islands (Hawaiian) In contrast to the island-hopping approach of the Austronesian process, continental processes worked from river to river. That was true of the Sino-Tibetan process in the same tenth era. In order to construct the correct hypothetical models for these colonizations several factors must considered. There has to be a correct enumeration of ethnic divisions. The Sino-Tibetans were assigned a quota of eight divisions in the First Kish order; and the ritual power of precedent dictates that the same number guided the process of the tenth era. Natural geography must be considered to determine what was practically workable within the respective time frame. Especially in the case of the Sino-Tibetans, scientific linguistics must be brought to bear on how each stock has actually been divided. In this case the Wikipedia articles on the Sino-Tibetans and Tibeto-Burmans summarize different published theories on how to name and enumerate a body of 250 distinguishable languages. We have seen how a Wikipedia article on Africa summarizes an invaluable enumeration of four basic African languages. That sort of reduction has not been achieved for the Sino-Tibetans. Competing theories of comparable weight suggest different enumerations; and one theory even suggests that the Chinese language was never an independent division of the stock but a subordinate branch of the TibetoBurman group— a striking example of empirical Nativism with its commitment to to theories of random evolution. The most workable of these theories, for our purpose, is the one given by the Wikipedia article on the Tibeto-Burman stock from an authority named Shafer and dated 1966-1974. The enumeration runs to six terms without subdivisions, offering the big picture: Sinitic, Daic, Bodic, Burmic, Baric and Karenic. These six linguistic groups correspond respectively to China, Thailand (but sourced in southeast China in historic times), Tibet, Myanmar, Assam and southern and eastern Myanmar. Elsewhere the Daic group is labeled Tai-Kadai. An article on the Tai-Kadai states, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations “The diversity of the Tai-Kadai languages in southeastern China, especially on Hainan, suggests that this is close to their homeland.” Shafer’s six terms expand to eight after beginning with the premise that the designated son of Noah, Togarmah, left his name on the Centum Indo-European Tocharians of Sinkiang. This race has nothing to do with the Sino-Tibetans except for geographic location; but we have seen how the Uralo-Altaic Japanese became involved in the dispersion process of the otherwise alien Austronesians. An eighth member of the process can be generated in two different ways. The Uralo-Altaic Koreans can be located at the opposite end of the process in the northeast; or another distinct member of the Sino-Tibetan stock, the Hmong-Mien of southern China, can be added as distinct from Shafer’s term “Sinitic.” To decide which of these models to adopt we can consider the logical force of relevant rivers together with Hainan Island, which the article on the Tai-Kadai suggests as a dispersion point for that division. Two rivers, the Brahmaputra and Irrawaddy, appear to have been settled by two different divisions each. The remaining four locations appear to be Hainan, the Si Kiang River in southern China and the two great Chinese rivers, the Yangtze and Huang Ho (Yellow River). The picture is complicated further by the existence of ten different dialects of Chinese in China. Shafer’s analysis no doubt treats the Hmong-Mien as a subdivision of the Sinitic branch or one of the other branches he lists. The best approach to this problem is to begin and end the process with the Tocharians in the west and Koreans in the east but to exclude these two peoples from the formal eight, expanding the process to ten terms. That approach has the advantage of making the Karenic division of southern Burma the fifth and last of the western half on the process rather than the first of the eastern half. That approach allows Sino-Tibetans to account for settlements at Hainan and the Si Kiang, Yangtze and Huang Ho, leaving the Koreans to settle outside China. The expansion of the quota from eight to ten terms enables us to begin the process at the start of the tenth era and adopt either a single process with a module of three years or two simultaneous processes with a module of six. The choice between these two models boils down to a question of leadership.We have seen that the subsequent African process of 2178-2158 placed Ashkenaz at the head of the western half of that scheme, running concurrently with an eastern half under separate leadership. They same principle was at work in the SinoTibetan process. Togarmah took command of the western half; and the eastern was led by the five Wu-Di emperors of Chinese tradition. In order for the eastern half to reach the quota of five members, we must distinguish between the Chinese Han and Mandarin, as assigning the southern Han to the Yangtze and northern Mandarin to the Huang Ho. The names Han and Mandarin are instantly suggestive of the Amorite names of Ham (Hanu) and Mizraim (Mandaru). We have seen how these two appear together 323 at Kish as Enmebaraggesi and Aka of the Eanna period. Biblical tradition gives the name “Mizraim” to the “Two Egypts” and terms Egypt the “land of Ham.” Mizraim’s Sumerian name Aka conceivably recurs in the Hakka of southern China. In Chinese tradition Ham and Mizraim appear as Ocean Dragon Kings Ao-Ping and Ao-Jun. An Encyclopedia Mythica article on the five Wu-di emperors* (at www.pantheon.org. See also, http://www.blackdrago.com/history/dragonkings.htm) typifies the standard impulse to debunk any tradition that threatens to revive the logic of imperial monogenesis. Micha F. Lindemans names the five emperors Huang-di (“Yellow Emperor”), Juan Xu, Gu, Yao and Shun and adds, “The belief in their existence is based on historical speculation dating back to the 2nd and 1rst century BCE. Confucius, who lived earlier than that, only mentions Yao and Shun. The number five reflects the Chinese system of cosmological correspondences, and since the number five is also related to the five elements, one element is allotted to each of the five emperors.” Lindemans’ gift to the Chinese people from Western historical science is a refusal to recognize the authority of cosmological correspondences in the original construction of political history. [* The Three Augusts and Five Emperors – a trinity and a quintet; equals Octad (8)] The Five Emperors and cardinal directions, and Five Color-gods: Color Emperor/Sovereign(Wudi) Cardinal Direction White (Bai Di 白帝) Shao Hao 少昊, Zhu Xuan 朱宣 west Bluegreen (Qing Di 青帝, Cang Di 蒼帝) Tai Hao 太昊, Fu Xi 伏羲 east Yellow (Huang Di 黃帝) centre Red (Chi Di 赤帝) Yan Di 炎帝, Zhu Rong 祝融, Shen Nong 神農 south (Hei Di 黑帝, Xuan Di 玄帝) Black north The Five Emperors by various sources: Huang Di Zhuan Xu Di Ku Yao Shun Mi Hu Fu Xi Shen Nong Huang Di Yao Shun Tai Hao Yah Di Huang Di Shao Hao Zhuan Xu (Huang Di) Shao Hao Zhuan Xu Di Ku Yao Shun According to the classic Chunqiu wei: Baizhaoju 白招拒, white Lingweiyang 靈威仰, Bluegreen Hanshuniu 含樞紐, Yellow Chibiaonu 赤熛怒, Red Zhiguangji 汁光紀. Black The Three Augusts by various sources: Sui Ren Fu Xi Fu Xi Nu Wu Fu Xi Zhu Rong Fu Xi Shen Nong Fu Xi Shen Nong Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Shen Noing Shen Nong Shen Ning Sui Ren Huang Di (Yellow Emperor) We now reach a crux concerning the identities of the five Wudi. We must determine whether they were the five sons of Heth-Ur-Nanshe or the five Ocean Dragon Kings— Ham and his five sons renamed in respect to new roles in the tenth era. Kingship at Its Source takes the former position to avoid the embarassment of finding the sons of Ham duplicated in two different Chinese traditions. That argument falls, however, when reckon with the shifts of role and identity that occurred in each new Noahic generation. The main task of the Ocean Dragon Kings was performed in the ninth era (2278-2248) when defeated people of the Aratta faction were shipped off to the Arabian coasts. The agency of that work in Sumer was the Ur Nanshe dynasty at Lagash linked directly to Ham and Canaan by the inscriptional names Gurmu and Gunidu. Chinese names have been difficult to work with in our usual manner. In order to complete the identification of the Wu-di as tenth era counterparts to the ninth era Ocean Dragon Kings, we must correct one of the identifications given in Kingship at Its Source. Ham should identify with the Ocean Dragon King Ao-Shun rather than Ao-Ping. Cush takes over the identity of Ao-Ping. The key to these identities is another set of names assigned to Ham and his sons— those appearing among the tribes of the southern Bantu Nguni as shown in the table on page 248 above. If we had shown the related Shona and Ndebele of Zimbabwe, we would have discovered another of the pairings of Ham and Mizraim. The Ndebele are members of the Nguni group and complete the Nguni tetrad of Cush-Xotho-Xuthus, Canaan-Nguni-Gunidu and Phut-Phuthi by supplying the southern Bantu version of Mizraim. Thus the Shona emerge as representatives of Ham and bearing a name cognate with Ham’s Ocean Dragon King name Ao-Shun and Wudi name Shun. Names relevant to the colonization of China can be tabulated as follows: Division: Tai-Kadai Hmong-Mien/ Yao and Miao Han Chinese Mandarin Chinese Hamite: Heth/Canaan Dragon King: Ao-Kwang Phut Ham (Hanu) Mizraim(Mandaru) Ao-Chin Ao-Shun Ao-Jun Koreans Cush Ao-Ping Wudi: Bantu Nguni: Gu Nguni (Gunidu) Yao Phuthi Shun Shona Huang-di Ndebele (“Yellow Emperor”) Juan Xu Xotho ` (Xuthus) The name Kadai is consistent with Heth-Chatti, the Sumerian homebase power Ur Nanshe. In this respect these ancestors of the Thais living in Chinese 325 Hainan represent Canaan though his son Heth’s name. The Chinese apply the names Yao and Miao to the Sino-Tibetan branch known to linguists as Hmong-Mien. As Ham’s literally yellow son, Mizraim merits the name Huangdi or “Yellow Emperor.” His dominant Mandarin people of China are counterparts to the Altaic Japanese across the Yellow Sea. So Ham’s yellow son is deeply reinforced with the names MandaruMandarin, Aka-Hakka, the Yellow Emperor Huangdi, Yellow River Huang Ho, Yellow Sea and the Japanese of Amenominakanushi-Mynogan-Oceanus-Mizraim in an Altaic context established by the Austronesians for whom Mizraim is equally well know as Tangaroa, “Father of Islands.” The western, Tibeto-Burman half of the stock differs from the Chinese in that it includes a large number of subdivisions and languages of relatively small population. Of course the terrain of Tibet can hardly be compared to China in its capacity to sustain large populations. A point of departure for analyzing this group is the two subdivisions representing Tibet: the Himalayish in the west and Bodish in the east. I begin with the observation that Indian mythology identifies Japheth’s son Gomer as Himavan, god of the Himalayas. Without giving the Tibeto-Burmans any sort of Japhethite bias, we can treat Tibet as part of a system designed to index all of the clans of Genesis 10. The controlling minds behind the scheme were most logically Durga and her son Arphaxad I, mother and father of the Sino-Tibetan people. The name “Bodo” can be taken as a Sino-Tibetan rendering of the the name Poeni or Boii belonging to the Javanite Tarshish. In that case, Himalayish and Bodo subdivisions of Tibet correspond to Gomer and his son Javan as indexes for the Gomerite and Javanite clans near the front of the Genesis 10 system. According to this hypothesis, we can consider the Tibetan capital Llasa as a counterpart to Alashiya-Elishah, first of the Javanites. KAIS identifies Elishah with the Siberian dragon god Aliche from the complementary Uralo-Altaic tradition to the north of Tibet. In the actual colonization of Tibet, the river of approach and orientation was the Brahmaputra in its flow eastward through southern Tibet from a point near a pair of lakes at the source of the Sutlej, which flows in the opposite direction into the Indus. At its easternmost point, the Brahmaputra turns south and then west before emptying into the Ganges. Much of its westward course is through the land of Assam, inhabited by a number of peoples speaking Tibeto-Burman languages. Bartholomew’s Physical World Atlas shows the Abors, Miris, Daflas and Akas in westward order along the river. These families constitute the North Assam division of the stock. The association of Abors and Akas calls to mind the interplay between the Akans and god name Ebore in West Africa. The name Miri can be taken for the Mushri or Mizraim, who account for the names Aka (Akan), Mande (Mandaru) and Moshe— major peoples of West Africa. Thus the North Assam group is to Mizraim what the the Mandarin of northern China are to the same patriarch. The North Assam group indexes either the four Hamites or the larger Mizraim clan. The location of the Hamite section following the Javanites in the biblical text favors the view that the Abors and others represent that clan as next in geographic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations succession along the Brahmaputra after the Bodish of eastern Tibet. Between western Tibet and India lies the mountainous land of Nepal, which claims its own BahingVayu division of the stock. We have suggested that the chief god of Nepal, Nemuni, represents Nimrod in a form reflecting both the biblical name and the patriarch’s Egyptian pantheon name Amun Re. If so the Bahing-Vayu of Nepal index the Cushite division of the biblical text, occurring next after the Hamite as though the colonists ascended back into the mountains after following the Brahmaputra westward to the Ganges. The Wikipedia article on the Tibeto-Burmans lists ten subdivisions ending with the Bai and Tujias who both inhabit China. These two branches can be taken as indexing the next two clans— the Mizraim and Canaanites. The name Tujia resembles Tudia, Canaan’s name as founder of the Amorite dynasty. He indexes the clan as its feudal lord. The Bai suggest Noah under his Ural-Altaic name Kudai Bai Ülgön. Noah became a member of both the Cushite and Mizraim clans as Dedan and Lehab. The rest of this analysis focuses on Myanmar, the land formerly known as Burma. The only three Genesis 10 clans not yet represented are the Shemites, Aramaeans and Joktanites of Shem’s formal third of the system. The relevant divisions are the Kachin in the north, Burmese-Lolo in the center and Karen in the south and east. Bartholomew shows the Kachins in the extreme north of the country to the southeast of the Abors of Assam. Because the English “ch” employed to represent this name actually sounds “tsh,” “Kachin” can be taken to represent Joktan-Khitan especially in view of another name Jokshan in Genesis. That form “Jokshan” might be related to the Shan states of eastern Burma. The front vowel in the second syllable of “Kachin” parallels the Etruscan pantheon version of Joktan— Tin. The Lolo are rather widespread in Myanmar. The name conceivably represents Elam-Eber’s Gutian name Elulumesh. At the head of the Shemite clan, Elam embodies that clan and indexes the clan in Myanmar. Bartholmew shows the Karen in a regional name Karenni on the border of Thailand. The name can be taken to represent Aram, thus indexing the Aramaean clan consisting of Shem’s physical sons. Another Tibeto-Burman family, the Garo, inhabit northeast India. Bartholomew’s atlas shows Garo Hills at the extreme western end of Assam. So far we have omitted the primary Japhethite clan of Genesis 10:2. A simple solution is to identify Gomer-Himavan of the Himalayish with that clan and take Togarmah’s Aryan Tocharians as index of the Gomerite clan of 10:3. If the process begins with the Tocharians, however, we wonder why Togarmah would make the effort to trace the Indus to its source and enter the Tarim Basin through the Karakoram Pass for no other reason than to form the Tibeto-Burman process from that out-of-the-way part of the earth. His initiative contrasts with Ashkenaz’s subsequent passage to the north for the practical purpose of colonizing Altaic Siberia. But we have just solved that problem by naming Ashkenaz’s expedition. That effort 327 was reserved for the eleventh era beginning as the Sino-Tibetan ended in 2218. Togarmah’s entrance of the Karakoram Pass resulted from exploration aimed at showing Ashkenaz the way north from the settlements in India. Genesis 10 contains ten clans. We have indexed all ten with one Centum Aryan people and nine branches of the Tibeto-Burman stock. We can now tabulate Togarmah’s effort to lead the Tibeto-Burman half of the Sino-Tibetan stock to their permanent settlements in the great Asian mountains and the lowlands of Burma. Before doing so we can suggest why Togarmah sought out these mountains for settlement. One clue is that Gomer-Himavan’s Indian name ends in “-van.” We have seen that Teutonic tradition referred to the Aratta faction as the “Vanir” as though associated with mountainous Lake Van. Togarmah knew that leaders of the Japhethite clan had fought and defeated the Aratta faction in the great mass of mountains north of Mesopotamia and associated in Sumerian tradition with Mount Hurum at Lake Van. Through ritual logic he sought to match the Caucasus with the Himalayas and to subordinate those great mountains to peoples named for the victorious Japhethites of the great war at the opening of the 23rd century. Togarmah’s expedition can be outlined as follows: Years: 2248-2245 Indexed Clan: Gomerites People: Tocharians (Centum Aryans) Himalayish 2245-2242 Japhethites 2242-2239 2239-2236 Javanites Hamites 2236-2233 2233-2230 Cushites Mizraim Bodish Abors Miris Daflas Akas Bahing-Vayu Bai 2230-2227 2227-2224 2224-2221 2221-2118 Canaanites Joktanites Shemites Aramaeans Tujia Kachin Lolo Karen Location: Tarim Basin Western Tibet (Brahmaputra) Eastern Tibet North Assam (Brahmaputra) Nepal Yunnan Province (China) Central China North Myanmar Myanmar South and East Myanmar The transition from the Brahmaputra stage to China and Burma occurred when the expedition entered the Pangsau Pass and crossed the closely parallel upper stretches of the Irrawaddy, Salween and Mekong until they reached the parallel Upper Yangtze. All these rivers flow southward out of the mountains as do the Tigris and Euphrates except that the Yangtze turns eastward and flows into the heart of China Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations where the Tujia indexed Tudia-Canaan and the Canaanite clan. The remainder of the process concentrated on Myanmar. We can be more specific about some of the locations of these Tibeto-Burman groups. The Tujia inhabit a region including Chungking on the Yangtze. The region coincides with the Wuling Range and extends to Chungking (Chongqing) on the northwest, Hupeh (Hebei) to the northeast, Hunan to the southeast and Kweichow (Guizhou) to the southwest. A Wikipedia article states that the Tujia descend from a kingdom of the Ba that flourished between 600 and 400 BCE. Our concept maintains that ancestors of that kingdom were planted on the Yangtze by Togarmah’s expedition between 2330 and 2227. Because the purpose of these settlements was to be permanent, both the Ba kingdom and the modern Tujia population testify to the success of the expedition at this point. For perspective, the eight million Tujia inhabitants of China represent a division of the Tibeto-Burman stock distinguished for the purpose of indexing the Canaanite clan of Genesis 10:15-18. They bear Canaan’s name Tudia as founder of the Amorite clan. The location of the Bai farther west in Yunnan complements the Tujia and indexes the preceding Mizraim clan in the same Tibeto-Burman context. This stock numbered a more modest 1,240,000 in 2003. The population of the original Bai settlement in Yunnan may have been accordingly slighter. Togarmah’s relation to the Canaanite clan was deeper than to the Mizraim clan. He appears both as the Amorite king Sahlamu and later as Birsha king of doomed Gomorrah, named for his Japhethite feudal lord Gomer-Himavan, nominal father of the Himalayish stock where the Tibeto-Burman expedition began. Linguistically no relationship exists between the Tibeto-Burmans and Semites of Tidnum and Gomorrah; but this radical difference in languages is a mere detail of the Noahic Empire centering in a handful of closely related persons. Further study of the Tibeto-Burman stock will disclose other details of Togarmah’s colonizing work. For example a people known as the Nung or Nun inhabit the Nu or Salween River between the Irrawaddy and Mekong. These people figure as a complement to the Bai of Yunnan in indexing the Mizraim clan through its member Noah-Lehab. The name Bai reflects his definitive name Bai-Ilgan among his original Uralo-Altaics. A separate people the Nun are equally relevant in representing Noah’s name Nun in the Ogdoad of Hermopolis. For an index of the Mizraim clan, we would expect Togarmah to establish a people with an Egyptian name derived from the Hamitic stock at Sippar in the First Kish period. Thus the Bai and Nun sum up Noah’s relationship to his own Uralo-Altaic stock and Japheth’s Hamitic stock but in the Far Eastern context of the Sino-Tibetan stock of Durga, Japheth’s female counterpart in receiving the same name “Sheba” in the Joktanite clan as Japheth in the Cushite. These relationships among the Sino-Tibetans were woven by Durga. 329 In 2218 Togarmah handed the baton over to his half-brother Ashkenaz at the Uralo-Altaic colony in Kuru. Following Togarmah’s directions, “Yarilo” now ascended the Indus and entered the Karakoram Pass into the Tarim Basin, traditional dispersion region of the Uralo-Altaic named for the Altai Mountains to the north and Ural Mountains to the west. The original Uralo-Altaic quota of the First Kish period was only five divisions; but subdivisions expanded the stock into larger numbers as with the Tibeto-Burmans. The Siberian expedition dealt with more than five rivers. Nor were the settlements as permanent as with the Sino-Tibetans. The Turks were destined to migrate from Central Asia to Turkey. Likewise the Finns, Hungarians and Volga Bulgarics of the Uralic division migrated to homes in Europe to the west of their original settlements in Sarmatia-Russia. Although KAIS deals with the same set of rivers featured here, the Uralo-Altaic process should be re-studied with attention to new perspectives and details. We have suggested that the five primary divisions of Uralo-Altaics settled in Siberia and Russia according to a great square in the east and lone Uralics in the west. The Tungusics settled in the northeast; Mongolics, in the southeast; Samoeds, in the northwest; and Turko-Tatarics, in the Central Asian southwest despite the location of the definitive Yakuts on the Yakutz River to the northeast. According to this model, the Uralics then crossed the Urals to complete the process, possibly in company with Scythians and Balto-Slavs of the Satem Aryan stock. We have seen that the SinoTibetan expeditions also attached to themselves foreign speakers— Koreans in the east and Tocharians in Sinkiang. The Scythians and Balto-Slavs followed the same principle in attaching themselves to Uralics before settling at the west end of the process. After heading through the Karakoram Pass, Ashhenaz’s expedition descended the Yarkand to the Tarim and worked their way eastward along that river. The Wikipedia article on “Altaic languages” omits the Finno-Ugrics and Samoeds as members of the separate Uralic stock and replaces them in effect with the Korean and Japonic (including speakers of the Ryukyu Islands as a distinct Japonic branch). We have recognized the Japanese and Koreans as members of the Uralo-Altaic stock but have relegated them to the separate Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan expeditions. The Korean and Japonic divisions should be reckoned as members of the original First Kish quota of five stocks relegating the Samoeds to subordinate status and treating the Finno-Ugrians as a ninth division of the Sumerian quota of nine. However, that explanation cannot affect the design of Ashkenaz’ expedition directly since because the Korean and Japonic divisions reached their homelands from other expeditions. Although the concept of a great square may still hold true, it is more useful to conceive of the expedition in terms of a river-by-river process with attention to the main divisions of the stock. If the only major divisions of the stock available to Ashkenaz’ expedition are the Turkics, Mongolics and Tungusics, these stocks follow in order from a starting point at the Tarim River and moving northeastward toward the Lena River. Great distances are involved in this drive to the northeast, for example, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations around 1200 miles from the Tarim to the Orhon in Mongolia northwest of the capital Ulan Bator. The Orhon flows into the south end of Lake Baikal from which either the Lena or a tributary flows northward. To the west of the Lena lie the Yenisei and its tributary the Tunguska and the Ob and its tributary the Irtysh and its tributary the Tobol. To the east lies the Amur defining the northern border of Manchuria named for the Manchu members of the Tungusic stock. Perhaps the only way to achieve a definitive enumeration for this expedition is to count rivers. To the west of the Ob-Irtysh-Tobol system lie the Ural Mountains. West of the Urals, the Ural and Volga flow into the Caspian and the Don and Dnieper into the Black Sea. If we add the Dniester that also flows into the Euxine, we arrive at total of thirteen rivers— one for each of the vassals of Joktan. In view of this enumeration, the Khitans of Inner Mongolia take on new value. In a map labeled “Eastern and Southern Asia-About 750 A. D.,” Palmer’s Atlas of World History locates the Khitans in mountains immediately to the east of Manchuria. The same map shows the Uighurs or Eastern Turks in Mongolia south of a Uighur capital on the Orhon and the Karluks or Western Turks south of Lake Balkhash to the south of the Upper Irtysh. These three locations are spread out at comparable latitudes at roughly equal intervals of about a thousand miles each. The thirteen rivers we have named break down into eight east of the Urals and five to the west. The Joktanite list breaks down into three tetrads and the lone Abimael, concrete son of Joktan. The matter is settled by reminding ourselves that we have placed the middle five Joktanites in Ptolemy’s Sarmatia west of the Urals: UzalInanna in the Osyli, Obal-Utu in the Ophlones, Diklah-Shelah in the god Tukla of the Borusci, Hadoram-Arphaxad I in the Aorsi and Abimael as carrier of his father Joktan’s name in the Tanaitae of the River Don-Tanais, the focus for the Ophlones and Osyli as well. The most logical model for the Altaic east is that Ashkenaz led his expedition from the Yarkand through the Bedel Pass to Lake Balkash to establish the Turks and then eastward to the Orhun and Amur to settle the Mongols and Tungusic Manchus. He then turned north along the Olakma to the Lena and westward to the Tunguska, Yenisei, Ob and Irtysh before reaching the Ural Mountains. The model defines as the eight requisite settlements Lake Balkhash, Orhun (and Lake Baikal), Amur, Lena, Tunguska, Yenisei, Ob and Irtysh. In order to account for the great distances involved in this model a short module of two or three years is too brief. Consequently we should split the expedition of the eleventh era into eastern and western halves as with the Sino-Tibetans in the tenth era. In order to analyze what Noahic leaders were able to assist Ashkenaz west of the Urals, we must consider the pattern of events in the Middle East and Arabia in the eleventh era. The Arabian war of that era engaged a number of them as indicated in a tabulation on pages 217-219 above. The primary Japhethite clan, linked politically to 331 the three Gomerites, reigned at Ebla throughout much of the 22nd century; but that regime ended when Naram Sin put Ebla to the torch. Unfortunately we have not yet determined the period when Naram Sin actually took control of the Akkadian Empire. Instead of giving him a particular reign, we have suggested that the 56 years attributed to him in the Sumerian Kinglist ran concurrently with Sargon’s 56, meaning that he could have reigned concretely at any time between 2244 and 2188. We have located the reigns of Rimush and Manishtushu in the first 24 years of the eleventh era (21182194). If Naram Sin’s reign followed theirs, he reigned only over the six years from 2194 to 2188; and the 56 years attributed to him fades into a meaningless abstraction. As long as this continues to be the case, we cannot estimate dates such as Naram Sin’s victories in Iran and Syria or the Gutian sack of Agade during his reign. As long as we cannot place his reign more specifically, our concept of the eleventh era and therefore Ashkenaz’s expedition remains unstable. A bold solution to this problem is to take Genesis 10:10 to mean that the Akkadian Empire had four capitals like the late Roman Empire with its three. These capitals incuded both Agade (“Accad”) and Uruk (“Erech”) as well as “Babel” and “Calneh.” In such an arrangement, the four primary Akkadian emperors reigned contemporaneously at the four cities although records were kept in Akkadian only at Agade while the Sumerian record reflected in the king list was established at Uruk. That explanation gives added value to Genesis 10:10. The name “Babel” logically refers to the old north Sumerian capital of Kish; and “Calneh” makes sense as Lagash, the dominant dynastic center in the ninth era just previous to Sargon’s takeover. The intensity of the Ningirsu cultus of Lagash focuses on Ninurta, pantheon version of Sargon-Nimrod. Another product of this theory is that it places the matching SagaraAsa-Manja tradition of the Indian tradition at one of the three cities distinct from Agade. Each of the four emperors reigned over part of the 56 year period from 2244 to 2188; but Naram Sin, like Sargon, is assigned 56 years in the king list because he reigned at Agade both early and late in this period. He first took command at Agade in 2233 when his grandfather Sargon undertook his campaign in the west. He reigned down to 2218 when Rimush took over for nine years and then Manishtushu for fifteen. Naram Sin reigned at Agade again for the remaining six years from 2194 to 2188. Events recorded for the reign of Naram Sin could have happened either between 2233 and 2218 or between 2194 and 2188. For our purposes the important point is that he could have torched Ebla in the first period between 2233 and 2218. Consequently the primary Japhethites could have been driven from Ebla long enough before 2218 to journey with Ashkenaz to India and undertake their part in the expedition beyond the Karakoram Pass. That part consisted chiefly of sending five of their member west of the Urals to colonize the five major rivers that flow into the Caspian and Black Seas. This theory instantly explains why the Slavs of the Dnieper-Ukraine make so much of Japheth and his three sons as Svarog, Dazhbog, Stribog and Svarogich. It also explains why the Indian Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations pantheon identifies Gomer as Himavan, god of the Himalayas in leading a Japhethite group that headed north through the Karakoram Pass. In the Indian pantheon Himavan is to Vishnu what Gomer was to the general leader Ashkenaz— ironically his vassal in Genesis 10:3. The Slavs identify these two as Dazhbog and Yarilo. Because so many of the Noahic elite were tied up in the Arabian war in the eleventh era, Ashkenaz made use of the five extra-biblical sons of Ur Nanshe-Heth in the Siberian sphere east of the Urals. As sons of Durga, these five were well equipped to deal with fellow-Asian Uralo-Altaics. They and Ashkenaz made up six of the eight leaders required to stabilize eight settlements east of the Urals. The remaining two derived from the remnant of the seven primary Japhethites who turned to the rivers west of the Urals. The five in the west consisted of Japheth’s three sons, his grandson Javan and the recruit Meshech-Joktan, whose Genesis 10 vassals account for five Joktanite names in Ptolemy’s map of Sarmatia. Meshech’s father Tubal-Eber is reflected in the name Tobol of the first river east of the Urals, confirming that he and Tiras made up the complement of eight in Siberia, Mongolia and Manchuria. Just as Togarmah organized the Tibeto-Burmans to index the ten clans of Genesis 10 in their permanent settlements, Ashkenaz indexed the eight primary cities of Sumer, replacing Umma with Akshak and Sippar with Agade. The first of these substitutions is that Akshak became a Uralo-Altaic capital from the moment of its founding no later than 2308. The builders of Akshak acknowleged the difference between Noah’s Uralo-Altaics and Uma’s Sumerians in this way. In Waddell’s study Akshak or “Ukhu City” is presented as the first Sumerian city and seat of the first ruler if the Indian king lists, Ikshvaku, who we identify with Noah. The implication is that Uralo-Altaics loyal to Noah rather than Canaan after the disaster of 2359 settled with him at the new city of Akshak and avoided Umma as the city of Canaan’s mother Uma, Ham’s diluvian wife. By embracing Agade rather than Sippar, the Uralo-Altaics shunned the Hamites living at Sippar as a race under the contral of Canaan’s father Ham. This rebellion of the Ural-Altaics against Canaan’s takeover is reflected in the Tatar tradition of Kudai Bai Ülgön as the true Uralo-Altaic father Noah rather than the usurper Canaan. This rejection of Canaan inspired Uralo-Altaic behavior in the Gugalanna events and resulted in the double-exile of the stock, first to Arabia then to Siberia conceived as punitive. Ashkenaz recruited the sons of Heth and Durga in order to pacify these disaffected people by striving to reconcile them to their permanent settlements in Siberia. This effort took the form of remaining in place at each settlement until 2188 while Ashkenaz moved forward from point to point in the expedition. The matches between Ural-Altaic and Sumerian names are most transparent in two families of the Tungusic division in the Far East. The North Tungusic Evenki— formerly known as Tungus— echo Enki as god of the first city Eridu. The 333 Southeast Tungusic Orok and Oroch reflect the third city Uruk. The second city Ur is reflected in the name “Turk,” as equivalent to Durga, founder of the city. Two languages of the Mongolic stock open with the element “Kal”— the Central Mongolic Khalkha and the familiar Western Mongolic Kalmuks. The implication for our study is that the Mongolic stock reflects Kali’s city Nippur. At the same time, the Southeastern Mongolic Mongghul and Southwestern Mongolic Mogol suggest that the Mongolic stock was originally settled and governed by Heth’s son and successor Akurgal according to Waddell’s match between that ruler and Indian Mogalla. On the other hand, the Indian name given to another of Heth’s sons— Brihad— offers a possible explanation for the Northern Mongolic Buryats. According to the Wikipedia article on “Mongolic languages” all of them may have derived from the Khitan of Inner Mongolia. That name gives a precise counterpart to the South Semitic version of the name Joktan. The Uralo-Altaics could have encountered the beni-Khitan during their period in Arabia depending on how early the Joktanites entered Arabia. In any case Joktan’s strongest tie to Mesopotamia was as Meskiaggasher of Uruk, which we have identified with the Southeast Tungusic Orok. We can argue that the Khitan location shown by Palmer is adjacent to the southern Tungusic zone extending from Inner Mongolia to the sea. Thus both the Mongolics and Tungusics establish a common link to Uruk. As for Lagash, a cluster of names suggest a link to the Turkic Uyghur. The city was originally known in Sumer as Girsu and featured Ur-Nanshe’s inscriptional reference to Ham as Gurmu. The chief god of the city was Ningirsu, meaning “Lord of Girsu” in Sumerian. In the absence of an etymology of the name “Uyghur,” we can speculate that the opening syllable of that Ural-Altaic name might be equivalent to the prefixed “Nin-“ in Ningirsu. The name “Uyghur” is used to label the southeastern quarter of the stock. The large Uyghur zone lies southwest of Mongolia and encompasses Sinkiang. Another Turkic people, the Kirghiz, correspond to Kudai Bai Ülgön’s son Kirghiz Khan, whom we identify with Ham on the basis of the latter’s name Girgash in the Canaanite clan. The Kirghiz belong to the northwestern or Kipchak division of the Turkic stock. The capital zone Mesopotamian cities that concern us from this point are Kish, Akshak and Agade. The name Kipchak used to label the northwestern Turkic quarter suggests a Uralo-Altaic name from which Sumerian “Kish” was abbreviated. The Kyrgyz membership in the division can be viewed as owing to Ham’s reign at Kish as Enmebararaggesi. The Kyrgyz belong to the same South or Aralo-Caspian branch of the Kipchak division along with Kazakhs, whose large zone extends all the way from the Irtysh on the east to the Dnieper on the west. The name “Kazakh” contains the basic elements as “Akshak.” This analysis of presently existing Uralo-Altaic languages climaxes with the Northeastern Turkic stock centering in the Yakud or Yakut on the Lena, Tunguska and Yana Rivers in northern Siberia. The name makes sense as a counterpart to Agade in view of the original Sumerian form of the name of the land Akkad, namely Agdu. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations An intermediate form is “Agude” yielding a reasonable counterpart to “Yakud.” The northeastern location of the Yakut seems to echo the northeastern position of Agade in the capital zone. The opposite Oghuz or southwestern division of the stock corresponds to the Turks of Turkey, who presumably once lived in Central Asia. Entirely unlike the Sino-Tibetans some of these Uralo-Altaic branches have failed to maintain permanent homelands and pose difficulty for determining where their ancestors originally settled between 2218 and 2188. The Yakut location appears to be conservative, suggesting that Ashkenaz’s design aimed at a geographic reproduction of the alignments of the Sumerian cities. But that concept soon breaks down. The Evenki-Tungus inhabit the northeast in contradiction to the southern position of Enki’s Eridu in the extreme south of Sumer. The rest of the data is not very encouraging in this regard even if the Yakut took a northeastern position to echo what they remembered of the relative location of Agade. The overall distribution of the Uralo-Altaic stock looks something like this: Yakut • Tungusic • Mongolia • Kazakh • Uyghur Turkey • • The Turkic stock is much more widespread than the Mongolic and Tungusic and creates the impression that they were the most populous of the divisions that Ashkenaz brought through the Karakoram Pass. That pass falls within the region of the Uyghurs that covers the Tarim Basin of Sinkiang. If we focus on the Yakut, Uyghur and Turkey, we get a vague impression of the north-south sequence of Agade, Lagash and Ur. The Kazakhs, Mongols and Tungusics appear to read in the opposite direction by reversing the north-south sequence of Akshak, Nippur, Uruk (Southeastern Tungusic Orok) and Eridu (North Tungusic Evenki). There is a certain consistency in this data as though the expedition began with the Kazakhs (Akshak) and proceeded to Mongolia (Nippur), Orok (Uruk) and Evenki (Eridu) in simulated north-south order in reverse and then doubled back from Yakut (Agade) to Uyghur (Lagash) to the Turks (Ur) to counter with a north-south sequence 335 in forward order from northeast to the southwest. The reproductive pattern is vague by the standards of Iazyges Metanastae but makes sense if Ashkenaz was also using rivers to guide the expedition. The river on the eastern border of the Kazakhs is the Irtysh. Mongolia contains no major rivers but comes to focus in Lake Baikal. The southern Tungusic zone is marked by the Amur and the northern Evenki-Tungus at least nominally by the Tunguska. Both the Tunguska and Lena are inhabited by the Yakuts. The modern Kazakh nation lies at the Kazakh Hills south of the source of the Tobol. Modern Turkey lies too far west to shed any light on the the relevant rivers. However an article on the Oghuz Turks classes them “with the old Kimaks of the Yenisei or the Ob,” neatly filling in our array of relevant Siberian rivers. The most effective way to arrange the relevant data is to draw a diagonal from northeast to southwest symbolic of the Sumerian sequence of cities from southeast to northwest in reversed and inverted order. The Sumerian cities are then matched with Uralo-Altaic branches by using equal signs. Branches that occur out of order are placed in brackets: Uruk= Eridu= • Evenki Ur= • [Oghuz Turk] • Orok/ Khitan Lagash= • Uyghur Nippur= • [Khalka] Akshak= • Kazakh Kish= • Kipchak Agade= • [Yakut] The Oghuz Turks and Yakuts, both members of the Turkic division, are located at opposite ends of the diagonal totally out of sequence. If the process had been consistent, the Yakuts would have inhabited the southwest end in order to represent the northeast position of Agade. Instead they inhabit the northeast as though in unreversed order. The Oghuz Turks inhabit the extreme southwest rather than representing Ur in the reversed order in the northeast. The Mongol Khalkas and Turkic Uyghurs are mutually out of order. One way to explain this strange pattern is that the three Japhethites covered the whole span of the diagonal from southwest to northeast in three steps before the five sons of Heth reversed the process from northeast to southwest. The Japhethites worked forward from Turks representing Durga’s Ur to Kali’s Nippur to the Yakut representation of Agade. Tiras established the Oghuz Turks destined to migrate far to the southwest to occupy a land bordering on Thrace. Three families— Turks, Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Thracians and Etruscans— derived from Tiras and displayed a root with the same TRK cluster. Tubal-Gilgamesh planted the Khalka Mongols at a point matching Nippur of his mother Kali. A Uralo-Altaic trait is to prefer words and names with consistent vowels so that “Gilgamesh” would become “Galgamesh” or unvoiced “Kalkamesh.” Ashkenaz, the general leader, planted the definitive Yakuts on the Lena River to represent Agade. As a first generation son of Noah and full brother of Shem’s, Ashkenaz logically identified with Shem’s domain of Akkad; and that geographic term can be explained as just another version of Ashkenaz’s name “Ashkanda” in its various permutations. The names of Heth’s five extra-biblical sons have always been hard to work with. In considering their capacity to represent five cities of Sumer, we can hypothesize that Heth-Ur Nanshe succeeded in planting them in the five corresponding Sumerian cities in the ninth era of the Ur Nanshe dynasty at Lagash. Waddell, for example, affirms that a title carried by one of the five in a lower register of the Ur Nanshe Plaque means “sea commander.” This son, named Sirim in the upper register could have taken control of Eridu on the coast of the Persian Gulf (although Lagash also lay on the coast in Sumerian times). When Ashkenaz’s expedition reached northeastern Siberia, Sirim planted the North Tungusic Evenki, representing Enki’s Eridu. Both the Southeast Tungusic Orok and the proto-Mongol Khitans were planted by another son, representing Uruk both in its own name and in the name of Khitan-Joktan-Meshech, founder of the Eanna regime at Uruk. In order to proceed with this analysis, we need to get a firmer grip on the Heth’s five sons of the Ur Nanshe Plaque. We have reason to believe that these five sons served in Arabia in the ninth era, India in the tenth and Ashkenaz’ expedition in the eleventh. Waddell gives four sets of names for these sons: Sumerian names from the upper and lower registers and Indian counterparts to both lists. The only significant narrative information comes from Indian tradition given together with Indian name-titles matched to the Sumerian lower register. A key point is that the youngest two sons, Palita and Harita, were assigned to “the Videha lands” (Makers of Civilization, 115). Because Videha is the last of the Gangetic colonies reading from west to east, the implication is that birth order dictated which colonies these five governed in the tenth era. We can extrapolate the Indian name titles together with the matching Sumerian names of the upper register and the five colonies as follows: Indian Name: Sumerian Name: Indian Colony: Ruk-Meshu Jya-Magha Prithu-Rukma Palita Harita Akurgal (Madgal) Sirim Barid-ishishu Aniarra Mugamimla Indus Kuru Panchala Kosala Videha 337 Lacking convincing matches between any of the four sets of names and the names of Ural-Altaic families, our only recourse is to extrapolate this same order into the Uralo-Altaic colonies that worked southwestward: Ruk-Meshu at the Evenki, JyaMagha at the Orok, Prithu-Rukma at the Uyghur, Palita at the Kazakh and Harita at the Kipchak. Obviously these associations are very tentative as based on nothing more than extrapolation. Simply by filling gaps, they enable us to construct an isochronic process for Uralo-Altaic Siberia in the eleventh era from a starting point at the Karakoram Pass in 2218. Whether Heth’s second-born Jya-Magha possessed special status owing to his governorship of the Uralo-Altaic colony at Kuru remains to be seen. The enumeration of eight settlements east of the Urals suggests a module of four years for the three under Japhethites extending northeastward and three years for the sons of Heth from northeast back to the southwest. The Japhethite group consumed the twelve years from 2218 to 2206; and the Hethite group, fifteen years from 2206 to 2191, leaving three years for the Japhethites to return to the Middle East and Egypt. In those three years Ashkenaz journeyed to Gutium to reign as Yarlagan before beginning his African “second stride” in 2178. The sons of Heth no doubt remained at their settlements in Siberia to stabilize these people prone to revert to the nomadic life they knew under Noah for a century and a half after the Flood. Curiously the chronological breakdown in Siberia conformed roughly to the eleventh generation reigns of the Akkadian emperors as we have defined them. Rimush reigned from 2218 to 2209; Manishtushu for fifteen years from 2209 to 2194; and Naram Sin’s “second term” covered 2194 to 2188. Although the matching terms are not exact, they are close enough to suggest deliberate coordination between the Empire and Ashkenaz in designing the great northeastern expedition. That coordination followed from the fact that the Japhethites were still loyal to the Mesopotamian “Central Power” as they had been in the Uruk-Aratta and Aegean Wars. The scope of the Eurasian expeditions demonstrates that these settlements under Japhethite leadership were intended to take control of all land “beyond Aratta” to insure that another such rebel colony would never be formed to the northeast of Mesopotamia. The Sino-Tibetan expeditions of the tenth era had secured the southeast beyond India; and the African expeditions of the twelfth era were designed to secure Egypt as an extension of the Empire. Aside from suggesting which branches of the Uralo-Altaic stock settled in what parts of the sequence we have not yet pinpointed likely points for the eight settlements against the background of the Siberian rivers and lakes. We have seen from Palmer that the western or Karluk Turks were located in the vicinity of Lake Balkhash in Central Asia around 750 of the Christian era. That location makes for a good starting point by the close of the fourth year of the era in 2214 even though the Karluks may have been a distinct people from the Oghuz Turks who eventually made Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations their way from the Ob-Yenisei region to Turkey. These nomads are obviously difficult to pin down in contrast to such Sino-Tibetans as the Tujia of Central China. Lake Balkhash lies just beyond the Tien Mountains along the northern border of the Tarim Basin. North of the Yarkand River, two passes, the Torugart and Dolon, lead through the Tien Shan to the east end of Lake Issyk-Kul in Kirghiz territory. Just to the north lies Alma Ata (“Father of Apples”), old capital of Kazhakhistan prior to its replacement by Astana farther north in the modern Republic of Kazakhstan in 1998. Our chronology suggests that Ashkenaz gave himself four years to leave with the Ural-Altaics and others from the Kuru settlement to ascend the Indus, enter the Tarim Basin and pass the Torugart and Dolon to reach Lake Balkhash. Meanwhile the western half of the expedition under five Japhethites made their west from the same chronological starting point but from a longer module of six years in which to cover the rivers flowing into the Caspian and Black Seas. Assuming that the two halves of the expedition began in the same year of 2218, the Japhethite five would have waited until they reached the Illi before parting from the eastern group if they possessed any foreknowledge of topography in that part of the world. The route through the two passes of the Tien Shan appears to be much easier than any other for passing to the west. The first settlement near Lake Balkhash engaged the Japhethite Tiras and ancestors of the Turks proper. Just how this settlement related to the Karluks and Oghuz Turks of later times lies beyond the scope of this study. Suffice it that Tiras settled near Lake Balkhash with a group of Turks whom we have seen inhabiting the southwest corner of Martu in the First Kish period. Perhaps they chose this location because of a vague resemblance between Lake Balkhash and the Dead Sea. The settlement was established by the year 2214. Ashkenaz then struck out for the east and north. Their first destination in the east was the Khalka Mongol settlement named for the local leader Tubal-Gilgamesh and ancestors of the mainstream Khalka speakers of Mongolia. The point of settlement had to be the Orhun River and Lake Baikal forming an analogy to the Illi and Lake Balkhash. The distance from the Illi to the Orhon is about 1175 miles to be covered in as much of the next four years as required.The first two settlements at Lakes Balkhash and Baikal were the only two to be settled by primary Japhethites. These two, Tiras and Tubal, returned to the heartland with Ashkenaz too take their place in the Japhethite army that opposed the Gallic tetrad in 2178. Tubal had, in effect, served to create the Mongol nation by the year 2210. Ashkenaz completed the northeastward stage of the expedition by settling the classic Uralo-Altaic Yakuts on the Lena River by 2206. The the nearest point of the Lena lies about 800 miles north-northeast of Lake Baikal. The distances involved in the process began shortening after the long migration from Lake Balkhash to Lake Baikal; but the time module also shortened to three years after 2206. 339 The Hethites began their reverse migration to the south and west after establishing the Evenki somewhere in the northeast. They are especially difficult to pinpoint without historical traditions because they are very widespread from as far west as the Yenisei, as far east as northern Sakhalin Island and as far south as the Amur River and Manchuria. Given the contextual support of the Southest Tungusic Orok and Oroch, we have hypothesized that the name Evenki celebrates Eridu, the first colony of the postdiluvian world, though its cult god Enki. The only means of assigning a particular son of Heth to the Evenki settlement is birth order, suggesting that its leader was Akurgal, referred to by the Indians as Ruk-Meshu, “Shining Arrow.” Efforts to pinpoint the first Evenki settlement could begin with the River Tunguska, the Evenki having formerly been called Tungus. The Tunguska, however, is a tributary of the Yenisei well to the west. It makes more sense that the Evenki left the Yakuts in possession of the Lower Lena and the Yana to the north and followed the Upper Lena to a point where they could make their way to the Sea of Okhotsk. From there the expedition could have turned south along the coast and turned inland to reach the Amur, Sungari and Ussuri to establish the Souteast Tungusics of the Orok and Oroch. According to our module, the expedition spent the last six years of the 23rd century colonizing two points in the Tungusic region at the extreme eastern end of its reach. In the year 2200 it then began a long trek back west and established its next settlement in the large Uyghur region encompassing Sinkiang where the expedition started some eighteen years earlier. The completion of this circle resulted in the sixth colony of the process and the third to involve members of the Turkic division after the Turks and Yakuts. The intervening colonies had been Mongolic and Tungusic. The best way to conceive of the long journey from the Orok settlement back to Sinkiang is in three stages covering each of the three years from 2200 to 2197. The first stage ran from the Orok homeland somewhere in the east of Manchuria to to the Khitan Mongol location in Inner Mongolia. The second brought the expedition back to River Orhon south of Lake Baikal. The third then made the longest single-year journey of the expedition from Orhon to the Tarim River where the Uyghur homeland was established. Palmer’s map showing the Karluks at Lake Balkhash in 785 CE also shows the Uyghurs on the Orhon. In fact it places an unnamed Uyghur capital there. If we assume that the expedition reached the Tarim from the Orhon in a single year, the Uyghurs of the eighth century CE must have made their way back to the Orhon on the basis of traditions sourced in the expedition. The Orhon had already been settled by the Khalka Mongols in 2210. Bartholomew’s Physical Atlas shows a fascinating town name Aksha on the River Onon on the route from Inner Mongolia to Lake Baikal and the Orhon. Akshak happens to be one of the Sumerian cities memorialized by the expedition as though sustaining a Uralo-Altaic population before the end of the 24th century. The run from the unidentified Orok and Oroch locations to Aksha neatly symbolizes the run from Uruk to Akshak where only Lagash and Nippur intervene in the Uralo-Altaic scheme Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations underlying the expedition. Marked Akša in the Great Geographical Atlas of 1982, the town lies just over the Chinese border in Siberian Russia at 50.17 N 113.17 E. A Wikipedia article on the Oroks states that a small population of only 346 now lives at two points on Sakhalin Island where we have also placed the easternmost reach of the Tungusic Evenki. An article on the Orochs places them on the Russian continent and on the Amur River. The historic Khitans, named for the founder of the First Dynasty of Uruk, were located at Balin in Inner Mongolia. These names Evenki, Orok, Oroch, Khitan and Aksha give us a reinforced impression of three Sumerian cities reflected in the plan of Ashkenaz’s expedition. If we knew the original Uralo-Altaic name for Nippur we could probably add to this set of relevant place names. Perhaps we can go so far as to suggest that Nippon, the native name of Japan, derives from Nippur, in view of our recognition that Japonic is an exotic member of the Uralo-Altaic family. The position of Sakhalin Island brings the Oroks, in eastern Sakhalin, to within a brief distance from Japanese Hokkaido. Sakhalin was disputed between Japan and Russia in the Russo-Japanese war early in the twenty century. If the Japonic speakers of Nippon enter this cluster of Sumerian urban names, we should also consider the Koreans, another exotic member of the Uralo-Altaic stock. (See Kipchak , Uzbekistan. -- www.Tageo.com copied September 27, 2008) The Japanese and Koreans have been explained as Uralo-Altaics settled in the Far East by the Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan expeditions immediately preceding Ashkenaz’s. The proximity of Sakhalin to Japan and Manchuria to Korean suggests that these settlements were well known to Ashkenaz from information supplied by Riphath and Togarmah. Far Eastern rendezvous were more than likely. The locations of the Evenki and Orok branches of the stock reflect the logic of such rendezvous. The same logic explains the complementary relationship among the Japonics, Koreans, Tungusics and other branches in representing the cities of Sumer. As for “Koryo,” it can be taken to represent either Lagashite Akurgal or a variation of the alternative urban name Girsu. Even the ubiquitous Korean name Kim might by explained as a derivative of Lagashite Ham-Gurmu. The Korean association with the Sino-Tibetan Chinese harmonizes, in this case, with the role of Ham’s sons in leading the eastern, Chinese part of Togarmah’s expedition. I once learned from a Korean student that the Korean word for God is Anim, clearly based on the Anship (cultus of El Elyon) proper to Noah’s Uralo-Altaic stock and usurped by Ham at the Tower of Babel— Austronesian Rangi and Hellenic Uranus— and Canaan— Anu of the Hurrian myth of the overthrow of Noah-Alalu. The names identified in the Far East index Eridu (Evenki), Uruk (Orok), Girsu (Koryo), Nippur (Nippon), Akshak (Aksha) and Agade-Agdu (Yakut) — six of the eight names indexed by Ashkenaz’s expedition. Because Akshak is only a town name, it must find its ethnic identity elsewhere east of the Urals; and the needed elements appear in the name Kazakh. The other two cities are indexed by the Turks 341 according to the founder of Ur’s name Durga and the extinct branch that gave its name to the Turkic division to which the Kazakhs belong— Kipchak. In this last case, we must hypothesize that the original Sumerian name “Kish” was a Sumerian abbreviation of the Uralo-Altaic name “Kipchak” for the northern, imperial capital of Sumer. If the Koreans index Girsu-Lagash, the Uyghurs duplicated the same symbolic function in the expedition of the eleventh era distinct from Togarmah’s expedition that planted the Koreans. That duplication suggests some dyad in the Lagashite regime of the ninth era. The appropriate distinction is between the inscriptional pair Gurmu and Gunidu, who were Ocean Dragon Kings in the ninth era, and Heth’s dynasty present at Lagash in the same period. The expedition concluded with three settlements in Greater Turkestan starting with Chinese Turkestan (Sinkiang) and ending with settlements by ancestors of Kipchak branches— both Kazakhs and Kipchaks. As southwestern limit of this final settlement zone, a town Kipchak lies in the Republic of Uzbekistan. The coordinates are 40 N 66.51 E. From this location Ashkenaz, Tubal and Tiras could make their way to Gutium between 2191 and 2188 by crossing Turkmen and making their way along the south shore of the Caspian into western Iran. The penultimate settlement of the Kazakhs could have been located anywhere between Lake Balkhash on the east, the Aral Sea in the west, the Ishim in the north and the Syr Darya in the south. Both the Kazakhs and Uzbek Kipchaks are classified as South Kipchaks. A simple solution to the final two settlements is to turn south and west and place the Kazakh settlement on the Syr Darya and the Uzbek Kipchak on the Amu Darya. We can now tabulate the eastern half of the Eurasian colonization program with the reservation that great distances and a nomadic culture make particular locations less plausible than in the Austronesian and Sino-Tibetan processes: Years: 2218-2214 2214-2210 Indexed City: Ur Nippur [2234] 2210-2206 2206-2203 2203-2200 Agade (Agdu) Eridu Uruk 2200-2197 [2224-2218] 2197-2194 2194-2191 Girsu (Lagash) Akshak Kish Branch: Karluk Turk Khalkha Mongol [Japonic] Yakut Evenki Orok Khitan Uyghur [Korean] Kazakh Uzbek Kipchak Location: Leader: LakeBalkhash Tiras Orhon/ Lake Tubal Baikal [Nippon] [Riphath] Lena/ Yana Ashkenaz Bay of Okhotsk Akurgal Sakhalin/Amur Sirim Balin (Inner Mongol Mongolia) Tarim Barid-ishshu [Gojoseon] Syr Darya Amu Darya [Cush] Palita Harita Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Two circumstances caused the western, Uralic half of the Eurasian process to differ from all other colonizations of Noahic times. First the five Japhethite leaders were already familiar with the five rivers flowing into the Caspian and Euxine from the north. Second their high status authorized them to function independently according to an agreed plan. They spent the first ten years from 2218 to 2208 according to a two-year module establishing base camps at the mouths of the five rivers. Each of them then spent the next twenty years working northward along an axis radiating from south to north. In the first instance, a camp at the mouth of the Ural River served as base for an expedition extending northward along the eastern slopes of the Ural Mountains to establish the Uralic Samoeds as far east as the Lower Ob. The settlements on the lower rivers tended to be Satem Aryan; those at the upper ends of the radii, Uralic. Of the ten colonies six were Uralic and four, Satem Aryan. Javan led the Ural axis; Meschech, the Volga; Magog, the Don; Madai, the Dnieper; and Gomer, the Dniester. Each column shows an axis with a settlement in the north, a settlement farther south, the name of a base camp river, the name of a Japhethite and a Sumerian city complementary to the eight memorialized in the Altaic process. Satem Aryan colonies are marked in italics: Sami West Slavs Dniester Gomer (Dazhbog) Sippar Balto-Finnic East Slavs Dnieper Madai (Svarogich) Umma Baltic Scythians Don Magog (Stribog) Adab Permic Volga-Finnic Volga Meshech Mari Samoyedic Ugric Ural Javan Awan Of the five cities, three were featured in “dynasties” of the Dynasty III period (ninth era)— Sumerian Adab, Semitic Mari and Elamite Awan. In the ninth and tenth eras, the Japhethites were reigning at Semitic Ebla, a city closely associated with Mari. One of the Uralic tribes of the Finno-Volgaic group, formerly known as Cheremis, turns up with the name Mari, east of the Volga and west of the southern Urals. The Hungarians derived from the Proto-Ugric stock east of the Urals and south of the Samoyedics. The Ural River flows into the Caspian from the south end of the Ural Mountains. After Javan established a base camp on the Ural River, he treated the mountains as a line of reference for the allotted two settlements to the east. The axis given to Meshech-Joktan included a pair of settlements to the west of the mountains. The modern Russian city of Perm, named for the Permic stock, lies on the Kama, a tributary of the Volga. A branch of the Permics, the Komi, lies to the north of 343 another, the Udmurt or Votyak, located between two concentrations of the FinnoVolgaic Mari. Of the seven vassals of Japheth, Meshech was by far the one most closely related to the Semitic linguistic stock according to his Shemite names Aram and Joktan. The branch name Komi, river name Kama and Volgaic branch name Mari all point to the original founder of the Semitic stock, Ham. Kama doubles as Ham’s pantheon name as the Indian god of love. In the Dynasty III period, the first and third rulers at Mari, Ikun-Shamash and Ilshu, have been identified with Joktan-Meshech and Ham respectively. A fundamental question is whether Meshech imposed these names on the Uralics under his command or the Uralics actually inhabited Mari along with the Semites there. Modern linguists rigorously distinguish between the Uralic and Altaic languages. not in Adopting the older view of a Uralo-Altaic stock, I accept the old premise that the Finno-Ugrics are simply the western fifth of the the more comprehensive stock. Suggestions that the Finno-Ugrians were closer in language than other Uralo-Altaic branches to the Sumerians have caused me to treat the Uralics as a shadow of the Sumerians without giving them their true value until now. The names Kama, Komi and Mari throw a spotlight on them. The Japhethite decision to put in time as colonists of this stock tells us something fundamental about them. Another clue is that Japheth’s name among the sons of Noah-Kudai Bai Ülgön is Suilap. That strange name strikes me as a compound of the Centum Aryan-Teutonic Suiones or Swedes and the Uralic Sami or Lapps who share Scandinavia with them. We have identified Japheth as the source of the Egyptian Hamites and heir of the Satem Aryans whose Slavic members recognized him as their chief god Svarog. Somewhere the Uralics entered into this equation. In short they appear to be Japheth’s contribution to his father Noah’s original Uralo-Altaic stock. The distinction between Japheth’s Uralics and the distinct Altaics (formerly referred to in this study as “Eastern Uralo-Altaics”) undoubtedly came to the fore in the Uruk-Aratta conflict when Japheth’s sons became the chief representatives of the cause of Uruk. Clearly the Uralics were to the Erechite cause what the Altaics were to the defeated cause of Aratta. The Uralics should be placed genetically in the family of Japheth. The cluster of Japhethite names in Iran figures as an imposition on Satem Aryan speakers derived genetically from Shem. Because Christian Gaels have claimed descent from Japheth’s red son Magog, I have taken Gaelic facial concavity to demonstrate that the core of the Celtic race originated from Magog despite flanking associations between the Welsh and Gomer and Iverni of Ireland and Javan. Japheth’s primary authorship of the Caucasoid “Hamites” requires identification with another of his sons with a clear understanding that in all these families of Japheth the racially diverse character of the mothers soon met with Caucasoid saturation. A difficulty in identifying the Egyptians with a specific son of Japheth lies with the Great Ennead where Japheth appears as Atum Re but none of his actual sons can be found among the other eight. The only Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Egyptian pantheon identity given to a son of Japheth in Kingship at Its Source is the war god Mont as a version of Gomer. Among the Uralics deviation between Caucasoid and Asian types is so marked that I favor the belief that speakers of these languages were originally Caucasoid but came under the local influence of Asian Altaics. The Mari woman shown below is clearly Causcaoid under Asian influence. A Finnish student of mine was a blonde but with a somewhat golden complexion like the Mari woman and with a slightly Asian cast of features. Probably one of her parents was more Asian in appearance than the other. Therefore I conclude that the Uralics were to Japheth’s white son Madai what the Egyptians were to yellow Gomer (Mont) and the Celts to red Magog. (See Mari Woman from Orenburg in the southern Urals. --www.geocities.com copied September 28, 2008) The Mari are not alone in their suggestion of an urban name south of the Caucasus. The Ugri suggest Ugarit; and the Permean Komi, Kumme, the city of Tessub in the Hurrian Song of Ullikummi, “Enemy of Kumme.” Thus far we have dealt with The Song of Ullikummi in Hoffner’s Hittite Myths; but it offers anothers of the prime versions of the Uruk-Aratta war of 2302-2296. The associated names Mari, Ugri and Komi hold out the promise of placing the Uralics in the context of that primary war and thus clarifying their place under the Japhethites in the eleventh era north of the Caucasus. At this point, therefore, we return to the war of the eighth era for a new perspective on that war especially in relationship to Shem-Kumarbi’s function as enemy of Tessub-Peleg, head of the Aratta faction. In subsequent wars we find Shem and Peleg fighting on the same side beginning with the Aegean war of the tenth era. But that alliance was not true of the Uruk-Aratta war when Shem fought on the same side as his Erechite brother Japheth. Shem’s role in the war has not yet been defined and hopefully holds a key to Uralic origins. As for Hurrian tradition The Song of Ullikummi figures as a logical sequel to the Song of Kumarbi with its focus on the earlier overthrow of Noah-Alalu in 2359 and subsequent theme of Kumarbi’s woes resulting from giving unnatural birth to the sons of Canaan, namely the imperial heirs of Shem descended from the union of Canaan’s son Sidon with Shem’s granddaughter Inanna. We are now flashing back from colonization in the eleventh era to the the seminal war of the eighth for perspective on the people who colonized lands north of the Caspian and Black Seas. The Song of Ullikummi 2302-2296 In the first place this myth embodies the viewpoint of the Aratta faction and yet ignores Aratta itself, identifying as Tessub-Peleg’s capital Kummiya the central 345 city Kish where Peleg reigned throughout the seventh era of First Kish. This practice of ignoring Aratta, the scene of Peleg’s defeat, is consistent with Peleg’s own practice as Lugalannemundu of the ninth era in claiming a ninety-year reign running unbrokenly over the seventh, eighth and ninth eras. Just why the Hurrians came to adopt Peleg’s viewpoint remains to be seen. In regard to the Uralic world, we should keep in mind Peleg’s identity as the storm god Tessub is seconded by the Baltic Prussians by conceiving of him as their storm god Perkuna, distinct from the primary storm god Tar-Thor-Shem. The dramatis personae of the myth combine some familiar identifies such as Akkadian Ea-Sidon with known figures under new names such as Peleg’s sister Bilika (and the Akkadian mother of Ninurta) Sauska as well as a few entirely new figures such as Hebat as Peleg’s wife. The dramatis personae in order of appearance are as follows: Kumarbi, Father of All the Gods Shem Great Rock Kali Sea God Gomer (Hler/Llyr) Impaluri vizier of the Sea God Mukisanu vizier of Kumarbi Tessub, King of Kummiya Peleg, King of Kish Tasmisu Nimrod (Reu) Sun God of the Sky Japheth Moon God Arphaxad I Ellil Cush, father of Nimrod Ubelluri Obal, son of Arphaxad I Ullikummi Hul, son of Shem and Kali as head of Uralic force Sauska, Queen of Nineveh. Peleg’s sister Bilika, Akkadian mother of Ninurta Bull Serisu and Bull Tella. Bulls of the Gilgamesh and Gaelic traditions, Altaic forces Hebat wife of Peleg Takiti Hebat’s servant Ea Sidon Mother of the God Ea Uma Tablet I: “It is Kumarbi, Father of All Gods, of whom I sing” (Hittite Myths, 56). The myth displays an Indo-European bias in referring to Shem as “Father of All Gods,” analogous to Indian Brahma, the creator of the Aryan stock. Kumarbi adopts a clever Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations plan of evil “against Tessub,” establishing as main antagonists Shem and Peleg in the Uruk-Aratta conflict. “Now in the Cold Spring there lies a great rock: its length is three miles” (57). Kumarbi impregnates this rock and begets the growing rock Ullikummi as his main weapon against Tessub. Instead of dealing with actual genetics, the myth describes Shem’s raising up a force against Peleg as though when the latter was still reigning at Kish prior to 2308. Eventually the the rock monster Ullikummi makes its way to the sea; but its rock origin suggests that this force may have been recruited from the “Hursag” or foothills east of Mesopotamia. If so the two locations, east and west (at the Syrian coast), fall into line with the two colonies outside Mesopotamia-Martu in the First Kish order— Indians at Syria-Phoenicia and Iranians in Gutium. If Ullikummi represents the Uralic stock, we must assume that that stock was located in company with Iranians in Gutium. That view harmonizes with our present theory that the Uralics descending from Japheth’s white son Madai of Media-Gutium. The myth accuses Shem of stirring up trouble against Peleg’s Kish by extracting Uralic speakers from the Iranian Satem Aryans, who arose from Shem but who passed over to Japheth’s control. Thus Ullikummi represents an exchange between the full brothers Shem and Japheth, the one drawing Uralics from Madai’s offspring after the other drew Iranians from Shem’s white son Mash (Syrian Math). “When the Sea God heard the words of Impaluri, the Sea God replied to Impaluri: “Impaluri [my vizier]! [Hold] your ear cocked to the words which I shall speak to you. [Go] speak these weighty [words before Kumarbi]… ‘Why have you come against my house in anger? Trembling has seized the house. Fear has seized the servants.’” Unless the dramatis personae include redundancies, this sea god cannot be Sidon because he appears later in the text under his standard Akkadian name of Ea. Among Teutons and Celts, Gomer appears as the sea god Hler and Llyr (Irish Ler). As head of the seven Erechite heroes of Genesis 10:2, Gomer belonged to the faction which opposed Tessub-Peleg and therefore favored Shem-Kumarbi. However Kumarbi has disturbed the Sea God and his man Impaluri by heading precipitously for the sea after impregnating the great rock. We have not yet determined what stage of the war or its prelude this action represents. But the raising up a powerful anti-Aratta force in Phoenicia has already been established by the Indian tradition of Su-Dasa I (Tarsi) identified as Tarshish-Phoenix, the eponym of Phoenicia. After a break of twenty lines, the great stone gives birth to Ullikummi. “Kumarbi began to say to himself: ‘What name shall I put on the child whom the Fate Goddesses and Mother Goddesses have given me? He sprang forth from the body like a shaft. Henceforth let Ullikummi be his name. Let him go up to heaven to kingship. Let him suppress the fine city of Kummiya” (58). 347 If Kummiya is both the Hurrian and Uralic version of Peleg’s Kish, we might bring to it the theory that “Kipchak” was the Altaic version of Kish. An intermediate form might have been something like Kummiyak or Kummichak— a possible origin of such Slavic names as Kubiak or Kupchek. In any case the myth interprets the Erechite cause, not as a campaign against Aratta, but as an attempt to overthrow Kish. Tension between Uruk and Kish persisted in the eighth era when Gilgamesh of Uruk opposed Aka of Kish. Kumarbi says to himself, “Who will carry the child to the Dark Earth? The Sun God of the Sky and the Moon God must not see him. Tessub, the heroic King of Kummiya, must not see him and kill him.” The political bias in favor of PelegKumarbi results in an effort to separate the “Ullikummi force” from two leaders of the Erechite cause— Japheth, the sun god distinct from Obal, and the moon god Arphaxad I-Taranis. This strategy depends on back-dating “Ullikummi” to a time when Peleg was still reigning at Kish and Japheth and Arphaxad I had nothing against him. The whole point is to whitewash the Aratta faction by claiming that the disturbance of those times began with a plot by Shem against Peleg. The pretext for this argument is the theme of the Song of Kumarbi where Shem resents all of his heirs of the Inanna Succession and especially Peleg-Tessub and Reu-Tasmisu. But what of the factual claim that Shem created the “Ullikummi force” prior to 2308? One fact to back such a claim is that the two halves of Shem’s Satem Aryan family established colonies outside Mesopotamia in the First Kish order as though Shem disapproved of Peleg’s reign at Kish and withdrew these colonies in protest. I am not prepared to evaluate whether that claim is true; but it does make sense. For one thing the mythical withdrawal of Ullikummi to the “Dark Earth” is consistent with the view that the colonies in Gutium and Phoenicia were remote from from the “heavenly” seat of power at Kish. Furthermore we have the simple fact that Peleg reigned at Kish in Shem’s domain of Akkad rather than Shem himself. “Take this child and treat it like a gift. Carry it to the Dark Earth. Hasten, hurry. Place it on Ubelluri’s right shoulder.” From this point to the end of the story, Ullikummi’s power depends on remaining on this shoulder. For Ubelluri’s identity I depend at first on the resemblance between the first two syllables and the name “Obal” and the last two on the name Uri for the domain of Akkad where Obal’s cult center of Sippar was located. I then observe that Obal was Shem’s grandson in the direct male line and a crux of Shem’s effort to eliminate the unwanted heirs of the Inanna Succession. For Ullikummi to remain on the “shoulder” of Obal means that the adversaries of Peleg and Reu rested on the political foundation that they replace the undesirable heirs with the line of Arphaxad I and Obal. At first Kumarbi’s agents cradle Ullikummi “on the knees of Ellil” (59). The god of the Semitic Enlilship is appalled at the appearance of this strange child. Ellil’s response is politically clear in meaning: “Who can any longer bear the intense struggles of the great gods? This evil plot can only be Kumarbi’s. Just as Kumarbi raised up Tessub, so now he has raised against him this Basalt as supplanter.” Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Kumarbi-Shem raised up Tessub-Peleg in two ways, first by making him his fourth heir along with the other heirs of the Inanna Succession and then by allowing him to become the chief ruler of First Kish. Now he seeks to make the “Ullikummi force” Peleg’s supplanter. That term “supplanter” suggests that the name “Ullikummi” may refer to a person and not just one of the “monster” assemblies of troops. “Ullikummi” is clearly an epithet with the element ulli meaning “enemy .” It is conceivable, however, that the Hurrian term “enemy” in this case is cognate with the name of Shem’s black, bull-necked son Hul. In Sumerian the word khul means “rigorous,” probably in a pejorative sense. The English word “ghoul” derives from an Arabic word meaning “demon” as in Algol, the eclipsing binary “demon star.” The strange metaphor of “basalt,” a dark, volcanic rock, suggests a formidable black man if taken as a personal symbol. Hul belongs to the tetrad of Genesis 10:23 where Mash figures in an exchange of peoples between Shem and Japheth. Hul is another possibility for the Slavic black god Chernobog. We have already identified him with the chief Urartian god Khaldi in the mountainous north as well as the Egyptian Kemur, “Black Bull.” As long as we are considering these rather loose possibilities, the name Ural itself might be explained as a title “Urkali” or “Champion of the Black Matriarch,” Hul’s mother. In this case we can add to our dramatis personae list the great rock that Kumarbi impregnates as a Hurrian version of Kali. The sons of Shem in Genesis 10:23 have always been shadowy presences in our study because they almost never appear in the Sumerian King List. Shem gave them a role in the northern Semitic cities at a time, before 2244, when he still controlled the Semitic linguistic stock. The Song of Ullikummi now adds that he gave at least one of them, Hul, a leadership role in what the Aratta faction regarded as a hostile action. Although the Uralics have nothing to do with the Semitic language, the name Mari has put them on the scene in the Semitic north after Syria had already been colonized by Shem’s Satem Aryans. The treatment of Ullikummi as gaining size offshore somewhere harmonizes with our concept of the Syrian coast, hence the Uralic name Ugri as suggestive of Ugarit. “Each day it grew one AMMATU higher; each month it grew one IKU higher.” “It was standing like a shaft with the sea coming up to its knees.” The Sun God observes, “His body is unlike that of all the other gods.” This stress on uniqueness conveys how this force under Hul’s command first struck the Noahic world community as an innovation. That is why its formation promises to add something to our understanding of the Uruk-Aratta conflict. It was like the Aratta counterworld but formed in the Syrian northwest rather than the northeast of Aratta. This polarity suggests the logic of the Gundestrup pair of antelopes in the upper corners of the Cernunnus Panel, the Satem Aryan colonies of Phoenicia and Gutium. That northwest-northeast dyad seems to foreshadow the Uralic and Altaic dyad in Eurasia as though Ashkenaz’s dual expedition were intended to replicate the Satem Aryan colonies of the First Kish era 120 years earlier. 349 The text goes on to affirm the large scale of the Uruk-Aratta conflict: “Tasmisu saw the Sun God coming and said to Tessub, ‘Why is the Sun God of the Sky, King of the Lands, coming? On what business does he come? The matter must be important. It must be something not to be disregarded. The battle must be severe. It must entail uproar in heaven and famine and death in the land.’” When Tasmisu and Tessub attempt to host the Sun God, he refuses to sit down and eat with them because he is filled with the stress of the situation. Tablet II: Tessub, Tasmisu and Tessub’s sister Sauska— identified as Tasmisu’s sister instead of his mother— stand together while Tessub behold’s the “dreadful Basalt” from Mount Hazzi. Tessub sits on the ground weeping and Sauska confesses that “warlikeness has been given to him tenfold” (60). The historical perspective by this point suggests the all-conquering character of Su-Dasa I, Tarshish-Phoenix of Phoenicia as embodied in the Indian tradition deriving from the Indian colony there from the First Kish period but now looming up as a unique force. We have reached the crux of the story in that the overgrown body of Ullikummi represents a combination of forces unforeseen by the Aratta faction until it actually took shape in Syrian Phoenicia. Up to this point the main Erechite forces have been centered in five griffin armies made up of combinations of Semites and Hamites. Now, however, a new combination of Indians and Uralics has appeared poised to attack and destroy the remaining forces of Aratta in the western theater of the Taranis Panel. For some reason this western force was unforeseen. A logical explanation is that the Uralics have been grown “offshore,” that is, on the island of Cypress prior to the creation of a new Javanite domain there later in the Eanna period. This covert maritime location accords with the emphasis on the sea at the core of the story. This Indian-Uralic dyad is comparable to the Semite-Hamite dyad of the griffin armies and not just because it combines two linguistic stocks in a single force. In overall perspective India and the Uralic region are to the colonial “outer world” what Semitic Martu and Egypt are to the Middle Eastern “inner world.” In Hebrew prophetic thought, an important value is attached to the dyad of land and sea as in the Christian apocalyptic distinction between the “Beast from the Land” and “Beast from the Sea.” This distinction began with the contrast between the inner and outer worlds just defined. We have seen that, on the verge of the Uruk-Aratta conflict, Japheth was attempting to make Semitic Martu a stepping-stone to the colonization of Hamitic predynastic Egypt. In contrast India acted as the staging ground for all of the colonizations of Eurasia; and the Uralics represented the farthest reach of that “realm of the Sea” short of the colonization of Centum Europe from the Upper Sea rather than the Lower Sea of India. When the Indians first settled in Syria-Phoenicia on the coast of the Upper Sea in the First Kish period, they defined the “Realm of the Sea” including both the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Sauska attempts to seduce Ullikummi but finds him deaf and blind. “He has no compassion. So go away, Sauska, and find your brother before he (Ullikummi) becomes really valiant, before the skull of his head becomes really terrifying” (61). These seduction attempts were both literal and political. It makes sense that Peleg sent his sister— Nimrod-Tasmisu’s mother by Cush— to win over another black man, assuming that Hul was still in control of the force rather than Su-Dasa-Tarshish. Peleg logically expected to convert the Uralic stock as related to some extent with the Altaics already allied with his Aratta faction. The Altaics enter the picture in the next stage of the story when Tessub tells Tasmisu, “Let them bring fine oil and anoint the horns of the bull named Serisu. Let them plate with gold the tail of the bull named Tella.” Which of these bulls equates with Sumerian Gugalanna makes little difference since the Altaics are in view in any case. In addition to the two bulls, Tasmisu is commissioned to summon storm winds— always equivalent to the Indo-European stock of Shem’s Ishkurship. In context of the Uruk-Aratta war, these Aryans can only be the Centum group with their separate destiny as members of Peleg’s Aratta faction. Therefore this passage of The Song of Ullikummi confirms what we already knew— that the Altaics and Centum Aryans were members of the Aratta faction and later suffered exile to Arabia as a consequence. “And Astabi and the seventy gods fell down into the sea” (62). A battle against Ullikummi is in progress; but numerous lacunae make the narrative difficult to follow. The Basalt keeps growing and then “took its stand before the gate of Kummiya (Tessub’s city) like a shaft.” If we take this passage literally, it means that the dyad from Phoenicia invaded Akkad and besieged Kish. However, our assumption is that Kish has become an anachronistic counterpart to Aratta. Even in that case we are not prepared to envision the force from Phoenicia as marching from the western to the eastern theater of the war. The possibility remains, however, of taking the passage literally and approaching the conflict from a new perspective in which Kish, allied with Aratta against Uruk, comes under siege by the Erechite force from the Syrian coast. The setting, in this case, is the latest stage of the conflict when the cause of Aratta was reduced to nothing more than Peleg’s Kish destined to fall into the hands of Enmebaraggesi-Ham and Aka-Mizraim, the latter hostile to victorious Uruk. “Tasmisu spoke again to Tessub, “Hear my words, my lord Tessub. Incline your ear to the words which I speak to you. Come, let us go to Apzuwa, before Ea. . . . Let us ask for the tablets containing the ancient words’” (63). Apzuwa is the Hurrian name for Eridu, Sidon-Ea-Enki’s city of the Abzu temple. As the wisdom god, Sidon controls the “ancient words.” We have repeatedly affirmed that he controlled Sumerian literature. Just how these “ancient words” promise to deliver Kummiya-Kish from peril remains to be seen. Tasmisu hopes to win Ea’s “pity on us.” Given our understanding that Tasmisu-Nimrod and Tessub-Peleg represent the lost cause of Aratta, the two need pity. However the myth does not view the cause of 351 Aratta as lost but glosses over or transmutes the fate of Aratta by ignoring that stage of Peleg’s career just as in the Sumerian tradition concerning PelegLugalaanemundu’s ninety-year reign. The wisdom god Ea recognizes that Ullikummi’s source of power lies in the position of this monster on the shoulder of Ubelluri. He recommends that the heroes use a “copper cutting tool” to cut off the monster from the atlas figure Ubelluri’s shoulder. Ea then goes to Ubelluri in the underworld and informs him about Ullikummi as though Ubelluri cannot tell what is on his shoulder. “’Is it because you, Ubelluri, are remote from the Dark Earth, that you are unaware of this swiftly growing god?’” (64). Ubelluri confesses that his shoulder aches: “Ubelluri spoke to Ea, ‘When they built heaven and earth upon me, I was aware of nothing. “And when they came and cut heaven and earth apart with a copper cutting tool, I was even unaware of that. But something now makes my right shoulder hurt, and I do not know who this god is?” We have interpreted this grotesque imagery as political allegory for the way the Erechite regime relied on Obal’s genetic identity as Shem’s male line grandson to adopt an alternative to the power of the Inanna Succession including Tessub-Peleg and Tasmisu-Reu. These rival claims underlay the Uruk-Aratta war from start to finish. A proof of this concept is that Meskiaggasher-Joktan founded the Eanna regime as a “son of Utu.” That Sumerian tradition represents the logical core of the Hurrian Song of Ullikummi. If we recognize in the name Utu a reference to Obal as well as Japheth, founding the Eanna regime provides the concrete meaning of Ullikummi’s standing on the shoulder of Ullikummi. The Erechite faction came into existence when Meskiaggasher claimed to be a son of Obal and therefore reckoned Obal as an alternative to the Aratta cause centering in Peleg and Nimrod as sons of the Inanna Succession identifying Shem’s heirs with the rival line of Canaan and Sidon. Ea goes on to define the effort to undo the Erechite claims in lofty, epic terms. As genetic founder of the Inanna Succession through his teenage union with Shem’s granddaughter and fatherhood of Shem’s second heir Shelah-Marduk, Ea-Sidon is now pictured as finding a ritual means to destroy the rival claims of Obal’s line once for all. We now enter the inner sanctum of Noahic theocratic reality: “Ea spoke to the Primeval Gods, ‘Hear my words, O Primeval Gods, who know the primeval words. Open again the old, fatherly, grandfatherly storehouses. Let them bring forth the seal of the primeval fathers and with it reseal them. Let them bring forth the primeval copper cutting tool with which they cut apart heaven and earth. We will cut off Ullikummi, the Basalt, under his feet, him whom Kumarbi raised against the gods as a supplanter of Tessub.’” The “primeval” separation of heaven and earth is represented graphically in Egyptian depictions of three members of the Great Ennead. These show the heaven goddess Nut-Inanna forming the arch of the heavens above the prone figure of GebNoah with the air god Shu-Ham intervening. In reality Noah was never associated with the earth before the disaster of 2359 when he was “cast into the earth” according Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations to the Song of Kumarbi. The separation of heaven and earth at that time meant an irrevocable decision by the Noahic Council to break up what must have been a Noahic clan starting with Noah’s three postdiluvian sons. The renewed use of the “copper cutting tool,” therefore, signifies a comparable decision to break up a structure based on making Obal and other members of Shem’s direct line imperial heirs and by that means denying imperial status to Peleg, Reu and their heirs. When Ubelluri professes ignorance about the “god on his right shoulder,” it reveals that Obal may, in fact, have been ignorant of how he was being used to back the Eanna regime so as to destroy the Inanna Succession. By the time of the Gaelic war in 2178, however, Obal had taken on his character as Conchobar and was making war against the Gaelic version of Nimrod as though he had taken up the original cause of Uruk against the leaders of the old Aratta faction. Ea goes on to tell Tasmisu that he is saddened by the loss of human life caused by the war against Ullikummi. Gilgamesh expresses the same sentiment from the perpective of his reigning years at Uruk after the war. The Icelandic tradition of the Aesir-Vanir war emphasizes human attrition from the same cause. Ea claims to have taken part in the war on the side of Tasmisu and therefore of Aratta. He tells Tasmisu, “’First I routed Ullikummi, the Basalt. Now go fight him again.’” This claim contradicts the Akkadian Marduk Epic where Ea backs his son Marduk against the cause of Aratta. Clearly the opposed factions in the conflict had their own ways of claiming the support of the one great wisdom god, the patriarch Sidon, who placed himself above all the factions in his role as kingmaker. Rejoicing to hear what Sidon has said and done, Tasmisu claps three times and summons the gods to an assembly until “all the gods began to bellow like cattle at Ullikummi” (65). When Tessub goes to war against Ullikummi, the Basalt turns candidly confessional: “’What can I say to you, Tessub? Keep attacking. Be of his mind, for Ea, King of Wisdom, is on your side.’” He goes on to confess that he has ambitiously sought to conquer Kummiya in order to win kingship for himself and “’scatter the gods down from the sky like meal.’” When Ullikummi takes a speaking part like this, attention turns to his possible euhemeristic, personal value as Hul. The confession conceivably represents Hul’s state of mind at the time when he lost control of the Uralic-Indian alliance and yielded it to Tarshish-Su Dasa to defeat the Aratta faction once for all. What the story has told us, however, is that the Uruk-Aratta war ended in a compromise. The leaders at Aratta agreed to give up their armed struggle and even send their people into Arabian exile; but the faction, as represented by Tessub and Tasmisu, made that concession as the price for winning the dynastic struggle against the Erechite design to wrest the imperial birthright from the Inanna Succession and give it to the male line of Shem, Arphaxad I and Obal instead. Dynastic Egypt 353 2188-2128 As the colonizing programs drew to a close in the 22nd century, the Noahic elite turned their attention to Egypt to complete there what they had begun in Sumer in 2368. Henry Simpson discusses eight pyramids by the close of Dynasty IV at a time when Shepseskaf abandoned the pyramid design for his temple late in the period. The pyramid design symbolizes the principle of monogenetic origins from a handful of progenitors at the top to widespread thousands or millions at the base. Although later pyramids were built in subsequent dynasties, the total of eight built by the close of the chief Pyramid Dynasty IV logically calls attention to the diluvian ogdoad and to the corresponding eight linguistic stocks of mankind. We will discuss the implications of this enumeration of eight primary pyramids after returning to the subject of Egyptian chronology. These 2 paragraphs are on page 345 and should be deleted here. Our 22nd century theory of dynastic Egypt continues to be the chief challenge aimed by our work at conventional historical ideas. In this regard the Wikipedia article on “Egyptian pyramids” includes an interesting perspective. The first eleven pyramids are dated over a continuous run from the 27th to the early 24th century. These dates typify the conventional view. In our system, these pharaohs and pyramids date from the first half of the 22nd century to a point no later than the 21st. After the eleventh pyramid, construction declines before being revived in Dynasty XII at Lisht and Hawara in the 20th century. That leap in time from the early 24th century to the 20th is certainly suggestive. If our chronology is adopted, the lapse occurs realistically in the 21st century before revival in Proto-Dynastic Egypt: the Constellation of Scorpius. 2191-2177. When the Akkadian sixty years ended in 2188, ManishtushuSerug and Naram Sin-Nahor turned their full attention to Egypt. A decade and two battles were required to bring dynastic Egypt into existence in 2178. An acute coincidence between our proposed chronology for dynastic Egypt and the genealogy of Genesis 11 confirms that the six “dynasties” of Old Kingdom Egypt began in 2178 rather than 2188. The patriarch Reu-Sargon-Nimrod Asshur died in the year 2148 according to an extrapolation from our Flood date of 2518: Genesis 11:10 11:12 11:14 11:16 11:18 11: 20 11:21 Flood birth of Arphaxad +2 birth of Shelah +35 birth of Eber +30 birth of Peleg +34 birth of Reu +30 birth of Serug +32 death of Reu +207 2518 BCE 2516 2481 2451 2417 2387 2355 2148 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Analysis of the Genesis 10 clans represented in the Old Kingdom dynasties identifies Reu-Asshur with Huni, the last king of Dynasty III. Kingship at Its Source suggests that the Egyptian name is cognate with Reu-Nimrod’s Teutonic name Hoenir through association with his father Cush’s Teutonic identity with the forest god Vidar. Japheth-Snefru, founder of Dynasty IV, is believed to have finished the pyramid begun by Huni at Meidum. The implication is that Huni died before he could finish this pyramid. Genesis 11:21 dates that moment in 2148 rather than 2158. If Dynasty III ended that year according to a decade module, Dynasty I began in 2178 rather than 2188. It makes good sense that two battles were required to eliminate the Amerindian threat to Hamitic Egypt before the stable “dynasties” of the Old Kingdom could be stabilized. Henry Simpson, author of the Egyptian section of Hallo and Simpson’s Ancient Near East, identifies two proto-dynastic Egyptian rulers KaSekhen and Rosette-Scorpion. In presenting Rosette-Scorpion, he acknowledges that there may have been contact with Mesopotamia in this seminal stage of Egyptian history: “Thus Rosette-Scorpion, or Scorpion, may well have claimed the two kingships [uniting the Two Egypts]. The rosette with seven petals may be an early title for the kingship and may represent a connection with Mesopotamia, where the rosette appears on many objects” (The Ancient Near East, 203). Simpson hardly subscribes to Waddell’s identification of Menes-Aha and Narmer with Manishtushu and Naram Sin; but his observation on the rosette falls into place with our views of Egyptian origins. The scorpion image calls attention to the asterism of the constellation of Scorpius in the southern summer sky from our latitude. In Egypt it stands much higher in the sky in season. Olcott’s Field Book of the Skies (4th ed., 1954) summarizes the mythology of this strikingly arranged constellation: “The constellation of Scorpius is mentioned by all the early writers on Astronomy. It is supposed to have received its name from the fact that, when the sun entered this sign in ancient times, sickness was prevalent in Egypt. The old myths concerning Scorpius connect it with Orion, the Giant Hunter. The creature is said to have sprung out of the earth at the command of Juno, who, incensed at Orion’s conceit, ordered the Scorpion to attack him. The Scorpion stung Orion in the foot, causing his death. Subsequently, Orion and the Scorpion were bothhonored with a place among the stars, but they were so placed that they never appear in the heavens at the same time” (168-169). The constellation of Orion is located at midwinter at the opposite side of the earth’s annual circuit from Scorpius. Together with the red giant first magnitude alpha star Antares at its heart, the asterism is made up of fifteen stars at third and second 355 magnitude. Like Orion the asterism is so well defined that it draws immediate attention to itself as a discrete pattern of stars. It starts at the southeastern stinger end with Lesuth and Shaula, passes westward to the second magnitude Sargas at the southernmost point, ascends in a curving line northwestward to Antares and ends in the northernmost claw section of three stars including second magnitude Dschubba and third magnitude Graffias. As the constellation rises into view in early summer those last three stars always draw one’s attention beyond the sparsely populated region of Virgo and Libra farther west. It makes sense that the Egyptians found in the Scorpion’s asterism of fifteen stars a set of fifteen Noahic elite who led the Amerindians as enemies of the Akkadian regime in 2181. The ten stars south of Antares represent the ten victim hostages of Metelis. The northern five stars beginning with Antares represent a set of five elite who took command of the converted Amerindians who fought the Gallic alliance of Shem at the Battle of the Orontes in 2178. Rosette-Scorpion figures as an Akkadian along with Narmer and Aha-Menes. That is how Simpson presents the three at the start of his account of Dynasty I beginning with the three in that order. The additional “Proto-Dynastic” ruler Ka-Sekhen figures as another of the five stars in the upper part of the asterism. The contrasting winter constellation of Orion consists of an even more emphatic asterism of seven stars forming a vertical rectangle and a belt of three stars like the claw section in Scorpius. The rectangle is outlined by stars of the first or second magnitude; and the belt are all second magnitude stars, making Orion the brightest of all constellations. As an emphatic septad the asterism suggests the primary Japhethite clan as the body of Erechite heroes who became the first defenders of Mesopotamia and who reappeared as the greatest pyramid-building Dynasty IV. To articulate the Scorpius-Orion mythology we need only to picture conflict between the Hamites of Orion and Amerindians of Scorpius. We can retain that seminal focus on Hamitic-Amerindian conflict despite the equivocal image of the Amerindians as converts to the Akkadian cause by 2178. Although the Egyptians were deeply involved in this process, they experienced the Amerindians only as enemies in Egypt in 2181. Hamites did not participate in the Battle of the Orontes in 2178. The asterism of Scorpius represents the Amerindian stock in both battles no matter who their leaders were before and after 2181. The mythologist responsible for aligning the asterism of Scorpius was aware that ten enemy leaders had been slain in 2181 and matched these with the part of the asterism southeast of Antares. The designer then matched King Rosette Scorpion with Antares and distinguished him and four additional leaders of the Amerindians in Syria. Our analysis of the Battle of the Orontes has already suggested that Serug-Menes and Nahor-Narmer led the converted Amerindians at the battle against Shem in Syria. The other two of five leaders in “Upper Scorpius” figure as two of Shem-Aliyan Bal’s enemies in the Ugaritic story— Mot-Hazamaveth and Athtar-Jerah. The other enemy Yamm-Eber converted into Shem’s ally as the horseman with the boar insignia in the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Teutates Panel. (See Constellation of Scorpius ---0 www.euskorpicus.net copied October 17, 2008) This internet map shows all of the principal stars as does Olcott but does not label the sigma star to the right of Antares and the globular star cluster M4. The three stars of the claw section are treated as radiating from the sigma star rather than as forming a north-south triad as in Olcott, who supplies names for the upsilon star (Lesuth), lamda star (Shaula), theta star (Sargas), sigma star (Al Niyat), delta star (Dschubba) and beta star (Graffias). A possibility remains that leaders of the Amerindian revolt latched on to the asterism of Scorpius as a means of indexing the invasion of Egypt and Syria from a point southwest of the Nile Delta somewhere in Libya. The southeast to northwest design of the asterism is registered as such by viewing the constellation from north to south. If the design is abstracted into a north-top map, it reads from southwest to northeast as required by the history of the two battles. If the alpha star Antares is set at the Nile Delta, ten positions lie to the southwest in Africa. The upper section begins with the sigma star at Sinai and the triad of the claws indicates three positions in western Asia east of the Orontes. According to the usual early postdiluvian practice, space and time become indistinguishable in cases like this. The design suggests a progress in fifteen years from one Amerindian camp to another. If Antares is located at 2181, the remaining four stars cover the four years 2180-2177 with the bright, second magnitude star Dschubba at 2178. It is difficult to attempt to assign geographic values to the asterism of Scorpius except for a general trend from Libya to the Nile Delta to Syria. However we can outline a useful chronology for the Proto-Dynastic period in fifteen annual units from 2191 through 2177. This chronological sequence will take on added value if we can establish a sequence for the ten hostage victims and then the leaders of the Akkadian Proto-Dynastic order. We can argue that the four stars at the stinger end of the asterism fit the four Javanites. The ascending sequence from Sargas to the tau star to the left of Antares then outlines the six sons of Ham beginning with Cush at the point of Sargas. All of the stars ascending from the point of Sargas are of the third magnitude except for the brighter, second magnitude epsilon star. The causal mechanism of this sequence could only have been a deliberate effort by the rebel leaders of the Amerindians to select new annual camp leaders each successive summer as Scorpius came into view. Relative brightness would have figured in their selection process. After Cush the dominant patriarch of the African continent was Mizraim, identifying him as the camp leader at the epsilon point. The distribution of three Amerindian stocks in the eastern half of North America— Creus (Algonquians), Coeus (Iroquois) and Canaan (Caddoans)— suggests that these three sons of Ham took the annual camps at the intermediate third magnitude stars Eta, Zeta and Mu. Sargas and the tau stars at the opposite ends of the run northward to Antares 357 correspond to the two South American stocks memorializing Cush and Put in South America— Amazonians and Andeans. To that extent the camps in Libya anticipated the disposition of Amerindian stocks in the Americas but at a time when the sons of Ham were still alive and heading unwittingly to their doom in the Nile Delta. The five leaders in the upper end of the asterism represented a totally different politics and took power over the Amerindians only after defeating them in 2181. These leaders included the transitional Egyptian leaders Ka-Sekhen, RosetteScorpion, Narmer, Menes-Aha and one more. At least two of them had been Akkadian emperors before 2188; and the simplest explanation is that all four of the figures named here had been Akkadian emperors. Simpson’s Mesopotamian rosette meant more than he ever imagined. In a sense Waddell was correct that the Akkadian leaders became “pre-dynastic” leaders in Egypt; but he mistook them for the KhetmRo-Ka-ap triad. The scorpion motif of Rosette-Scorpion implies a ruler with deep ties to the Amerindian stock. The most logical of these is Ham, Mahadevi’s antediluvian son who turns up as the god Tamusi in Amazonian mythology and as the Musi tribe of the Algonquian stock of his son Creus. If Ham led Amerindians to the Delta in 2181 or became their leader there, one wonders about his relationship to his doomed sons. Here lies one of the mysteries of early postdiluvian times. The Dragon Panel of the Gundestrup shows him as a tragic figure in the context of these sons. But how did he himself survive if he was within reach of Narmer? Did he submit to the Akkadian leaders in the hope that he could win the lives of his sons? We seem to be faced with a grand opera plot. To solve this mystery we must get a handle on Ham’s political stance in the 22nd century. He joined the anti-Akkadian Gutians as Hablum. In the First Kish period of the 24th century he had reigned as a local governor in Gutium at the root of his Persian identity as Jemschid. In the 23rd he joined Shem’s anti-Akkadian alliance as the Olympian Hermes. His early ties to Gutium suggests that he may even have been a prime mover in forming the Gutian regime as the power that sacked Naram Sin’s Agade at some time before 2188. Nevertheless he appears to have played roles twice in the formative stages of dynastic Egypt, living up to his reputation as the patriarch who fashioned Egypt into the “land of Ham.” If the Akkadians were the prime movers behind Dynasty I, Ham’s hostility to them seems fraught with irony. Perhaps Ham imagined that by shifting their attention to Egypt after 2188, the Akkadians were abandoning their Mesopotamia regime and leaving his Gutians in control of Sumer. That, in fact, was the case; but Ham may have read a friendly meaning into it unwarranted by the outcome in 2181. The key to this mystery is the death date of Nahor-Narmer in 2177, just one year after Peleg’s death at the Battle of the Orontes. The Genesis 11 process can be continued as follows: Genesis 11:22 11:23 birth of Nahor + 30 death of Serug + 200 2325 2125 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations 11:24 11:25 birth of Terah + 29 death of Nahor + 119 2296 2177 Nahor’s death occurred unnaturally too early as did Peleg’s the previous year. One way to explain Nahor’s death is that he was wounded in the Battle of Orontes and lingered on until 2177. A more likely explanation is that he was captured in that battle and executed in 2177 as punishment for his massacre of the ten elite in 2181. Even the Scorpion asterism supports this explanation. The northernmost star Graffias implies that the entire Amerindian process extended down to the year Narmer was executed for his crime. Either the tyrant broke away and led the Amerindians north of the Orontes battle scene or the victors captured him and led him north to a final point in 2177 where they executed him. The chronological implication of these dates is that Narmer’s Egyptian career was confined to the period between 2188 and 2177 rather than extending into the Dynasty I decade of 2178-2168. Another is that Narmer was the Akkadian leader designated to take the last position at the point of Graffias. If the Akkadian alliance agreed to place their most warlike member at the point of Graffias, they must have required that assignment in order to complete their plan to enable the converted Amerindians to overrun Gutium and convert that land into an allied power. The three stars in the claw section of the asterism can be extrapolated to represent Palestine in the south, Syria in the middle and Cappadocia in the north. The Akkadian strategy must have meant stationing three divisions of the Amerindian stock in those three locations as a means of conquering the Amorites in the south, Centum Aryans in the Syria and eventually Gutium from the north. In terms of modern geography, the pi star lay in Jordan, Dschubba in Syria and Graffias at the Turkish source of the Euphrates and Tigris where they could assault the Gutians at a point as far west as the east end Turkish Kurdistan. Whether or not the position taken to represent Graffias lay any farther north than Arman-Aleppo is moot. At that latitude the northern army of the Amerindians had a clear path eastward into Gutium as Kurdistan. The farther north they were led, the safer East Semitic Assyria would be from impromptu attack by these unruly people. After Ham was betrayed as Rosette-Scorpion at the point of the red star Antares, intermediate positions between the Delta and Arman-Aleppo were governed by some combination of Ka-Sekhen, Menes-Aha and one other. The name Ka-Sekhen appears to be a cognate of the name Waddell gives to Sargon. Waddell believes that this emperor’s personal name was Guni or Kuni. He cites a form Sha-kuni, which he takes to be a shortened form of “Shar Kuni” and meaning “King Kuni.” By prefixing the god-king word “Ka” the name Ka-Sekhen takes a form analogous to the Septuagint “Cainan” or Ka-Inanna. We will see that Inanna appears to have been the one female allowed to share one of the kingships of the Egyptian establishment at the 359 very close of the Old Kingdom sequence as “Queen Nitocris.” Thus Ka-Sekhen and Ka-Inanna mark the beginning and end of the Old Kingdom sequence. If Sargon shared power in the pentad of the upper section of the Scorpion, Rimush must have done likewise. So our task is to find the correct sequence of Sargon, Rimush and Manishtushu at the camps in Sinai, Palestine and Syria. With Narmer at the northernmost point, the sequence given in the Sumerian Kinglist is the logical choice, placing Sargon in the Sinai, Rimush in Amorite Jordan and Manishtushu on the Orontes. The Scorpion migration of the Amerindian stock is as follows: Year: 2191 2190 2189 2188 2187 2186 2185 2184 2183 2182 2181 2180 2179 2178 2177 Star: Lesuth Shaula κ Scorpii ι Scorpii Sargas η Scorpii ζ Scorpii μ Scorpii ε Scorpii τ Scorpii Antares Al Niyat π Scorpii Dschubba Graffias Location: Kufra Oasis (Libya) Kufra Oasis (Libya) Tibesti (Chad) Ennedi (Chad) El Atrun Oasis (Sudan) Selima Oasis (Sudan) Kharga Oasis (Egypt) Dakhla Oasis (Egypt) Farafra Oasis (Egypt) Bahariya Oasis (Egypt) Nile Delta Sinai Martu River Orontes Upper Ephrates Leader: Elishah Tarshish Khetm Ro Cush Creus Coeus Canaan Mizraim Put Ham(Rosette-Scorpion) Reu (Ka-Sekhen) Rimush Serug(Menes-Aha) Nahor (Narmer) Dynastic Egypt. 2178-2118. As the colonizing programs drew to a close in the 22nd and 21st centuries, the Noahic elite turned their attention to Egypt to complete there what they had begun in Sumer in 2368. Henry Simpson discusses eight pyramids by the close of Dynasty IV at a time when Shepseskaf abandoned the pyramid design for sun his temple late in the period. The pyramid design symbolizes the principle of monogenetic origins from a handful of progenitors at the top to widespread thousands or millions at the base. Although later pyramids were built in subsequent dynasties, the total of eight built by the close of the chief Pyramid Dynasty IV logically calls attention to the diluvian ogdoad and to the corresponding eight linguistic stocks of mankind. We will discuss the implications of this enumeration of eight primary pyramids after returning to the subject of Egyptian chronology. Our 22nd century theory of dynastic Egypt continues to be the chief challenge aimed by our work at conventional historical ideas. In this regard the Wikipedia Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations article on “Egyptian pyramids” includes an interesting perspective. The first eleven pyramids are dated over a continuous run from the 27th to the early 24th century. These dates typify the conventional view. In our system, these pharaohs and pyramids date from the first half of the 22nd century to a point no later than the 21st. After the eleventh pyramid, construction declines before being revived in Dynasty XII at Lisht and Hawara in the 20th century. That leap in time from the early 24th century to the 20th is certainly suggestive. If our chronology is adopted, the lapse occurs realistically in the 21st century before revival in the 20th. Our chronology eliminates the wide gap of four centuries of relative inactivity required by the conventional view. If one back extrapolates from Dynasty XII to the earlier pyramids, the result is the order of magnitude of our chronology dating dynastic Egypt from the twelfth Noahic era after 2188. Our chronological solution requires the usual commitment to an isochronic module and all the more so in view of the Egyptian commitment to symbolic formality. However the numbers of rulers vary from “dynasty” to “dynasty” complicating the issue of finding the right module. The revival of major pyramid building in the Dynasty XII is suggestive. We have seen that the Sumerian Kinglist includes just twelve “dynasties” in the brief thirty years labeled by Hallo the “Dynasty III period” of Sumerian history. It makes sense that the Egyptian leaders, fully aware of their history in Mesopotamia, adopted the same total of twelve “dynasties,” howbeit at a slower pace required by pyramid-building. The seminal date for Egyptian dynastic history is 2178 at the close of the Battle of the Orontes. Another consideration is that the Noahic elite were beginning to die out in the 22nd century and planned the pyramids as tombs, not just as memorials of the monogenetic past. They might have adopted two different modules, one for the rulers belonging to the elite and a later one for conventional generations. Kingship at Its Source suggests that Noahic elite continued to make up parts of the first six Egyptian dynasties. If a brief module of ten years is assigned to each of these, the sixty years form a significant unity of two Noahic generations— the twelfth and thirteenth between 2188 and 2128 but delayed a decade by Amerindian interference to 21782118. It is this condensed period of only two generations that Manetho’s chronology chiefly misrepresents. These sixty years logically encompass the construction of the first eleven pyramids listed in the internet table below. Our condensation of time is such that these construction projects followed in rapid succession. The first eight were planned as a unit in order to memorialize the primary eight cities and other features of the diluvian eight recorded in the Ogdoad of Hermonthis. No pyramids were built by rulers of the first two dynasties covering the years 2188 down to the death of Noah in 2168. That 361 death served as signal to devote the third and fourth dynasties to the central task of pyramid building by Shelah (Djoser), Nimrod-Sargon (Huni) and Japheth (Snefru) and his family. As author of the Hamitic linguistic stock, Japheth assigned the main burden of pyramid building to his Dynasty IV over the decade from 2158 to 2148. His workmen and those of his sons and grandson built seven of the primary eight pyramids following the Step Pyramid of Djoser in Dynasty III. Because these seven pyramids were built at four different locations, their construction may well have overlapped in that one decade. The three greatest, however, made up the one complex at Giza and were directed by and assigned as tombs to Japheth’s son Gomer-Khufu, grandson Madai-Khafre and great-grandson Arurim-Menkaure. Pyramid / Pharaoh Djozer Sneferu Sneferu Sneferu Khufu Djedefre Khafre Menkaure Sahure Neferirkare Kakai Nyuserre Ini Amenemhat I Senusret I Senusret II Amenemhat III Reign c. 2630 - 2612 BC c. 2612 - 2589 BC c. 2612 - 2589 BC c. 2612 - 2589 BC c. 2589 - 2566 BC c. 2566 - 2558 BC c. 2558 - 2532 BC c. 2532 - 2504 BC c. 2487 - 2477 BC c. 2477 - 2467 BC c. 2416 - 2392 BC c. 1991 - 1962 BC c. 1971 - 1926 BC c. 1897 - 1878 BC c. 1860 - 1814 BC Field Saqqara Dashur Dashur Meidum Giza Abu Rawash Giza Giza Abu Sir Abu Sir Abu Sir Lisht Lisht el-Lahun Hawara Djoser-Shelah’s initiative in building the first pyramid at Sakkara reveals a central fact about dynastic Egypt. Shelah had led the eight Erechite heroes in defense of the Eanna regime at the head of armies combining Hamites and Semites. The other heroes were Japheth’s sons and grandsons, four of whom built pyramids in the Egyptian Dynasty IV period. Clearly dynastic Egypt was conceived as a reconstitution of the solar Eanna regime. That regime came into existence in 2308, 120 years before the start of Proto-Dynastic Egypt by 2188. Shelah’s Egyptian credentials were quite clear. Hellenic tradition took over his Amorite name Belu and placed “Belus King of Egypt” accurately in the “Libyan” family of Poseidon as brother of Agenor-Elishah. The same tradition named Shelah’s imperial heir Eber “Aegyptus,” Egypt personified. All of these “Libyan” figures became rulers in Africa in one period or another. Like the towns in pre-Magyar Hungary, the first eight Egyptian pyramids memorialize the diluvian ogdoad by conforming to the primary eight colonies in Sumer from the years 2368 to 2338. The north-south order is reversed by the fact that Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the Nile flows northward instead of southward like the Tigris and Euphrates. This order was preserved so scrupulously that it even dictated the north-south sequence of the three great pyramids of Japheth-Snefru in the compact Giza complex. The overall north-south arrangement of the primary eight pyramids is as follows: Location: Abu Rawash Giza Builder: Djedefre Khufu Khafre Menkaure Sakkara Djoser (Step Pyramid) Dahshur Snefru (Red Pyramid) Dahshur Snefru (Bent Pyramid) Meidum Huni and Snefru Noahic Identity: Sumerian City: Javan son of Gomer Gomer son of Japheth Madai son of Gomer Arurim son of Madai Shelah son of Sidon (Sanakhte) Japheth son of Noah Japheth son of Noah Nimrod son of Cush Japheth son of Noah Eridu Ur Uruk Lagash Umma Nippur Kish Agade Individual cases for each of the Egyptian-Sumerian matches can be stated here. Javan’s northernmost pyramid at Abu Rawash corresponds to Eridu because this grandson became the feudal lord of the four Javanites, all of them derived from Sidon-Enki, cult god of Eridu. Gomer was Japheth’s son by Durga, founder of Ur. Although it now appears that Madai was Japheth’s grandson rather than an immediate son, Slavic tradition identifies him as Japheth’s favorite “son” Svarogich in keeping with his identity with First Kish Mashda, son and successor of Japheth-Atab. Japheth founded the third city Uruk and now matched this city of his with “Svarogich” or “Japheth II,” Madai. As Khafre Madai is believed to have built the Sphinx as a self-portrait. With the body of a lion, this portrait identifies Madai-Khafre as the embodiment of the Egyptian lion representative of the Hamitic linguistic stock. Japheth singled out this 363 grandson “Svarogich” or Japheth II to represent the entire linguistic stock in this graphic sculpture. The familiar image of the Sphinx was conceived as a focal point for Hamitic Africa and, therefore, for the whole of Africa under its Hamitic head: (See Egyptian Sphinx copied October 14, 2008) With this image the dynastic Egyptian enterprise transmutes the griffin image which symbolized the Semitic-Hamitic armies of the Erechite cause of Uruk-KullabEanna in the Uruk-Aratta war context. The Semitic bird head has been replaced by the head of Pharaoh Khafre, biblical Madai of Genesis 10:2. A realistic portrait of Khafre shows the Caucasoid theme of Japheth’s family as reflective of the Caucasoid matriarch Uma, Japheth’s mother, whom he favored physically. Here is one of the eight men whom Sumerian tradition exalts as conquerors of the Aratta faction: (See Pharaoh Khafre-Madai son of Gomer and a Caucasoid mother. --www.egyptarchive.co.uk copied October 14, 2008) At the close of the Giza triad comes Pharaoh Menkaure son of Khafre. As a son of Madai, he answers to the First Kish ruler Arurim son of Mashda-Madai son of Atab-Japheth. This figure has, in effect, replaced Japheth’s red son Magog, who appears only as “Prince” Rehotep. No matter what his own ancestry, Menkaure serves to represent Magog’s mother Mahadevi, founder of the next city Lagash. His Egyptian portraits continue the Caucasoid theme into Japheth’s third generation. An exception to this theme is Japheth’s immediate son Gomer, Pharaoh Khufu. As a son of Asian Durga, Khufu looks decidedly Asian: (See Pharaoh Khufu Gomer son of Japheth and Durga. --- www.travelegypt.com copied October 14, 2008) The more Caucasoid appearance of Khufu’s sons Khafre and Djedefre implies that he married back into the Caucasoid gene pool through some white matriarch such as Japheth’s full sister Hamath-Saraswati-Naphtuh-Nephthys. South of Giza comes Sakkara where Shelah built the first pyramid. Several points of logic associate Shelah and his pyramid with Uma and her city of Umma. His mother Inanna was Arphaxad’s daughter by Uma as the Sumerian Ningal, “Great Lady.” Above all the Egyptian plan called for a first pyramid to celebrate Uma’s city because of Japheth’s obvious focus on Uma as mother of the Caucasoid race. DjoserShelah won his privilege of becoming the first pyramid builder from several causes. His father Sidon-Sanakhte was the most thoroughgoing Caucasoid male of the Noahic world owing to double incest in the family of Ham, Canaan and Uma. He posed a contrast to Durga’s sons Arphaxad, Mizraim and Gomer, whose relatively Asian appearance we have just seen. Shelah was Uma’s grandson though Sidon, greatgrandson through Canaan and maternal grandson through Inanna daughter of Arphaxad and Ningal-Uma. This genetic background made him the embodiment of Uma’s influence. Therefore his foundational Step Pyramid came first in a program set up by his father Sidon-Sanakhte-Ptah to make Egypt the leading Caucasoid civilization on earth as echo of Sumerian Umma. The Step Pyramid was to the Caucasoid race what the Giza complex was to the Hamitic language symbolized by Khafre’s lion body. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Japheth built the three major pyramids south of Sakkara and therefore representative of the northern Sumerian sequence of Nippur, Kish and Agade. At one location, Dahshur, Snefru’s so-called “Red Pyramid” lies farther north than the Bent Pyramid. The odd design of the Bent Pyramid resulted from an experiment at the transition from step pyramid to true pyramid design. The southernmost pyramid at Meidum is partly ruined, leaving a central tower surrounded by a heap of fallen debris. This southernmost pyramid was begun by Snefru’s predecessor at the close of Dynasty III. Named Huni, this pharaoh was the Egyptian dynastic version of SargonNimrod. As sequential counterpart to Agade, the location at Meidum matched Sargon’s Akkadian capital in Mesopotamia. Coincidentally the tower-like appearance of the pyramid at Meidum serves to remind us of the Tower of Babel, a name directly linked to Nimrod in Genesis 10:10: (See Meidum Pyramid. --- www.worldmysteries.com copied October 14, 2008) By referring to a particular Sumerian city with a pyramid design, each of the primary eight pyramids indexes a founder and his or her linguistic protoplast. However we have not yet defined what Noah’s family regarded as a protoplast at its inception. How many human beings in what genealogical order was considered definitive for a linguistic stock at its beginning? The answer lies in a comparison of the genealogy of Dynasty IV with the Great Ennead below its unnatural beginning with Atum Re alone: Snefru and Durga Khufu and wife Khafre and wife Djedefre and wife Shu and Tefnut Geb and Nut Osiris and Isis Seth and Nephthys The formula in each case is an initial couple followed by a son and wife and two grandsons and their wives. We can immediately apply this formula to the origin of the Austronesian linguistic stock: Noah and Kali Riphath and Arvad Ganesa and wife Kartikkeya and wife In this case I switch over to Indian names in order to include Ganesa’s brother, the war god Kartikkeya-Skanda, who fails to appear in Genesis 10 where Ganesa is known as Cush’s vassal Sabtah. The Indian names of Riphath and Arvad are Shiva and Parvati. The individual Indian names of Noah and Kali, without 365 genealogical alignment are Indra and and the given Kali (biblical Ophir). Three times we observe the same monogenetic, pyramidal structure of a primary couple followed by a son and two grandsons. I take that pattern to be the paradigm of a Noahic linguistic stock at its beginning. We will probe the evidence for its occurrence in all eight cases. I take the genealogy of Egyptian Dynasty IV to be the original core of the Hamitic linguistic stock, hence the symbolism of Khafre’s Sphinx image. The strong bias toward the Caucasoid race in this family confirms that Japheth, as a son of Uma, was somehow related to the Hamitic language in antediluvian times and sought to combine both the race and language in the postdiluvian stock. In order to create the postdiluvian Hamitic stock, Japheth labored to teach the Hamitic language to Gomer, Madai and Javan from the time of their births. Whether he also taught it to Gomer’s mother Durga is less certain. The portrait statues of Khafre, Djedefre and Menkaure celebrate his eugenic handiwork in this respect. Curiously the Great Ennead is presented as though it conformed to the paradigm without actually doing so. We have considered many alternative explanations of the meaning of this artificial, political structure. Now it comes to focus as never before. It is designed to look like a protoplast because it actually became one by political design. The theory runs as follows. In 2178, as dynastic Egypt was coming into existence, the anarchic and chaotic Amerindian linguistic stock lost the fourth of a series of battles dating back to the Uruk-Aratta war. The Great Ennead was designed both to expel the Amerindians from the world community and to index its member divisions. The expulsion took the form of a final colonization process in such a distant part of the world that East Indian tradition records it as Vishnu’s “invisible” stride. The Amerindian correlatives of the Great Ennead can be outlined as follows: Great Ennead: Amerindian Division: Rationale: Atum Re-Japheth Iroquoians Malsumis, brother of Glooskap, regional complement to Algonquians Shu-Ham Dakotans Sioux Tefnut Mayans source in Mahadevi Geb-Noah Algonquians Glooskap Nut-Inanna Muskhogeans Inanna of Uruk regime Osiris-Riphath Amazonians Amazonian Tamula Isis-Arvad Andeans regional complement to Amazonians Seth-Shem Uto-Aztecans Aztec Tlaloc, regional complement to Yumans Nephthys Yumans Naphtuh-Hamath, daughter of Uma Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The Algonquian “brothers” Glooskap and Maslum or Malsumis represent Noah and Japheth in their context as Lehab (Lukap) and Masluh of the Mizraim clan. This clan served to guide the West African colonization as point of departure for the Amerindian. The relationship between the Libyans and Massylians of North Africa has always figured as a point of departure for Glooskap-Maslum tradition of North America. The identity of Tefnut the Lioness remains a mystery but this name serves to index black Africa according to the second function of the Ennead as index for the linguistic world of 2178. In that world the primary diluvian ogdoad expands to an ennead owing to a distinction between the Altaics and Uralics. This second function of the Great Ennead attaches importance to the sibling marital relationship among the four couples below Atum Re. For example the Seth-Nephthys couple of Shem and his full sister wife Hamath—Bal and Anath of Ugarit— indexes the Indo-Europeans and racially and regionally kindred Uralics. In this respect the regional intermingling of Aryan BaltoSlavs and Uralics in Sarmatia-Russia speaks for itself. The analogous couple Osiris and Isis— Indian Shiva and Parvati— represents the similarly intermingled SinoTibetans and Austronesians as living together in Southeast Asia. Although Riphath’s genetic contribution to the Sino-Tibetans is doubtful, the ancient tribal name “Seres” of Issedon-Serica suggests Osiris’ name in original Egyptian form Asir. As complementary sister-wife Isis-Parvati accounts for the Austronesians. The intermediate Austroasiatics of Southeast Asia arise from the couple considered as such. In this larger meaning of the Great Ennead Atum-Re-Japheth stands alone as representative of his people, the Egyptian Hamites. If we take Tefnut to be an Ennead version of Kali (distinct from Bastet), she indexes black Africa. Once the Amerindians are expelled from the ogdoad, the resultant set of linguistic stocks expands from seven to nine by counting the Altaics and Uralics as separate and the white Hamites and black Africans likewise. By this reckoning the couple Shu and Tefnut emerges as Ham and Kali, parents of Cush, the traditional patriarch of black Africa. The couple Geb and Nut— Noah and Inanna— index the Altaic and Sumerian stocks respectively. We have always considered Noah to be the central patriarch of the Altaic tradition as Kudai Bai Ülgön. Inanna represents the Sumerians as chief goddess of Uruk, capital of the Eanna regime. A close tie between the Sumerians and Altaics is implied by the Altaic adoption of the name An for the heaven god, the adoption of the Sumerian word dingir as Tengere for the same heaven god and mythological references to “Sumerla” at the center of the world. Once again this explanation of the Great Ennead represents the linguistic disposition of the world following the Battle of the Orontes in 2178. The only other chronological setting would be the close of the Uruk-Aratta war in 2296 when the 367 Amerindians were already stigmatized as the people of fallen Tiamat. The distinction between Altaics and Uralics already applied then to the aftermath of the Ural-Altaic war when the Altaics were treated separately as the Bull Gugalanna and exiled to Arabia. The Uralics remained in the north to become the correlative “Minotaur” at Crete during or after the Aegean war beginning in 2233. In any case the Amerindians were treated separately from all other peoples by the time of their final defeat in 2178. For the sake of clarity, we should tabulate the wider meaning of the Great Ennead for contrast to the narrower application to the Amerindians as tabulated above: Great Ennead: Atum Re-Japheth Shu-Ham Tefnut-Kali Geb-Noah Nut-Inanna Osiris-Riphath Isis-Arvad World Division: White Hamites Semites Black Africans Altaics Sumerians Sino-Tibetans Austronesians Seth-Shem Nephthys-Hamath Indo-Europeans Uralics Rationale: Japheth’s personal stock Ham’s personal stock parents of Cush Kudai Bai Ülgön goddess of Uruk Seres of Serica wife of Riphath-Olifat, intermingling of Austroasiatics Brahma the Originator intermingling in Sarmatia To return to the indexing symbolism of the major pyramids, the set of these constructions expanded from eight to eleven in the reigns of three pharaohs of Dynasty V: Sahure, Neferirkare Kakai and Nyuserre Ini. The memorializing goal of the pyramid builders faced a challenge in realizing that two of the clans— Javanites and Hamites— had been wiped out by Narmer in 2181. KAIS suggests that one of these clans, the Hamites, reigned in Egypt in Dynasty I just prior to their murders. The other, the four Javanites, had reigned in the late pre-dynastic period before 2188. Our present view is that, whatever the activities of the sons of Ham in the years prior to their premature deaths, they never reached the throne of Dynasty I. That dynasty was made up of rulers from the Cushite clan of Genesis 10:7-8. At first Egyptian names appear as isolated and non-cognate as Chinese; but cognates turn up both in the Egyptian pantheon and the dynastic king lists. A case can be made that the six rulers of Dynasty I below Narmer and Aha-Menes belong to the Cushite clan of Genesis 10:7. Dynasty I: Djer Djet Den Anedjib Cushite Clan: Seba Havilah Dedan Sheba Pantheon: Osiris Zehuti (Thoth) Nun Atum Re Other: Adamu (Riphath) Ham Didanu (Noah) Zuabu (Japheth) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Semerkhet Qaa Raamah Sabtah Seth Sopdu Shem (Sumu-Sumer) Ganesa (Ganed) A subtle detail of Egyptian culture confirms our view that Dynasty I is to the Cushite clan what Dynasty II is to the Canaanite clan. Simpson carefully explains that the kings of Dynasty I appear with the falcon image signifying worship of the god Horus and the belief that each king is an incarnation of Horus. In Dynasty II Horus worship is gradually replaced by worship of Seth with the name of the fourth of five rulers marked with the image of the Seth animal, a quadruped with long legs and upright tail and ears. Simpson refers to Horus as both a nephew and brother to Seth. My understanding of that equivocation is that there were two gods named Horus— Horus the Elder, Seth’s brother as a son of Geb and Nut and Horus the younger, son of Osiris and Isis and therefore Seth’s nephew. Simpson apparently believes that there was only one Horus, mysteriously both nephew and brother to Seth. As a son of Osiris and Isis, Horus the Younger matches Shiva and Parvati’s son, the Indian god Ganesa and Cush’s vassal Sabtah. The importance of Sabtah is that he is the only member of the Cushite clan not to reappear under different lordships elsewhere in Genesis 10. Consequently this one figure serves to typify the Cushite clan as the other seven vassals do not. In an earlier, pre-dynastic stage of Egyptian history, Sabtah appears in the pantheon under the cognate name Sopdu, a god of Lower Egypt guarding the land against foreign invaders. His separate identity as Horus the Younger is owing to the formation of the Great Ennead at the time when the Amerindians were being expelled from Syria and Africa. The Horus sign, therefore, refers to the Cushite clan proper to Dynasty I. As a bird the falcon conforms to the universal avian symbol of the Semitic Enlilship. Cush not only claimed that distinction as euhemeristic Enlil of his mother Kali’s Nippur but was largely responsible for the Semitic-speaking Amorite dynasty as suggested by the rather close conformity of that dynasty to members of the Cushite clan. As a son of Cush, Nimrod- Sargon founded the Akkadian dynasty as an expression of the East Semitic linguistic stock. Narmer and Aha-Menes, despite their Hamitic context in Egypt, belonged to Sargon’s family and dynasty. It is quite possible that Horus-Sabtah (Egyptian Har) shared in the Amorite dynasty of the eleventh era under the name Harsu Why, then, did Dynasty II turn to the Seth animal? An analysis of this dynasty bristles with theocratic insight. It begins and ends with rulers bearing names based on variations of the same idea— Hotepsekhemwy, “The Two Great Ones Are Pleased,” and Khasekhemwy, “The Two Great Ones Are Satisfied.” The “two great ones” undoubtedly represent Horus and Seth. Instead of mere euhemeristic names of Sabtah and Raamah-Shem, these names refer to the Enlilship and Ishkurship, originally the two names of God given in the parallel creation accounts of early Genesis. As embodied in the Semitic and Indo-European stocks these names represent the dual 369 possession of these stocks granted to Shem by Noah’s curse-blessing as depicted in the two stags of the Hirshnatur Panel of the Gundestrup Caldron. These two names imply a reconciliation of the cults of Enlil and Ishkur. That is exactly what happens in the hieroglyphic title of Khasekhemwy showing both the Horus falcon and Seth animal in a single name sign. This theme of reconciliation explains why the original creators of the two stocks— Ham and Shem— appear together in the Guti dynasty as the “father” Hablum-Havilah-Ham and Puzur SinRaamah-Shem and again as Bera and Melchizedek of the Amorite realm at the time of the Abrahamic war. Simpson explains that the Seth animal was first adopted by the fourth ruler of the dynasty, Peribsen— a clue to his Noahic identity. This adoption implies a conversion of sorts from the Semitic Enlilship to the Indo-European Ishkurship. Another ruler of the dynasty Reneb (or Nebre) adopts a name meaning “Re Is My Lord,” in reference to a third theocratic principle, Japheth’s solar-Hamitic cult of Utu-Shamash-Re, equivalent to Hebrew worship of God as Yahweh Sabaoth, “Lord God of Hosts.” If Hotepsekhemwy identifies with Shem at the start of the dynasty, Khasekhemwy holds the key to this revival of Semitic-Indo-European unity under the reconciling power of the Hamitic stock. Contrary to all precedent, Khasekhemwy adopted both the Horus falcon and Seth animal for his insignia. After Shem lost the Semitic Enlilship to Nimrod in 2244, the patriarch best suited to reunite them was Shem’s third heir Eber, the head of Shem’s Genesis vassals under the name Elam. This special opportunity lay in his two sons Peleg and Joktan. Peleg looms particularly large in the Indo-European world as Celtic Cernunnus, Teutonic Frey, Hellenic Hephaestus, Roman Vulcan, Baltic Perkuna, Hittite-Hurrian Tessub and Iranian Zohak, the first of all kings. His brother Joktan is synonymous with the Semitic stock as lord of both Arameans and Joktanites. That dyad of Peleg and Joktan explains Khasekhemwy’s dual insignia and identifies him as Eber. On the other hand, Dynasty II is devoted to the Canaanite clan. At this point we emend a longstanding error in the identification of two patriarchs in the central section of the Canaanite list. This correction will be incorporated as far back as we can reach in work done since the publication of KAIS. The Canaanites Girgash and Ark are not Ham and Gether but Eber and Ashkenaz. If I had paid closer attention to cognates, Girgash would have been identified long before now as Eber. The name “Girgash” is simply a condensed, Hebrew version of Gilgamesh, the chief Sumerian version of Eber. The name “Ark” refers to Argandea, the Sumerian name of Ashkenaz as a ruler of the Sumerian Dynasty III period. Hellenic tradition identifies this version of Ashkenaz as Shem-Zeus’ “son” Arcas, eponym of Arcadia, and complement to Ashkenaz as Pelasgus, the “Seafarer,” actual son of Inachus-Noah. As a “son” Shem, Ashkenaz is the first to adopt the Seth animal as King Peribsen of Dynasty II. The remaining two unidentified kings of this dynasty are Reneb and Nynetjer. Reneb identifies with the Hamite solar principle of Japheth-Atum Re. Logically this king is Amor-Riphath, sub-vassal of Japheth’s son Gomer-Khufu, the Slavic sun god Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Dazhbog. Process of elimination identifies Nynetjer with Heth. I have no Egyptian etymology for this name. Because the name reads “Nynetsher” there is a remote possibility that it is cognate with Sumerian “Nanshe” in Heth’s classic Sumerian name Ur Nanshe in the ninth era. Simpson shows some relative chronological data for the reign of Nynetjer. The artifact, known as the Palermo Stone, contains a date-formula for religious rituals in successive years marked, “Year X + 5, Year X + 6, Year X + 7, Year X + 8.” this sequence of four years exceeds the two years our system assigns to Nynetjer as distinct from the other four rulers. These reigns, however, are clearly cooperative. The succession indicated by the Palermo Stone refers to the dynastic decade as a whole. The sequence begins five years after 2168 in 2163: 2163. Horus worship, 5th occasion of counting. 2162. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt, 2nd occasion of the Sokar festival. 2161. Horus worship, 6th occasion of counting. 2160. 1st occurrence of the worship of Horus-of-the-sky, settlement of the town of Shem-Re and North-house. In a footnote Simpson disputes, in effect, our view that the dates refer to the whole dynastic period: “The ordinal notations refer only to the particular reign.” Of course Simpson’s entire chronological perspective is totally different from ours. Dynasty II can be outlined as follows: Years: 2168-2166 2166-2164 King: Hotepsekhemwy Reneb 2164-2162 2162-2160 2160-2158 Nynetjer Peribsen Khasekhemwy Canaanite: Rationale: Jebus (Shem) one of two antediluvians Amor (Riphath) sub-vassal of Japheth-Atum Re, vassal of Dazhbog Heth possible cognate to Ur Nanshe Ark (Ashkenaz) adoption of Seth name Girgash (Eber) Gilgamesh, Shem’s third vassal Simpson’s opening remarks on the god-king principle of these reigns shows how clearly the dynastic Egyptian establishment adhered to the original premises of the Noahic theocracy based on an imperial plurality of the names of God: “In the Pyramid Age the Egyptian world was administered by a king who was also a god. It is perhaps difficult for us to understand the concept of a god-king, but there can be no question as to the evidence. The term nuter, or natar, used to designate, is also applied to the King. He is called “the good god” (“good” also 371 perfect or complete), while a real god is designated as “the great god” (The Ancient Near East, 216). It is by no means difficult for me to understand the concept of a god-king. In the word nuter Simpson gives us the Hamitic counterpart to Sumerian dingir. As for perfection or completeness, that concept stands in stark contrast to the half-myopic concept of progress in the modern world. The lack of a concept of perfection alone has made it impossible for secular scholars to interpret what the human race became over the second half of the third millennium BCE. Democracy, the progress ideal and a sentimental response to the uniqueness of uncreated God have rendered Noahic reality invisible to modern minds. Dynasties I and II were located at Thinis in Upper Egypt at a time when the first pyramid had not yet been built. The late pre-dynastic Javanite regime had been located at Abydos near Thinis. It was in Upper Egypt that the Akkadians Manishtushu and Narmer approached the Nile from the Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea and Red Sea. It was here that the enmpire made use of the second half of the Hamitic linguistic stock to crush opposition in Narmer’s invasion of Lower Egypt in 2181, seven years after the beginning of the Proto-Dynastic period in 2188. The Seth-Horus dyad associated Seth with Upper Egypt and Horus with Lower Egypt. The reason is obvious. The two Akkadians were Serug and Nahor, the sixth and seventh heirs of Shem (Seth of the Great Ennead). As for Sabtah-Horus, he entered the pantheon under the separate identity of the god Sopdu, a guardian of Lower Egypt. The Two Egypts were distinguished in heraldic terms by the adoption of banners of contrasting colors— the white banner of Upper Egypt and red banner of Lower Egypt. That distinction derived from the red and white antediluvian matriarchs Mahadevi and and Uma, known to the Egyptian pantheon as Wazet-Buto and Nekhebet. The red polarity of Lower Egypt explains why the Amerindian protoplast tried so desperately in 2181 to seize the Lower Nile for themselves. They assumed that the location of Wazet’s cult center of Buto in the Delta authorized them to make that location their permanent homeland. Another memorializing dimension of the Egyptian establishment is the fortytwo nomes or districts of the Nile, twenty-two in Upper Egypt and twenty in Lower Egypt. My speculations on the nomes have been too facile before now. Interpreting the subject correctly requires a strictly objective and conclusive explanation of the sets of twenty-two and twenty. Once we focus on the equations among Seth, Shem and Upper Egypt, the set of twenty-two is logically clear. The greater Shemite section of Genesis 10 contains exactly twenty-two names: five Shemites, four Aramaeans and thirteen Joktanites apart from the clanless heirs Arphaxad I, Shelah, Eber and Peleg in Genesis 10:24-25 If this total deviated by a single name from twenty-two, our logic would be too equivocal to contribute anything to historical reconstruction. The total of twenty nomes in Lower Egypt is transparent and unequivocal. These twenty are a sum of Japheth’s fourteen vassals and the six sons of Ham including the two sons not listed in Genesis 10:6 but who both died along with their Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations brothers and the four Javanites in 2181. The ten victims by this account constituted half of the “nome quota” of ten. The implication is that the nome system was constructed in setting up Proto-Dynastic Egypt between 2188 and 2181, even if it drew on earlier precedents. Simpson claims that the nomes of Upper Egypt were defined by the opening of the dynastic period and those of the Lower Nile soon after. I take that to mean that the nome system conformed to a political scheme and that half the “nome quota” of ten Noahic elite was murdered in an effort to shift the full balance of power to the Akkadian regime in Upper Egypt. Placing blame for the massacre of 2181 is difficult because it is possible that the ten victims were guilty of conspiring with the Amerindians to dispossess the Hamites of their just place on the Nile. Whatever the full story, the political motivation for the massacre seems clear enough. The two Akkadians exalted themselves by eliminating ten adversaries in Lower Egypt. If they had not done so, the Two Egypts might never have been united, at least in the 22nd century. Dynasty III includes only five rulers. All four belong to the surviving members of the Inanna Succession above the two Akkadians: Sanakhte-Sidon, Djoser-Shelah, Semerkhet-Eber and Huni-Reu-Nimrod. In this sense the dynasty completes Shem’s imperial line as complement to the first two rulers of Dynasty I. As a genealogical group, these Dynasty III rulers resemble the Eanna sequence of Lugalbanda-Shelah, Gilgamesh-Eber, Ur-lugal-Peleg and Utul-kalamma-Reu except that Peleg is now dead. Beyond question the Egyptians were attempting to perfect what remained of the Noahic world order. Like the church at Sardes they sought to “strengthen the things that remain that are about to die.” That perspective helps to explain the cult of the pyramid tombs begun by Djoser in this period. Four of the five kings of Dynasty III belong to the Shemite pentad— DjoserArphaxad II, Semerkhet-Elam, Khaba-Aram and Huni-Asshur. In view of PelegLud’s death it appears likely that Sanakhte enrolled as Peleg’s substitute in this clan. Confirmation comes from a comparison of Sidon’s Teutonic name Loki and a people, the Lycians, living in the Mount Ak region of Asia Minor east of Rhodes and south of Peleg’s Ludu-Lydia in the period of the Babylonian Empire as shown in the Oxford Bible Atlas. The position of Lycia complements Sidon’s presence throughout the eastern Mediterranean by means of his Javanite family, ports named Sidon both in Phoenicia and Crete and Sidon-Ptah’s claim to Crete in Egyptian mythology. The four rulers divided the decade from 2158 to 2148. It was in this period that Djoser’s Step Pyramid was at least begun at Sakkara as the establishment shifted northward into Lower Egypt. Simpson surmises that the capital of Egypt now lay at Memphis on the west bank of the Nile near Sakkara. All of the pyramids were built on the west bank in order to associate the setting sun with the funereal theme of the pyramid tombs. Simpson attaches the name Horus to the names of Djoser (Horus Neterirykhet), Sekhemkhet and another king he adds to Dynasty III— Horus Khaba. 373 All this attention to Horus rather than Seth might appear to contradict our view that that Dynasty III focuses on the Shemite clan of Genesis 10:22 but is owing to the geographical shift to Lower Egypt, the land of Horus. Also we have emphasized that Joktan-Aram strongly aligned himself to the Semitic stock. The earlier preoccupation with Horus names in Dynasty I was owing to the correlation of that dynasty with the Cushite clan and its distinguishing member Sabtah-Horus-Harsu of the Amorites. Two members of Dynasty III were also Amorite kings, Djoser-Shelah as Belu and Huni-Nimrod as Iangi. The name Huni figures as a transparent cognate to Guni or Kuni that Waddell assigns to East Semittic Sargon as his personal name without title. For some reason the internet source www.eyelid.co.uk omits Khaba from the dynasty; but Joktan-Aram’s presence makes good sense. Simpson, in his section on Dynasty III, adds, “Djoser and Semerkhet built step pyramids at Sakkara, and a layer pyramid slightly to the north is assigned to Khaba. To Huni is assigned the step pyramid, later converted to a true pyramid, at Medum. It was completed by Snefru, the founder of Dyn. 4, and it is logical to consider it the pyramid of his predecessor if not one of his own. Two unexcavated pyramid complexes of the general period are visible in the aerial photographs of Sakkara. They may belong to additional kings, one of whom may be Sanakhte” (218). In other words the entire Dynasty III turned to pyramid building. That fact tells us something about the imperial heirs of Shem and the symbolic logic of pyramid-building. The Egyptian establishment involved a compromise between the nationalistic goals of the Hamitic linguistic stock on the Nile and the imperialistic heritage of Noah’s family. The imperial perspective resided in Shem’s heirs of the Inanna Succession. That group of heirs came to focus in Dynasty III; and that dynasty initiated pyramid building. Therefore pyramid building emerges as an effort to eternize Noahic imperialism with architectural grandeur. Japheth’s Dynasty IV created the great pyramids that appear to index the archetypal cities of Sumer; but that initiative was set in motion by Shem’s heirs in Dynasty III. The same format used in presenting Dynasty II can be applied to Dynasty III: Years: 2158-2156 2156-2154 2154-2152 2152-2150 2150-2148 King: Sanakhte Djoser Sekhemkhet Khaba Huni Imperial Shemite: Rationale: Sidon Poseidon, Ptah, Izanagi, Ka-ap, Loki Shelah (Arphaxad II) son of Sidon Eber (Elam) son of Shelah Joktan (Aram) successor of Sekhemkhet Reu-Nimrod (Asshur) successor to Sekhemkhet We have seen that the biblical Reu’s death in 2148 dates the death of Huni as the Egyptian cognate of Sargon-Reu’s essential name Guni or Kuni. An irony arises from the way the pyramid at Meidum was taken up and finished by Snefru-Japheth, the founder of Dynasty IV. Some evidence exists that young Reu-Nimrod disgraced Japheth at the Tower of Babel scene around 2340 just as he humiliated Shem in 2244. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Now Japheth had the satisfaction of taking up Nimrod’s legitimate pyramid at Meidum in the year that this old enemy died. Simpson assigns six rulers to Dynasty IV. Depending on the identity of the final ruler Shepseskaf, all six were Japhethites. A Wikipedia article on Shepseskaf interprets him as a son of Menkaure. If true this identity carries the genealogy of Snefru-Japheth down to his fourth generation: Khufu-Gomer, Khafre-Madai, Menkaure-Arurim and Shepseskaf. If we compare these generations to the Inanna Succession, Ham’s fourth generation through Canaan, Sidon and Shelah places Eber in the same relative generation as Japheth’s great-great-grandson Shepseskaf. We have seen that Eber and his son Joktan had just served as Egyptian kings in Dynasty III between 2154 and 2150. There was so much pyramid building activity among the kings of Dynasty IV that most of these reigns should be conceived as more or less contemporary as pyramid projects required various periods of time. Still we can extrapolate the six kings over the decade from 2148 to 2138: Years: 2148-2146 King: Snefru Japhethite: Japheth Rehotep son of Snefru Egyptian race Magog son of Japheth and Mahadevi Rationale: distinctive broad shouldered build at the genetic foundation of the A portrait of this son of Snefru and wife presses the convention of painting males red to symbolize Magog’s sonhood to the Red Matriarch. It also gives Rehotep lower cheekbones and a narrower face than the rest of the family in keeping with Mahadevi’s facial type. (See Prince Rehotep and Wife Nofret- Magog son of Japheth and Mahadevi www.acccd.edu copied October 18, 2008) 2146-2145 2145-2143 2143-2142 Khufu Gomer son of The portrait statue on page 351 son of Japheth and Durga above shows Durga’s Asian Snefru influence. Djedefre Javan son of Welsh Bran son of Llyr son of Gomer Khufu Khafre Madai son of Welsh Manawyddan son of son of Gomer Llyr 375 2142-2140 2140-2138 Khufu Menkaure son of Khafre Shepseskaf Arurim son of Madai (Mashda) dynastic context dynastic context The statue portraits at Snefru’s Memphis including a brilliant one of Menkaure not shown here make the tight genetic texture of this dynasty an ideal revelation of one of the chief families arising from Noah’s immediately after the Flood. All of the portraits look youthful because that was the genetic character of this family. The Persian legend of Yima Kshaeta testifies to this reality, and the Dynasty IV portraits illustrate it. Each of the first four dynasties concentrates on a single Genesis 10 clan: Cushites, Canaanites, Shemites and Japhethites. There are two possible approaches to the remaining two Dynasties V and VI. We can either make something of the remaining individual patriarchs not appearing in I through IV; or we can seek to correlate V and VI with two more clans. In one individual case, Sahure of Dynasty V displays moderately Negroid features in a portrait statue: (See Sahure and Nome God (Close-up of Sahure) Hul son of Shem and Kali. [Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York City Photographer: Keith Schengili-Roberts www.commons.wikimedia.org copied October 20, 2008] The one remaining Genesis 10 patriarch with a substantially Negroid character at this point is Shem’s son Hul of the Aramaean clan. Although Dynasty VI includes nine rulers, it can be built around the four of Genesis 10:23 if five members are found to be sons and grandsons unlisted in Genesis analogous to Menkaure and Shepseskaf of Dynasty IV. That happens to be the case. The entire clan is structured around the progenitor Userkaf, who forms a strong parallel to Snefru of IV and with good reason. Userkaf is Japheth’s antediluvian full brother Shem, reappearing to introducing his own genetic family in the same way that Snefru-Japheth reappears to introduce his. [See Userkaf Shem at age 478 in 2138. --- www.rayandjuliesegypt.co.uk copied October 23, 2008] As given by Egyptian tradition, Dynasty V is built around a single male line: Userkaf and two sons Sahure and Neferirkare Kakai; Shepseskare son of Sahure; Neferirkare Kakai’s two sons Neferefre and Nyuserre Ini; and the unaligned rulers Menkauhor Kaiu, Djedkare Isesi and Unas. If we assume all four members of Genesis 10:23 are Shem’s immediate sons, the three grandsons cannot be identified with any of them; and those four sons must be identified as some combination of Sahure and Nefirirkare Kakai and two of the three rulers whose father is not stated. Sahure’s Negroid character has identified him with Hul in this hypothetical context. Neferirkare Kakai and two of the last three rulers in the dynasty must provide Egyptian identities for Uz, Gether and Mash. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Two of final three kings offer transparent cognates to Shem’s sons Gether and Uz. Simpson reads Menkauhor’s personal name as Akauhor rather than Kaiu. If the terminal r is added to Kaiu, the resultant “Kaiur” matches the Sumerian form of Gether’s name, Gaur. Simpson’s reading also calls to mind the Hellenic form of this patriarch’s name: A g a th y r s (os) A k a u hor The final king Unas is sometimes read Unis and matches Sumerian Unzi, a ruler of the Sumerian Dynasty III period at Akshak. In the Sumerian kinglist, this ruler is assigned 30 years as though he dominated Akshak throughout the ninth era, 2278-2248, when Shem was still in favor in Mesopotamia prior to his humiliation as Lugalzaggesi. Unzi-Unis-Unas makes sense as Shem’s son Uz. Egyptian Dynasty V can be outlined according to our standard format as follows: Year: 2137 2136 King: Userkaf Sahure Hebrew: Shem Hul 2335 2334 2333 2332 2331 Neferirkare Kakai Shepseskare Isi Neferefre Nyuserre Ini Menkauhor Kaiu [Akauhor] Djedkare Isesi Unas [Unis] Mash unlisted unlisted unlisted Gether 2330 2329 unidentified Uz Rationale: parallel to Japheth-Snefru Negroid features as son of Kali and Shem process of elimination son of Sahure son of Neferirkare Kakai son of Neferirkare Kakai]\ cognates to Gaur and Agathyrsos no parentage given match to Unzi of Akshak Simpson offers a point of departure for Dynasty V by narrating a legend in which a magician in the time of Khufu prophesies the future advent of three kings born as triplets to the wife of a priest of Re. The three rulers are assigned names intended to represent the first three rulers of Dynasty V— Userkaf, Sahure and Nefirkare Kakai. Simpson describes the names given in the legend as “puns” on those three names, making this legend an instance of the principle of punning essential to understanding certain matches operative throughout our study. These puns extend the range of cognate matches in cases where names appear to be nothing but prohibitive epithets tied up exclusively in their own cultures in keeping with the Nativist philosophy. In the case of Egypt, however, many of the names such as 377 Hotepsekhemwy are self-contained Egyptian forms without any conceivable cognate relationship to matching names in other languages. We are striving for as many Genesis 10 identities as we can among rulers of the Old Kingdom because that is what to expect from clear evidence that Egyptians of that age thought purely in terms of Noahic theocracy replete with god-kings, the Ka sign, solar worship, the pyramid symbol, a tradition of the eight survivors of the Flood in the Ogdoad of Hermopolis and distinctions among dynasties analogous to if not identical with the clans of Genesis. The Nativist approach to Egypt must attempt to isolate all of this evidence from anything related to biblical monogenesis and would have us believe that all those peculiar, non-cognate, Egyptian-epithet names can have nothing to do either with Mesopotamia or the Bible. The Nativists must strive to preserve the biblical name “Mizraim” as Hebrew jargon adopted long after the fact on the basis of whatever second or third millennium knowledge Hebrews possessed of Egypt from concrete experience. To that end they must cling to the traditional chronological scheme in which Simpson tells us that Dynasty I lasts 210 years; II, 204 years; III, 73 years; IV, 119 years; V, 149 years; and VI, 264 years. Simpson’s chronology comes down to our period in the 22nd century through two vaguely defined dynasties VII and VIII, consisting of rulers too obscure to name and summed up as “about nine kings” and “about six kings” respectively. These two dynasties are tacked on to the close of the Old Kingdom as a kind of Nativist buffer zone. Dynasties IX and X are given four main kings and dated ca. 2160-2040. It is overlapped by “Preconquest Dynasty XI” from ca. 2133-2040; and three more kings of the same dynasty carry the chronology down to 1991, four years before the death of Eber in our chronology. We offer a lightning swift alternative in which the Old Kingdom predecessors of those vaguely defined Dynasties VII-XI are preceded by a large fraction of the Noahic elite of Genesis 10 at their sudden advent among the white Hamites of the Nile. A stone vessel from Userkaf’s mortuary temple has been found on the island of Kythera south of Peleponnesus in the direction of Crete, the “Egyptian island” with the Caphtorim and Philistim of the Mizraim clan. Our identification of Userkaf with Shem instantly calls attention to Shem-Zeus’ presence in the Aegean war and to Euhemeros’ claim to have found and an inscription by Zeus and Cronos on Crete. That island at the southern edge of the Aegean belongs to the sphere of Egypt in three ways: the presence of the Caphtorim and Philistim there, Ptah’s claim over the island and Userkaf’s artifact on nearby Kythera. In reverse logical order the location of the artifact strengthens the Userkaf-Shem identification to the extent that we accept Shem’s identification with Zeus and the concept of the Aegean war. In analyzing the Aegean war, we did not bring Kythera into the picture; but it serves as an intermediate point between Crete and the Greek mainland both of which figure in the analysis. Nearly a century intervened between the Aegean war after 2233 and Userkaf’s reign at Memphis after 2138. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Racial portraiture can be applied to Neferirkare Kakai indirectly to determine whether his race is consistent with his identity as Mash-Math, son of Shem-Bal-Seth and his sister-wife Anath-Hamath-Nephthys. There is no portrait of this ruler but one of his sons Neferefre as a fat-cheeked, boyish figure: (See Pharaoh Neferefr. --www.narmer.pl copied October 20, 2008) An ephemeral king believed to have reigned only a few months, Shepseskare shares with Shepseskaf of Dynasty IV a throne name containing the Egyptian word shepses meaning “noble.” The earlier name means “His Ka is Noble”; the later one, “Re’s Ka is Noble.” The Ka means the divine endowment to reign; and the various throne names suggest predications of that power as though it differed from one king to another. The emphatic bias toward the Re cult in Dynasty V contrasts with the Horus and Seth cults of Dynasty I and reflects the genetic bias of Dynasty IV toward the family of Japheth-Atum Re, father of the solar Egyptian race. The heavy emphasis on Re in the regal names of Dynasty V reflects the effort by these rulers to carry on the tradition of Dynasty IV. Japheth’s own name in Hebrew is based on a word meaning “beautiful” similar in meaning to Egyptian nefer appearing in some of these names and similar in connotation to shepses. The predication “shepses” carries an implication of its own, allied to the Re cultus but related to it. The image of Japheth in the Mutilated Envoi panel of the Gundestrup Caldron clearly aims at an impression of aristocratic nobility as though to exploit his Caucasoid race. Any doubts that Caucasoids sought for this distinction are dispelled by the term “Arya” applied by Satem Indo-Europeans to their own characteristically Caucasoid race. The application of an Egyptian name with a similar meaning suggests that the ephemeral Shepseskare was a son Mash-Neferirkare Kakai rather than the comparatively Negroid Sahure. Or if Shepseskare was Sahure’s son as suggested, the name may have been an attempt to refute any suggestion that HulSahure was less noble than his brothers. The last Dynasty IV ruler Shepseskaf has been identified as a grandson of Madai through Menkaure-Arurim. In the First Kish dynasty, Madai receives the name Mashda as though to associate Japheth’s white grandson with Shem’s white son Mash. Logically Shepseskaf took this name to connote the genetic influence of Madai; and Shepseskare took a similar name to identify himself with Mash. Ugaritic mythology refers to Mash as Math, a name that also appears in the same Welsh tradition that identifies Mizraim (Min) as Mynogan, Gomer (Khufu) as Llyr and Javan (Djedkare) as Bran. Simpson claims that in the period of Dynasty VI the frequency of cattle censuses increased from biennial to annual. These cattle counts pose a formidable challenge to our concept of Egyptian chronology and, indeed, to the entire chronological fabric of this study. If biennial cattle counts occurred throughout all the reigns of the first five dynasties, they would go a long way to confirm the 919 years 379 Simpson attributes to Old Kingdom history in radical contrast to the brief 60 years we propose. As immediate response to this challenge we can turn to Simpson’s own account of the brevity of reigns throughout Dynasties VII and VIII: “Yet the land of Egypt continued to be ruled from Memphis during the eight years assigned to the nine kings of Dyn. 7 and the approximately thirteen years during which six kings of Dyn. 8 attempted to carry on the tradition of the great pyramid-builders” (229). The passage attributes a period of just twenty-one years to two successive Old Kingdom dynasties, virtually identical to our decade module for each Old Kingdom dynasty. Simpson offers no explanation for why the terms of the kings in the seventh and eighth dynasties should have become so brief. These reigns demonstrate that such brief reigns were not unknown to Old Kingdom culture. In Simpson’s survey of Egyptian history, other questions remain unanswered. How many of these cattle counts are recorded? What happened to them in the period of Dynasties VII and VIII? What is the proof that the cattle counts were first biennial and then annual in the period of Dynasty VI in introducing the topic of cattle censuses, Simpson admits that they came “later” in Old Kingdom history but without specifying how much later: “But the Egyptians, with their ahistorical world view, had no concept of a continuous era. In the first dynasties the years were given names such as “the year of erecting the Min Temple.” Later, in the Old Kingdom, a cattle census, taken every other year, formed the basis for a system of dating” (191). Evidently the Egyptians possessed a term for a year and applied this term to successive cattle censuses within individual reigns occurring successively in each dynastic period. That is where the chief challenge to our chronology lies. To cattle censuses can be added the scale of pyramid-building projects plausibly requiring many years for their accomplishment. These are the factors that stand up in apparent contradiction to the chronology of Genesis 11. Kingship at Its Source attempts to answer this challenge with the concept of deliberate fabrication owing to the personal influence of the mystic Sidon, known to the pantheon as the god Ptah. Sidon reigns as Sanakhte at the start of Dynasty III when the Old Kingdom moved from Abydos in Upper Egypt to Memphis and turned its attention to pyramid-building in the reign of Sanakhte’s son and successor DjoserShelah. One wonders whether Simpson’s term “later” for the advent of cattle censuses refers to Dynasty III. The change came no earlier than Dynasty III because the change followed “the first dynasties,” meaning at least I and II at Abydos. There is no question that the pyramid-building enterprise was steeped in mysticism aimed at reviving and giving final form to Noahic atum, the “totality” of a kosmos built by survivors of the Flood. This final effort began following Manishtushu’s victory over thirty-two members of the Noahic elite in the Arabian Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations war. The Akkadian winners designed the Egyptian dynastic scheme to accommodate the same body of elite with a grandeur and dignity worthy of their origin and to honor all the work they had accomplished in populating the earth and building civilization in Mesopotamia. The construction of such works as Khufu’s pyramid involved a technology verging on the supernatural. If the cattle censuses occurred every month rather than every year under some mystical concept introduced by Sidon-Sanakhte, the 919 years of the conventional chronology would shrink to 77 years. If that sum terminates at the close of Dynasty VI in 2118, it began in the year 2195 toward the dawn of the Proto-Dynastic period. Efforts in Egypt depended on the power of the Akkadian Empire seven years before the 56 years of Sargon and Naram Sin ended. In 2195 a year remained to Manishtushu’s fifteen years. That year is as likely time as any for that ruler’s final victory in Arabia and the beginning of the transportation of the victorious Upper Egyptians and fugitive Amerindians to Africa. Although cattle censuses were not yet recorded in Egypt, they must have been a fact of life among people taking account of the cattle available to them in Africa. Dynasty VI consisted of seven rulers. These eight are consistent with the eight males of the Joktanites, the last substantial clan not yet represented in the Old Kingdom. The other clan we have omitted, the Mizraim group, took the lead in colonizing Egypt in the pre-dynastic period and were doing the same in black Africa in the period of the Old Kingdom. The eight Joktanite males are Almodad and Sheleph— sons of Obal— Hazarmaveth-Mot and Jerah-Athtar— Ugaritic sons of Shelah-Bull El— Hadoram-Arphaxad I, Arphaxad’s sons Obal and Diklah (ShelahDjoser) and Joktan’s son Abimael-Enmerkar. Shelah-Diklah can be omitted on the basis that he already served in Dynasty III as Djoser although duplications like this have been allowed to the early dynasties. The seven Egyptian rulers to be matched are Teti, Userkare, Meryre Pepi I, Merenre Nemtyemsaf I, Neferkare Pepi II, Merenre Nemtyemsaf II and Neitiqerty Siptah. Because the Proto-Dynastic regime began with the Hamitic victory over Joktanite Arabia, Joktanites in Dynasty VI make sense as a formal conclusion in presenting what remained of the Noahic elite by 2118. However the empirical specifics of Dynasty VI are going to be another challenge. Even more than Dynasty IV, VI poses a set of genetic relationships which may not be reconcilable to those that bind together the Joktanite clan. A crucial member of Dynasty VI is the fifth ruler Neferkare Pepi II. The given tradition claims that this ruler came to the throne at age six and reigned for 94 years down to age 100. Some have disputed the reality of this long reign; but Simpson and others defend it. This reign marks the third time we have found a believable claim of a 90-year span in the Noahic record. The claim of 90 years for Lugalannemundu-Peleg is a classic case of an overlapping but objective fact: the thirty years of Peleg-Cernunnus in First Kish, the thirty years of the Eanna period during which Peleg disputed the Erechite right to dominate the eighth Noahic era; and 381 the ninth era in which Peleg claimed to be “King of Kish” or emperor of Mesopotamia between 2278 and 2248. The second believable instance of a ninety year span is the explicit 93 years of the Guti Dynasty as presented in explicitly believable terms extending well into the 22nd century. With these two instances of three-generation sets of ninety years as part of the Noahic tradition, we are prepared to view the reign of Neferkare Pepi II in the same light. Of course the standard view of his long reign is that it resulted from a casual case of high longevity that could not have been designed in the way that we have explained the reigns of Lugalannemundu or the Guti dynasty. But that assumption begs the question of the entire Nativist and conventional idea of dynastic Egypt despite the obvious mysticism of these rulers. Nothing is more basic to the Nativist view than the picture of a six-year-old innocent coming to a throne prepared for him by primitives caught up in a “folkway.” As a matter of fact two portraits of Neferkare Pepi II exist as an infant or small child and none of him as an adult. That circumstance was convenient for making an impression of Egypt as an isolated nation gotten up out of local whole cloth. The given data about Neferkare Pepi II can be interpreted boldly with significant results. Despite baby artifacts, his six years can be taken as the lapse of time from the start of Dynasty VI in 2128 to the time he began to reign as fifth of seven rulers around 2122. The 94 years can then be back extrapolated in a variation of Lugalannemundu’s approach. These 94 years extend back from 2128— the foundation of Dynasty VI— to 2222, precisely when the Aegean war ended and the Arabian alliance was first formed as replacement for the failed western effort to challenge the Akkadians. In view of perennial Joktanite Arabia, that chronological scheme makes good symbolic sense. The conventional view, however, is buttressed by genetic claims making Neferkare Pepi II a great-grandson of Teti through Meryre Pepi I and Merenre Netyemsaf I. In other words the entire dynasty is formed around a single genetic family interrupted only by the alleged usurper Userkare, extending to a fifth generation in Merenre Netyemsaf II and ending with an obscure figure of unknown genetic identity. Because we have accepted all of the given genetic links in Dynasties IV and V, we have little ground for rejecting the genetic unity reported for Dynasty VI. It happens that the Joktanite male also shows genetic unity based on the family of Arphaxad I-Hadoram in two branches. The Joktanite genealogy can be summarized as follows: Hadoram [Uzal] Obal [Diklah] Almodad Sheleph Hazarmaveth (Mot) Jerah (Athtar) [Joktan] Abimael [Eber] Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Thus the seven Joktanite males relevant to Dynasty VI yield five generations in comparison to the five reported for the core of the dynasty. This comparison means that the first king Teti may or may not be identifiable with Hadoram-Arphaxad I. His portrait shows a somewhat brachycephalic face in keeping with a son of Durga but is clearly not as Asian as Japheth’s son KhufuGomer: (See Portrait of Teti. Arphaxad I son of Shem at age 388. --www.crystalinks.com copied October 21, 2008) The face can pass for a son of Shem and Durga favoring the father. However the important point is to test whether the Dynasty VI and Joktanite families are comparable at least over four or five generations. For comparison the Dynasty VI can be presented in the same format: Teti Pepi I Meryre Merenre Nemtyemsaf I Pepi II Neferkare Merenre Nemtyemsaf I Dynasty VI claims a single male line. Such a line can only be constructed from the Joktanites by isolating the line of Hadoram, Obal and the two sons followed by some combination of Hazarmaveth, Jerah and Abimael from the separate line of Inanna-Uzal and Sidon. The key Pepi II in the fourth generation must be identified in this case with either Hazarmaveth or Jerah and treated as a son of Merenre Nemtyemsaf I, who must be taken as either Almodad or Sheleph. Whomever we identify with Pepi II must fit the logic of a 94-year reign as we understand it as reflecting the end of the Aegean war and beginning of the Arabian alliance after 2222. Because Mot-Hazarmaveth gave his name to Hadramaut where the Arabian alliance took shape, we have a plausible answer. Hazarmaveth son of Shelah personified the Arabian alliance. The Ugaritic mythology has always suggested that Bull El and his three sons constituted an imperial dynasty distinct from but similar to the Akkadian. The concept of a 94-year extrapolation back from 2128 to the year the Aegean war ended now throws the spotlight on that “Ugaritic empire.” In 2222 it was clear that Shem’s anti-Akkadian effort in the Aegean had failed. The “Ugaritic empire” of Bull-El Shelah was an attempt to replace Shem as leader of the anti-Akkadian cause after 2222. The importance of Bull El’s three sons is that the anti-Akkadian forces opened three fronts— Arabia, Amorite Martu and Gutian Iran. The fourth and fifth kings of the Guti dynasty Shulme and Elulumesh are identifiable with Shelah-Bull El and his son Yamm-Elam-Eber. If we have accurately aligned the three Noahic generations of the Guti dynasty, we can date the reigns of 383 Shulme and Elulumesh according to believable terms given in the Sumerian Kinglist. The only choice is between the start of the eleventh generation in 2218 and the start of the twelfth in 2188. The backward extrapolation of Pepi’s 94 years to 2222, clearly indicates the start of “Bull El’s empire” in 2218 and dates the Guti dynasty over the 93 years from that year to 2125 in the third year of Egyptian Dynasty VI. Thus Pepi’s 94 years are almost identical to the Gutian 93 covering 2222 to 2128 just as the Guti dynasty covered 2218 to 2125. The Guti regime at the northeast end of “Bull El’s empire” was assigned to Yamm-Elam. Mot and Athtar ruled as Shelah’s viceroys over the Arabian alliance and the Amorites. Shelah’s grandson through Eber, Joktan, inherited the Arabian share and eventually brought his clan to bear on Egyptian Dynasty VI after his ancestors Sidon and Shelah had begun Dynasty III. The two pairs of rulers with the same personal names in Dynasty VI suggest the two pairs of Joktanite brothers. Of course that means rejecting the father-son relationships given by the Egyptian record. Our handling of Dynasty VI is more radical than of Dynasty IV where we respect the given father-son relationships throughout. The difference in approach reflects the premise that the vassals of Joktan were more distantly related to the Egyptian tradition than the family of Japheth at the heart of it. That is one reason why one of the kings Userkare was regarded as a usurper. We have interpreted the conception of Pepi II as a six-year old child as a pure fabrication to cover the participation of Mot-Hazarmaveth, who had led the Arabian alliance against an army of Hamites. The only reason why these alien Joktanites were brought into the Old Kingdom was to strive for the central ideal of atum by including all parts of the Noahic world community. Each dynasty had to look Egyptian but included foreign elite who may not have been able to speak the Hamitic language in some cases. All of this resulted from the attempt to fashion a local nation somehow represented by what had been and to some extent still was a universal empire. By this logic Pepi I and Pepi II were Joktanites Jerah and Hazarmaveth— Athtar and Mot— both sons of Djoser-Shelah and brothers of Khaba-Eber of Dynasty III. In Ugaritic tradition, these four rulers form the family of Bull El, Yamm, Athtar and Mot. But both the Hebrew and Egyptian traditions divide them into separate pairs. Shelah and Eber belong to the Shemite clan of Genesis 10:22; and the other two sons, to the Joktanite clan at 10:26. Originally both Eber and Joktan belonged to the Japhethite septad of 10:2; and that fact of the Uruk-Aratta war era served as basis for inviting them to share in the Egyptian Old Kingdom dominated by Japheth. The difference between Eber-Khaba of Dynasty III and the vassals of Joktan in Dynasty VI is that the Joktanites broke away from the Egyptian Hamites at the time of the Arabian war after 2218. They were the least desirable of all the Noahic elite to share in the Old Kingdom. So true is this that Arphaxad’s son Obal reigned as Userkare the usurper as though he was never invited at all. In Sumer and Arabia, Obal became the rival sun god to Japheth-Atum Re. Other alternative sun gods would arise— Japheth’s son Gomer as Slavic Dazhbog, Cush’s son Nimrod as Egyptian Amun Re and Hellenic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Helius, Ham’s son Put as Andean Inti and Shelah as the Indian sun god Surya. But none of these posed the threat that Obal did. The Hamites cast their lot with the Akkadian Empire and owed the creation of the Old Kingdom to Manishtushu and Naram Sin. Obal became an enemy to the empire both as the Olympian Apollo of the Aegean war and Hobal of the Arabs in the Arabian war. At the outset of Dynasty VI he made his way to Memphis along with the other Joktanites but had to force his way to the throne following his father Hadoram-Arphaxad I-Teti and was assassinated in fairly short order. The Teutons bound for Europe got wind of this assassination and adopted the theme that “Balder is dead.” The two Dynasty VI kings bearing the name Nemtyemsaf I and II were the other two paired Joktanite brothers Almodad and Sheleph, both sons of Obal but evidently free from his taint. Nemtyemsaf I followed Pepi I Jerah rather than his actual father Userkare-Obal as though to disassociate himself from the usurper. Nemtyemsaf II, Obal’s son Sheleph-Asklepius, reigned after Pepi II-Hazarmaveth as though to follow the same policy. In this context we can understand why Egyptian ideology changed the 94 years from 2222 to 2128 to 94 years of the “infant” version of Pepi II in order to bury the past by extending the lifetime of this infant 94 years into the future. An actual infant may well have been born in 2128 and served as pretext for this distortion of the record. The point is that the Joktanites were out of favor and reigned in shadowy fashion in order to gratify Japheth’s Egyptian sense of plentitude. Some of the pyramids were left unfinished; but theocratic idealism reigned supreme and dictated as much completion as possible. The dynasty ended in an obscure figure named Neitiqreti Siptah. Process of elimination identifies this ruler with Joktan’s personal son Abimael, Enmerkar of the Uruk-Aratta war era. Our standard format can be applied to Dynasty VI as follows: Years: 2128-2127 King: Teti 2127-2126 Userkare 2126-2124 2124-2123 2123-2122 Pepi I Meryre Merenre Nemtyemsaf I Pepi II Neferkare Genesis 10: Hadoram Rationale: elder of the Joktanite clan completing the Old Kingdom plenitude Obal Hadoram’s son, usurper as enemy of Hamites in the Aegean and Arabian wars Jerah brother of Hazarmaveth, Pepi II Almodad brother of Sheleph, Nemtyemsaf II Hazarmaveth “born” at the Dynasty VI epoch; 94 years refer to period from end of the Aegean war to the Dynasty VI epoch 385 2122-2120 2120-2118 Merenre Nemtyemsaf II Sheleph Nemtyemsaf I Neitiqerty Sipta brother of Almodad, Merenre Abimael last of the male Joktanites Index of Genesis 10 and the Egyptian Old Kingdom - 2178-2118 The individual names in Genesis 10 have been indexed against the Sumerian Kinglist; but that document combines both systematic political thinking and a variety of unsystematic thinking. In contrast the Egyptian Old Kingdom of the 22nd century was entirely systematic in conception just as it was grounded in consistent god-king and pyramid-building principles. It failed to reproduce the entire Genesis 10 clan system for three reasons: the policy of excluding females except as supportive queens; the deaths of the Javanites, sons of Ham and Peleg; and unexplained absences of Togarmah, Zud and Philist, probably in connection with the African and Amerindian expeditions. We can index the names in Genesis verse by verse against the Old Kingdom lists as follows: Genesis 10-11: Egyptian King: Dynasty: Sequence in Dynasty: Noah (10:1) [See Dedan and Lehab below] Shem (10:1) [See Raamah and Jebus below] Ham (10:1) [See Havilah below] Rosette-Scorpion I 1 Japheth (10:1) [See Sheba and Masluh below] Snefru IV 1 Gomer (10:2) Magog (10:2) Madai (10:2) Javan (10:2) Tubal (10:2) Khufu Rehotep Khafre Djedefre IV IV IV IV 2 4 3 Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations [See Girgash and Elam below] Meshech (10:2) [See Aram and Joktan below] Tiras (10:2) Userkaf V 1 Ashkenaz (10:3) [See Ark below] Riphath (10:3) [See Seba, Pathrus and Amor below] Togarmah (10:3) [absent] Elishah (10:3) Tarshish (10:3) Khetm (10:3) Ro (Rodan) (10:3) Cush (10:6) Mizraim (10:6) Put (10:6) Canaan (10:6) Seba (10:7) [See Riphath above] [slain in 2181] [slain in 2181] [slain in 2181 after pre-dynastic reign] [slain in 2181 after pre-dynastic reign] [slain in 2181] [slain in 2181] [slain in 2181] [slain in 2181] Djer I 4 Havilah (10:7) Sabtah (10:7) Raamah (10:7) [See Shem above] Djet Qaa Semerkhet 5 9 8 Sabtechah (10:7) [See Lud and Peleg below] [slain in 2178] Sheba (10:7) [See Japheth above] Anedjib I 7 Dedan [See Noah above] Den I 6 I I I 387 Nimrod (10:7) [See Asshur and Reu below] Huni Zud (10:13) [absent] Anam (10:13) A Postdiluvian Timeline Page 379 [female] III 5 Lehab (10:13) [See Noah and Dedan above] Naphtuh (10:13) [See Hamath below] [female] Pathrus (10:14) [See Riphath and Seba above] Masluh (10:14) [See Japheth and Sheba above] Philist (10:14) Caphtor (10:14) Sidon (10:15) Heth (10:15) Jebus (10:16) [See Shem and Raamah above] [absent] [female] Sanakhte Nynetjer Hotepsekhemwy III `II II 1 3 1 Amor (10:16) Reneb II 2 Khasekhemwy II 5 [See Riphath, Seba and Pathrus above] Girgash (10:16) [See Tubal above) Hiv (10:17) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations [See Sabtechah above] Ark (10:17) Peribsen [See Ashkenaz above] Sin (10:17) [female] Arvad (10:18) A Postdiluvian Timeline Page 380 [female] Zemar [female] (10:18) II 4 Hamath (10:18) [See Naphtuh above] Elam (10:22) [See Tubal above] Sekhemkhet III 3 Asshur (10:22) [See Nimrod above and Reu below] Huni III 5 III 2 Arphaxad II (10:22) Djoser [See Shelah and Diklah below] Lud (10:22) [See Sabtechah above] Aram (10:22) [See Meshech above] Khaba III 4 Uz (10:23) Hul (10:23) Gether (10:23) Mash (10:23) Shelah (10:24) [See Arphaxad II above] Unas Sahure Menkauhor Kaui Shepseskare V V V V 9 2 7 4 Eber (10:24) [See Tubal and 389 Elam above] Peleg (10:25) [See Sabtechah and Hiv above] Joktan (10:25) [See Meshech and Aram above] Almodad (10:26) Merenre Nemtyemsaf I Sheleph (10:26) Merenre Nemtyemsaf II Hazarmaveth (10:26) Pepi II Neferkare Jerah (10:26) Pepi I Meryre Hadoram (10:27) Teti [See Arphaxad I below] Uzal (10:27) VI VI VI VI VI 4 6 5 3 1 VI VI 2 7 [female] Diklah (10:27) [See Arphaxad II and Shelah above] Obal (10:28) Userkare Abimael (10:28) Neitiqerty Siptah Sheba (10:28) [female] Ophir (10:29) [female] Havilah (10:29) Jobab (10:29) Arphaxad I (11:10) [See Hadoram above] Shelah (11:12) [See Arphaxad II and Diklah above] Eber (11:14) [See Tubal and Elam above] [female] [female] Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Peleg (11:16) [See Sabtechah and Lud above] Reu (11:18) [See Nimrod and Asshur above] Ka-Sekhen Proto-Dynastic Serug (11:20) Nahor (11:22) Aha Narmer I I 3 2 Colonization of the Americas - 2160-2141 North American Branch Our analysis of the First Kish ethnology assigns eight of the divisions to stocks bound for North America and two for South America. The stocks of Meso-America and Mexico are left out of account. This implication is that Meso-Americans were added to the original ten divisions at some later time. Logically these additions came in order to compensate the protoplast for the loss of population to form South Semites bound for Ethiopia. The Amerindians lost population in the south and gained in the north around the time of the Battle of Metelis in 2181. The new members of the protoplast derived from racially Amerindian people attached to Lower Egypt in predynastic times. It was the existence of these Egyptian Amerindians that drew the protoplast north from Ethiopia in hope of conquering Lower Egypt; and these additional Amerindians became one of three Amerindian armies formed to serve the Akkadians on the eve of the Battle of the Orontes. We have not yet explained how Amerindians attached themselves to Lower Egypt in pre-dynastic times. We have noted that a movement toward Egypt occurred at the opening of the Eanna era and became entangled in the Uruk-Aratta war after Heth objected to the way Hamites overran Martu on their way to Lower Egypt. The “Middle Americans” originated as Erechite loyalists subordinate to Japheth under the influence of his red son Magog-Rehotep, Hurricano of the Caribans and Kari of the Amazonians. Whether or not these Egyptian Amerindians joined the rebellion that resulted in Narmer’s Delta war, they joined the Amerindians who marched into Syria and, in fact, formed the central Amerindian force that faced Shem’s Gallic army at the Orontes. The “claw” section of Scorpius served as symbolic model for three Ameridian armies extending south to north and intended to win the protoplast’s way to a permanent homeland in Mahadevi’s Gutium. 391 These three armies resulted in the distribution of Amerindian colonists in South, Central and North America. The full set of eight North American stocks derived from eight colonies of the old First Kish order and took a position northeast of the Orontes in order to lead the way into the Gutian homeland in the event of victory farther south. Their population had been depleted by the conversion of Amerindians into South Semites; and they were unable to wage war against the Aryan Gutians without the aid of the divisions to the south. The eventual populations of the North American stocks were lower than those of the Middle Americans in historic times. After the Gallic army defeated the Middle American force at the Orontes in 2178, some eighteen years remained before the American expedition began. Its great leader Ashkenaz had yet to serve as Peribsen down to 2160. Later in the century he reigned as Yarlagan of Gutium between 2141 and 2134. His North American share in the colonizing process consumed the intervening nineteen years from 2160 to 2141. At least part of the eighteen years from 2178 to 2160 was required to subdue the two Amerindian armies north and south of Syria. When Peleg died in 2178, three members of the Gallic tetrad remained alive and led three divisions of the Centum Aryan stock to conquer and take captive the three Amerindian divisions. By 2160 the three members of the Gallic tetrad handed the captive Amerindian divisions over to the three Gomerites to colonize the Americas as they had the Far East. Shem-Teutates handed over the North Americans to his “son” Arcas-Ashkenaz. Arphaxad I-Taranis, at the head of the Italics gave up whatever Amerindian division he conquered to Togarmah according to the same association as with Arphaxad’s Chinese and Togarmah’s Tocharians. Something in Togarmah’s relationship with the Hamites led to his identity as Sokar, the Egyptian god of death. That same linkage to death suggests that he took command of the Middle Americans responsible for the horrendous death cults of the Olmecs, Mayas and Aztecs. These “Egyptian Amerindians” must have witnessed the executions of 2181 and taken them to heart. Riphath logically took command of the South Americans, hence his Amazonian identity as Tamula. As Osiris of the Egyptian pantheon, he too was associated with death. The Egyptians regarded the West as Dwat, land of the dead. It has always been difficult to decide between Shem and Joktan as respective leaders of Celts and Teutons after the Battle of the Orontes. Both rank high in each of the two European pantheons, Shem as Celtic Teutates and Teutonic Thor and Joktan as Celtic Esus (and Cuchullain) and Teutonic Odin. Shem’s interim control of the North Americans can be used to decide the issue. The discovery of Phoenician material in Iowa has led to the belief that at one time “Greater Gallia” included North America as well as Gaul. Shem-Teutates, therefore, commanded the Gallic Celts as he did the conquered North Americans before handing them to Ashkenaz. Joktan-Odin, despite his high Celtic importance as Cuchullain, took command of the Teutons and led them against the South Americans, in keeping with the cognate relationship between the Teutonic Quadi and Omani and South American Kuat (Canaan) and Oman (Heth). Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations In addition to the Teutonic-South American association of names, an interesting pair of details reinforces the premise that Taranis-Arphaxad I interacted with Togarmah in dealing with the Middle Americans. Arphaxad is known to Chinese tradition as the “Jade Emperor” just as Togarmah-Xiuhtecutli was known to the Aztecs as “Turquoise Lord.” Gallic Tetrad: Centum Aryan Stock: Amerindian Captives: Teutates (Shem) Gallic Celts North Americans (Wakan Tanka) Taranis (Arphaxad) Italics Middle Americans (Xiuhtecutli) Esus (Joktan-Odin) Teutons South Amerindians (Tamula) Gomerite: Ashkenaz Togarmah Riphath The years 2178-2160 when the Amerindians were being rounded up corresponded to the two decades of Egyptian Dynasties I and II, devoted to the Cushite and Canaanite clans. A strong clue to the association between these clans and the Amerindians lies with the Aztec pantheon where the two most formidable and horrifying gods Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli are the Aztec versions of Cush and Canaan. The “Egyptian Amerindians” bound for Middle America attached themselves to those two slain sons of Ham with a tenacity that indicates their awareness of the first two dynasties. The Battle of Orontes occurred in 2178 because these Middle Americans holding the central position east of the Orontes attacked the Centum Aryans to the west of the river in the knowledge that Dynasty I was going to be established at Thinis in Upper Egypt that year. They saw themselves as allies both of the Akkadians of Mesopotamia and the new Thinite regime as established by the Akkadians Menes and Narmer. The irony of the situation is that Shem, head of the Gallic tetrad west of the Orontes, was destined to reign in both Thinite dynasties under the names Semerkhet and Hotepsekhemwy as a member of the Cushite and Canaanite clans as Raamah and Jebus. He was too important to Noahic imperial atum to be omitted from the Old Kingdom dynasties no matter whom he fought for in 2178. Furthermore the Akkadians, who founded the Old Kingdom by colonizing Upper Egypt by means of the Upper Sea fleet, quickly lost control of Egypt because of the defeat of their Amerindian mercenaries that same year. They abandoned the Amerindians to their exilic fate, withdrew to Mesopotamia and left the Egyptians in the hands of the Noahic elite, their elders. The net result of the Empire outside Mesopotamia was an independent Egypt with pretensions to being the center of the world and the 393 banishment of the Amerindian “People of Chaos” to lands so far off that they could no longer threaten the peace of the civilized world. At the time of the first of the two Amerindian defeats at Metelis in 2181, Ashkenaz, Riphath and Togarmah were humiliated and rendered fugitive along with them. They are depicted as such in the Narmer Palette. They had joined the Amerindian rebellion in its attempt to conquer Egypt. In doing so they established Amerindian identities which eventually made them the leaders of three divisions of the great “Third Stride of Vishnu” in the Americas. These roles echoed their earlier colonization of the Far East and Oceania— the “First Stride of Vishnu.” The “Second Stride” in black Africa began in 2178 and intervened between the Far Eastern and American efforts. These colonizations of the outer world gave the heartland its perennial ethnic monopoly by Semites, Hamites and Indo-Europeans in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Iran-India. Before leaving for America after 2160, Ashkenaz and Riphath reigned as kings at Thinis in Dynasty II as the Canaanite vassals Ark and Amor under the Egyptian names Reneb and Peribsen between 2166 and 2160. Whatever they contributed to the African “Third Stride” had to occur either prior to 2166 or while they acted on the African expeditions from their location at Thinis. On pages 247-248 above, the outline of the African scheme places Ashkenaz as Amorite Abazu at the River Vaal in 2164 just two years before his reign at Thinis. The distance between Thinis in the north and the Vaal in the south is prodigious but not beyond Ashkenaz’ capacity, especially if he made use of the Akkadian Lower Sea fleet. The coordination involved in Riphath’s efforts was even more extraordinary. Reigning from 2166 to 2164 at Thinis as Reneb, this Gomerite is assigned to the western branch of the colonizing scheme on the Lualaba in the same year of 2164. That tight coordination can only mean that Riphath took up his colonizing role immediately at the end of his reign as Reneb and made his way to the Lualaba over the next two years. Additional close coordination between Noahic elite at Thinis and African rivers far to the south implies that both Thinite regimes took shape in direct cooperation with the colonization plan for black Africa. In fact the black Africans settled in Upper Egypt prior to their colonization of the rivers farther south. Another close coordination involves the same Riphath-Osiris as the opening ruler Djer of Dynasty I in 2178 followed by colonization of the Atbara two years later. Much closer to Upper Egypt than the Lualaba, the Atbara figured as a preliminary step in the coordinate plan in northeast Africa as Riphath-Adamu brought the Cushite Beja from Egypt to Sudan. He then returned to Thinis to reign as Reneb before undertaking the far more distant expedition with ancestors of the Bantu Barotse at the Lualaba. The African group that Ashkenaz brought to the Vaal in 2164 was the remarkable Bantu Nguni with their reproduction of the names of Ham’s sons. This colony stood as capstone of the Bantu effort before Khoisans covered the rest of South Africa. Another close coordination placed Shem at the River Chari in 2170 two years before he established Dynasty II as Hotepsekhemwy at Thinis. The Chari lies in Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Chad about 1500 miles southwest of Upper Egypt strictly by land. Because Shem also reigned as Semerkhet of Dynasty I around 2172, his two reigns had to have bracketed an expedition to the Chari consuming a large share of the four years between 2172 and 2168. The people whom Shem planted on the Chari on this tight schedule were the Nilo-Saharan Central Sudanics. These colonization efforts tell us something about the god-king principle of the Old Kingdom. These rulers were who they were because of a relentless, lifelong commitment to repopulate the globe after the Flood. Early in the Christian 19th century the German philosopher Schelling ridiculed British euhemerists for viewing the gods as “discovers” and “colonists.” The typically pagan German preferred to think of the gods as wirkende Kräfte— “creative powers.” In fact the Noahic elite were “creative powers” at work on discovery and colonization. Schelling evidently preferred “adventures of the spirit” akin to the sort practiced by Dr. Faustus. The end of the African process in 2158 coincided with the shift of the Old Kingdom capital from Thinis to Memphis and with the start of the Amerindian expedition. The pyramid-building age began with Dynasty III in celebration of “finishing the world” by the removal of the Amerindians to their trans-Atlantic homelands. Europe had not yet been thoroughly colonized; but enough had been done in the period of the Aegean war to give an impression of completeness by 2158. Thus the Noahic elite in Egypt regarded the world as more or less complete by the close of the twelfth Noahic era 360 years after the Flood. Every pyramid built in Egypt symbolized the completion of the world over those 360 years. Another implication of the move from Thinis to Memphis was that the Amerindian process would depend on the Upper Sea fleet. America was to be colonized from the Mediterranean and West Africa rather than the Pacific or Cape of Good Hope. To begin with the Amerindians had invaded the Nile Delta and then migrated to Syria. The Amerindian location of the Caribans and Caddoans clearly implies that the expedition began in Phoenicia-Syria where the Gallic tetrad delivered the chief blow against the Amerindian design to colonize Iran. The name “Carib” derives from the title “Karibu” or “Enthroned” applied to Enki-Ea-Sidon, the nominal lord of Sidon and as Ptah the overland of the oceanic world beginning at Phoenicia. If we have any doubts about the meaning of the name “Carib,” they are dispelled by the Caddoans with their remarkable conformity to Sidon’s Javanite-Libyan family. Together the Caribs and Caddoans place the stamp “Phoenicia” on the maritime entranceway to the Americas from the northern coast of South America to the Gulf of Mexico, Caddoan-Eyeish Louisiana and the Mississippi. As for the Arawakan Lukayo of the Bahamas, we have seen the connection to Lycaon the Wolf, son of Pelasgus the Seafarer, Hellenic version of Ashkenaz, the Amerindian colonist of the “Third Stride.” 395 An estimate of the primary landfall of the trans-Atlantic expedition can be gained by observing how far east the Caribs extend along the north coast of South America. A Carib people the Galibi inhabit French Guiana at the same latitude of 5 N as the Niger Delta in West Africa. KAIS suggests that the crossing of the Atlantic began at the Niger Delta and reached French Guiana. At that time, I conceived of the African and Amerindian processes as two stages of the same effort. Although I no longer hold that view, information supplied by colonists in West Africa could have led the leaders of the Amerindian effort to begin from the Nile Delta in order to renew supplies and contact African colonists there. The African outline on page 247 above engages the Upper Niger with the Nilo-Saharan Kanuri under Sidon’s daughter Anam-Amaterasu in 2174. The name Kanuri is explained as cognate with “Agenor,” the Hellenic name recorded for Sidon’s son Elishah slain among the other Javanites in 2181. If Elishah had survived to 2174, he may have taken charge of the Kanuri as a member of the Mizraim clan rather than his sister Anam. It is even possible that that name designated Elishah as a member of the Mizraim clan prior to his death when Anam was pressed into service to replace him in that clan and in the African process. In fact all three females in the Mizraim clan can be explained in those terms. Their appearance there seems random and arbitrary in a clan that makes less sense than the more coherent Cushite and Canaanite clans. Because Sidon’s Javanite sons served as pre-dynastic kings of Egypt, they make better sense as original members of the Mizraim clan where their father Sidon himself served as pre-dynastic King Ka-ap at Abydos not far from Thinis. One of the male members of the Mizraim clan, Philist, also has the look of a last-minute substitute for a slain Javanite. He and his sister DônCaphtor took possession of Crete in an Aegean sphere otherwise associated in Hebrew tradition with the “sons of Javan.” As co-members of the Javanite and Mizraim groups, these members of Sidon’s family would have united the Mizraim of Egypt to the Javanite people of the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean from the beginning of the pre-dynastic colonization effort in the Eanna. Thus the three females and Philist were pressed into service in the Mizraim clan in order to replace Sidon’s slain family after 2181. They took their place as colonists of Africa after 2178. This re-analysis of the somewhat confusing Mizraim clan is an essential step toward interpreting the colonization of the Americas because of the high importance of Sidon’s Caribans and Caddoans in opening the way into America as a whole. We know that the Javanites spread westward from Cyprus, which took its name Alashiya from the patriarch Elishah-Agenor. With the Rodanim explicitly at Rhodes, we can conclude that the Philistines and Caphtorim at Crete represent two names of the Mizraim clan that originally belonged to some combination of Tarshish and Khetm. Because the Philistines eventually made their way to coastal Palestine, they are the logical counterparts to the Phoenicians of Tarshish farther up the coast. In other words, the Javanites Tarshish and Khetm once maintained dual identities as counterparts to the Philistines and Caphtorim in the Mizraim clan. The same logic applies to Elishah and Rodan as holding places in the clan eventually taken by the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations females Anam and Naphtuh. That is why the matriarch Anam, daughter of SidonIzanagi, colonized the Niger in place of her slain brother Elishah. In effect the NiloSaharan Kanuri could be called “Anamim” as long as we understand that that Hebrew name refers to a female who replaced her brother Elishah-Agenor as an African colonist. In another instance of the principle, Shem’s sister Hamath took on the Mizraim identity as Naphtuh-Nephthys as substitute from slain Rodan, the predynastic king Ro. In this case, however, she gave the Bantu Luba at the River Zaire a name derived from the Mizraim name of her father Noah-Lehab. As a substitute for the other slain predynastic ruler Khetm, Dôn-Caphtor colonized Angola with the Khoisan Kwadi, who bore Canaan’s Amazonian name Kuat. Her brother Beli-Philist, as substitute for Tarshish-Phoenix, colonized the River Benue with the Fula or Fulani. Although the Kanuri colonized the Upper Niger far inland, some member of the expedition reached the Niger Delta in order to coordinate the African and Amerindian expeditions before and after 2160. The Kanuri happen to be the westernmost of the Nilo-Saharan stock as though they reached the Niger from inland rather than the Guinea Coast. The River Benue, a tributary of the Niger, is sourced at a point only about 200 miles southeast of the Chari. Those three rivers— Chari, Benue and Niger— hold the key to the central coordination of these efforts. The three rivers were colonized over the four-year span from 2174 to 2170. If the Fula belonged to the Nilo-Saharan stock, we might have envisioned a branch of the expedition beginning in the east and reaching the Niger by land. Because they are not members of the stock, the Benue lost its image as a possible interior link between the Central Sudanics of the Chari and the kindred Kanuri of the Niger. We conceived of the western branch of the African process as proceeding by sea rather than by land even though the Nilo-Saharan stock make more sense as sourced in the east and reaching the west by land. The implication of a Nilo-Saharan presence as far west as the Niger is that a power existed in Lower Egypt great enough to launch a West African expedition by sea. We can check the identities of the West African colonists to determine how many of the leaders did not become kings at Thinis but may have reigned in Lower Egypt in the period of the two Thinite dynasties. The West African leaders who fit this profile are Zud, Anam, Philist, Naphtuh and Caphtor of the Mizraim clan, three of them females as well as another female Arvad of the Canaanite clan perhaps as substitute for her father Noah, who died two years before she planted the Bantu Kongo at the River Kasai. Another colonist who fits the same profile is Sidon, who did not reign as Sanakhte until the start of Dynasty III at Memphis. The process outlined on page 247 places him at the Senegal River in extreme West Africa at the head of the Mande stock in 2178. This dominant patriarch presumably reigned in Lower Egypt at a time when the Akkadians founders of Dynasty I were attempting to lead the Amerindians to victory over the Centum Aryans in Syria. Black African people destined to reach 397 West Africa by sea had made their way to Lower Egypt. After losing his Javanite family in 2181, Sidon took command of the Mizraim clan in order to colonize West Africa just as he later gave his name to the Caribs across the Atlantic after 2160. The West African expedition by sea thus acted as a model for the Amerindian expedition eighteen years later. If the Kanuri and Fula reached the Niger and Benue by sea, logic suggests that they linked up with the eastern expedition from Thinis at the Chari two hundred miles from the Benue. The leader of the Central Sudanics, Shem, deliberately planned this rendezvous by sending off the linguistically kindred Kanuri to reach the Niger from the western side. The Ugaritic mythology pictures Sidon as Shem’s assistant. That relationship held true in Africa as these two effected the rendezvous at the Chari in 2170. Assuming that the West African expedition set sail in 2178 before Shem’s victory at the Orontes, his motive in a prodigious trek to the Chari was to inform the westerners of the victory and subsequent plan to colonize the Americas. The practical purpose of the rendezvous was to coordinate a stock of provisions at the Nile Delta for use by the Amerindian expedition in the trans-Atlantic crossing. A decade remained between 2170 and 2160 for this plan to be enacted. The plan might have called for a the supply camp to be created farther west at the Senegal shortening the distance from West Africa to French Guiana. If that had been done, the practice of maintaining latitude westward would have resulted in a first landfall much farther north in the Lesser Antilles rather than continental South America. Furthermore the westerners who met Shem at the Chari would have had to trek much farther west to reach the Senegal and with uncertain results assuming that their fleet had left them at the Niger Delta. By selecting that Delta, that had only to retrace their steps from the Chari to the Benue and then down the Niger with a full decade to build up their economy in Nigeria in order to host the Amerindian expedition after 2160. A tradition of the Dakotan god Wakan-Tanka makes possible a remarkably complete scenario of Ashkenaz’ North American expedition between the dates of his reigns as Peribsen of Thinis and Yarlaganda of Gutium. According to the myth Wakan-Tanka (Wakanda) divided himself into sixteen persons in four sets of four. KAIS develops this tradition fully and proposes a scenario similar to the present one in chronology and ethnography. One new factor arises, however, from our revised understanding of the Egyptian dynasties. In KAIS I dismiss the possibility that Ashkenaz’ assistants were Noahic elite on the basis that the late dates in the 22nd century rendered that possibility improbable. Now, however, we have seen that Dynasties V and VI consisted of just sixteen rulers, some of them elite and others sons and grandsons unlisted in Genesis. We can now give names to Wakan-Tanka’s sixteen assistants. The bracket dates given by the two reigns are 2160-2141. Those two decades match the great pyramid-building enterprise of Dynasties IV and five. Given nineteen years, we can propose two years for the transatlantic effort, sixteen for Ashkenaz’ Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations sixteen-man enterprise in North America and one year for his return. Dynasty V begins on cue three years after his return, in 2138. Over the two decades TogarmahXiuhtecuhtli and Riphath-Tamula colonized Middle and South America. The Dakotan tradition labels three of the sets of Wakan-Tanka’s assistants: the second set, “companions”; third set, “related ones”; and fourth set, “godlike ones.” These labels can be used to determine the identities of the assistants among the subsequent rulers of Dynasties V and VI. That approach is particularly appropriate since the Genesis clans represented by these dynasties fall into several sets of four: the four Aramaean sons of Shem, opening four Joktanite sons of Obal and Shelah-Diklah and middle four based on the divine family of Ur. The label “related ones” suggests non-elite sons of Dynasty V. Our outline of that dynasty on page 367 happens to include just four such “related ones”— three sons and the completely unidentified Djedkare Isesi. In applying these Egyptian names to the North American tradition, they must be understood as an anachronistic means of identification since the throne titles, in particular, were given only at the times of the reigns after 2138. In developing the Wakan-Tanka tradition, KAIS deals chiefly in pairs rather than tetrads. Our present state of knowledge, however, makes it possible to recognize ethnographic tetrads as follows: First Tetrad: Caribs, Arawaks, Caddoans, Dakotans Second Tetrad: (“Companions”) Yumans, Utes, Shoshoneans, Northwest Coastal Third Tetrad: (“Related Ones”) Northern Athabascans, Southern Athabascans, Northern Algonquians, Southern Algonquians Fourth Tetrad: (“Divine Ones”) Northern Iroquoians, Southern Iroquoians Eastern Muskhogeans, Western Muskhogeans As a ninth man at the start of Dynasty V, Userkaf-Shem combines with his son and grandson Teti-Hadoram and Userkare-Obal of Dynasty VI to form three of the “Divine Ones.” As Djoser of Dynasty III Shelah-Diklah was unavailable to the first stage of the American expedition and was replaced by Neitiqerty Siptah-Abimael as in Dynasty VI. As Joktan’s one immediate son appearing in Genesis 10, Abimael made sense as the sixteenth member of the Wakanda Sect commissioned to settle the Eastern Muskhogeans west of the Mississippi including the Choctaw named for “Joktan” just as the Muskogee represent Joktan’s Japhethite name Meshech-Muschi. Abimael’s location at the end of the process suggests that the sequence given in Genesis 10 and the Egyptian dynasties was also followed in the Wakanda Sect. In 399 that order Shem took command of the Northern Iroquoians of New York State; Hadoram, the Southern Iroquoian Cherokee; and Obal, the Muskogee and CreekSeminoles of the eastern branch of that final stock. The Cherokees took their name from Serug-Sharuch-Manishtushu, one of the co-founders of dynastic Egypt responsible for making the conditional promise that failed when Shem conquered them at the Orontes. To that extent the Northern and Southern Iroquoians represent the opposed sides of the Battle of the Orontes under Shem and his sixth heir Serug. The name Iroquois itself appears to derive from Irra-Nergal-Peleg, the god of fire slain in the same Battle of the Orontes. In historical times the Northern Iroquoians inhabited lands south and east of Lake Erie. The Cherokee settled near the Algonquian Shawnee south of the Ohio River. In working out the original colonies of the 22nd century, there is always the threat of migrations subsequent to early postdiluvian times, meaning that these historical locations are too recent to shed light on the original colonies. One such migration brought much of the Athabascan stock from western Canada as far south as Arizona where they are represented by the Navajos. However I rely on the same pattern of more or less unchanging rivers in order to define these colonies and assume that some locations have remained conservative in respect to these rivers. For example, if it is believed that ancestors of the Cherokee did not inhabit lands south of the Ohio in such ancient times, we can draw two hypothetical conclusions. These ancestors existed elsewhere in the world and some other race inhabited the lands south of the Ohio. The standard Nativist bias will instantly lump the Amerindians into an aboriginal stock located in some likely place such as Siberia owing to racial or linguistic affinities which we know to be Noahic. The hypothetical models of this type are built according to two instinctive principles: to reduce the Amerindians to mankind in general and oppose the Bible at all costs in order to avoid “religious bias” by adopting anti-religious bias. The “Related Ones” of the Wakanda Sect consisted of four members of subsequent Dynasty V identified as grandsons of Shem: Shepseskare Isi son of Hul; Neferefre and Nyuserre Ini sons of Mash; and the unidentified Djedkare Isesi. According to the Egyptian sequence, Shepseskare Isi took command of the Northern Athabascans at the River Mackenzie and Neferefre of the Southern Athabascans who eventually migrated south to Arizona. Nyuserre Ini and Djedkare Isesi took command of two branches of the large, ubiquitous Algonquian stock. The unnamed tetrad and “Companions” governed the first half of the North American process beginning in the Caribbean with Caribs and Arawaks. These two tetrads corresponded in some way to the “Aramaean” sons of Shem and the four Joktanites at the head of the biblical list. Because “Aram” is an alternative name of Joktan, an attractive model places the Aramaean tetrad in the Caribbean and Caddoan Lower Mississippi as complement to the Muskhogeans east of the river. The tetrad ends with the Dakotans represented both by the Sioux west of the river and in an original homeland on the Great Plains of the tributary Missouri. By analyzing which Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations son of Shem governed the Dakotans we can gain insight into why the Dakotans preserved the Wakan-Tanka tradition so well. The absence of a label for this first tetrad suggests that it was Ashkenaz’s own division, hence the importance of Dakotan tradition. That perspective confirms the basis of this tetrad in the four sons of Shem. We have seen that Ashkenaz as King Peribsen of Dynasty II uniquely adopted the Seth animal as his insignia. Seth’s identity as Shem demonstrates why Ashkenaz and he shared in the North American expedition and why Shem’s sons should lead off the process. Furthermore Ashkenaz’ reign as Peribsen derived from his membership in the Canaanite clan as Ark-Arcas, treated in Hellenic tradition as though he were Shem’s son rather than his full brother. In that sense Ashkenaz was more closely connected with the sons of Shem than with any other part of the male Noahic community. In sequencing the sons of Shem, we must choose between Genesis 10:23 and the Egyptian list where Sahure-Hul comes first after his father Userkaf-Shem. The opening stock of the entire Amerindian system, however, are the Carib Galibi of French Guiana with a name taken from Karibu-Ea-Sidon, Shem’s Ugaritic ally Kothar. We have always believed that Negroid Hul gave his name to the Negroid Olmecs who inhabited extreme eastern Mexico bordering on Mayan Guatemala. After taking charge of the Caribs as a member of the Wakanda Sect, Hul was free to settle the Olmecs or otherwise contribute to the Middle American process under Togarmah. Another stock the Gê inhabit eastern Brazil well to the southeast of Carib French Guiana. We will see later that the name of this stock complements the names “Maya” and “Yuma” in helping to explain the origin and overall structure of the American expedition. One circumstance suggests that Shem’s red son Uz took command of the Caddoans. A fourth tribe of this stock after the three transparently representing Javanites is the Wichita or Washita. The name recalls Wazet (Uadjet), Egyptian name of the red matriarch Mahadevi, Uz’s mother. In this way the Wichita complement the Yuma who take the Indian name of the complementary white matriarch. In the opening tetrad of the Wakanda Sect the Arawaks complement the Caribs as the Dakotans complement the Caddoans who extend with the Pawnee into the southern end of the Great Plains. To complete the first tetrad the Arawaks and Dakotans must be assigned to some combination of Shem’s sons Mash and Gether. In the abstract map titled “Matrix of Martu” on page 41, Gether is assigned as leader at the southeastern corner of the scheme along with the Dakotans. If that relationship held, Gether was assigned to the Dakotans and may have contributed something to forming the tradition of Wakan-Tanka. The standout fact about the Arawaks is the name Lukayo adopted by the Arawakans of the Bahamas. The name parallels Lycaon son of Pelasgus-Ashkenaz son of Inachus-Noah. That name appears in ethnographic form in Lycaonia, northeast 401 of the Taurus Mountains and south of Galatia in the period of the Roman Republic. Although Lycaon has not been given a Genesis 10 identity, he would appear to act as representative of his father as though the Lycaonians of the Old World and Arawaks of the new were essentially tribes of Ashkenaz. The relevant son of Shem was MathMash of Ugarit, not only Ashkenaz’s nephew but sharing his Caucasoid race along with Shem and his sister-wife Anath-Hamath-Nephthys. As in the case of the Yumans there was little or no racial affinity between white Mash and the Arawakan Native Americans. As for Lycaonia, it bordered to the north of Cilicia south of the Taurus on the Mediterranean coast. Cilicia extended eastward to Syria and therefore to the coast of Ugarit. Farther south on that coast Phoenicia gave its name Phoenix-Tarshish as nominal source of the Caddoan Pawnee Darazhazh. The “Libyan” tradition of the Hellenes identifies Poseidon’s son Agenor-Elishah as the father, not only of Phoenix but of Cilix, eponym of Cilicia, the only land intervening between Lycaonia and the Ugaritic-Phoenician coast. The tetrad labeled “Companions” took charge of four stocks that covered the Western United States— Yumans at the mouth of the Colorado, Utes at the source of that River, Shoshoneans on the south bank of the Columbia and other points throughout the West and the Northwest Coastal stock including the Tillamook, Chinook and Modocs north of the Lower Columbia. The “Companions” consisted of the first four Joktanites Almodad, Sheleph, Hazarmaveth and Jerah, two of them sons of Obal and the others sons of Bull El-Shelah. The name “Ute” clearly equates with Obal’s Sumerian name Utu and identifies as either Almodad or Sheleph. The same logic applies to the closely allied Shoshone, whose name can be read as a variation of Obal’s Semitic name Shamash in light of the Old Testament same Samson, derived from Shamash and with the terminal “son” as in “Shoshon.” As linguistic kindred, the Utes and Shoshone— both members of the Shoshonean stock— constituted the interior complement to the Yumans and Northwest stocks toward the Pacific north and south. The directional association between between the Northwest Coastal stock and the original northwestern colony at Syria-Phoenicia in the First Kish order could apply to either Hazarmaveth or Jerah as Mot or Athtar of the Ugaritic pantheon on the coast. The name Mot is conceivably cognate with the Northwestern Modoc between the Shasta and Klamath on the California-Oregon border. Athtar’s appearance in Phrygian-Trojan tradition as Assaracus associated him with the great Phrygian goddess Cybele, a version of Uma, hence the name of the Yuma at the border of Southern California and Baja California. The sixteen years of the North American process began with Hul’s colony of Caribs in French Guiana in 2158 and ended with the western Muskhogeans under Abimael in 2142. Each colony in the process was allotted a year; but many, if not all, of the colonies were established in simultaneous pairs within two-year periods. Thus the Caribs and Arawaks were established over the two-year span from 2158 to 2156. Ashkenaz then landed on the North American continent near the mouth of the Mississippi under Uz and sent Gether up the Mississippi and Missouri to establish the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Siouans (Dakotans) by 2154. He then struck out westward along a parallel of latitude from the Misissippi Delta to the mouth of the Colorado where Jerah-Athtar established the Yumans and Obal’s sons Almodad and Sheleph (Orpheus and Askepius) traveled up the Colorado to plant the Utes at the Utah-Colorado border by 2152. A tradition of the Yumans identified a creator god Quickumat who arose from the sea and created the world. The tradition fits the entire North American expedition as though Quickumat were a version of Ashkenaz. The last two syllables of the name, however, suggest the last two of “Almodad” as though this first name of the Joktanite list were given local credit at the mouth of the Colorado for the whole expedition or the “Companion” fraction of it. Whichever of these two sons of Obal took charge of the Shoshones pressed on to the Columbia where he settled them before Hazarmaveth crossed the river to establish the Northwest Coastal branch by 2150. Over the next four years the “Related Ones” unlisted in Genesis 10 took command of the two great linguistic stocks of Canada: Athabascans and Algonquians. These two stocks expanded into four through divisions that made their way south of the border either in the original expedition (Algonquians) or in comparatively recent times when Athabascans left Canada for the American Southwest as though retracing the steps of the expedition back toward the Yuman colony. The original expedition planted the stock on the Yukon and Mackenzie Rivers. The migrants to the Southwest include the Navajo and Apache. The Algonquians come to focus at the Great Lakes. They are not only widespread but display a memorial plenitude of tribes comparable to the Bantu Nguni of South Africa. These tribes memorialize all of the slain sons of Ham except Coeus, suggesting that the dominant Cree and Khoisans of Africa were designed as complementary. The Algonquians display Canaan, not through a single tribe, but with a set of Canaanite vassals equivalent to the middle section of the list covered by Egyptian Dynasty II on the eve of the expedition. An idea of the full sweep of the stock can be outlined as follows: Patriarch: Ham Cush Mizraim Put Canaanites: Jebus (Shem) Amor (Adapa) Tribe: Musi Illinois confederation Missouri [Siouan] Potawatomi Rationale: Tamusi Cush-Enlil, Semitic version Ellil Ojibwa Ottawa cognate cognate, “Atava” Mushri possible cognate in first syllable 403 Girgash (Gilgamesh) Hiv (Kulassina ib-el) Kickapoo cognate, “Gigamu” Ark: Argandea, Ashkenaz, Assiniboin [Dakotan] Algonkin Abazu, Creus: Cree Sumerian “He Rules Them All,” Peleg (Cernunnus of First Kish) Sumerian ruler of Dynasty III period Algonquian Wabasso, Dakotan Wakan-Tanka cognate Tribe names such as “Missouri” are subjected by conventional scholarship to trivializing etymologies cutting these names off from any degree of antiquity and political dignity. The name “Missouri,” for example, is said to mean “people of wooden canoes.” In the case of the Potawatami, a similar etymology might be viewed as incorporating the syllable “Put” as meaning either “people” or the operative predication applied to the tribe. In all cases we depend on the concept of punning by which names of early postdiluvian antiquity were worked into native languages. The case of the Caddoan Javanites is sufficient to display such antiquity no matter what etymological values are assigned to tribe names. Four of the five Canaanite names show a Sumerian bias in apparent cognates to “Adapa,” “Gilgamesh,” “Kulassina ib-el” and “Argandea.” These Sumerian names all date back to the first three dynastic periods of Sumerian history between 2338 and 2248 prior to the rise of Sargon when the Amerindians were in exile in Arabia. These Algonquian tribes are distributed in recognizable belts starting with five local branches of the Cree forming a west-to-east sequence: Plains Cree west of Lake Manitoba, Swampy Cree northwest of Lake Winnipeg, Maskegon Cree west of Hudson’s Bay, Central Cree southwest of the bay and Monsoni Cree south of the bay. This distribution of the Cree can be compared to that of the Khoisans in Africa, especially in view of the Hadza and Sandawe in Kenya east of the African Great Lakes. Curiously the Kenyan Hadza and Sandawe match the Dakotan Mandan Hidatsa and Santee-Dakota on the Upper Missouri as though Creus’s brother Coeus contributed to the Amerindian community as the West African Kru match Creus. Otherwise Creus dominates Algonquian America as the Khoisans establish a major presence in southern Africa. Translated into the terminology of the Wikipedia “Indigenous Languages of the Americas,” the North American circuit we describe here reads as follows: Caddoan, Siouan-Catawban, Yuman-Cochimi, Uto-Aztecan, Salishan, Na-Dene, Algic, Iroquoian and Muskogean. The term Siouan-Catawban covers all the Dakotans; Salishan, the Northwest Coastal group; Na-Dene or Nadene, the Athabascan together with Tlingit and Haida; and Algic, the Algonquian stock. The “Pre-contact” maps showing these nine stocks in red on gray conform well to the North American expedition as we describe it. Although the Wikipedia article on the Caddoans fails to Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations list the Eyeish-Aliche of Lousiana, the largest block of Caddoans in red extends from East Texas into Louisiana and conforms well to our concept of a primary colony planted just west of the Lower Mississippi to distinguish them from the Muskogeans at the close of the expedition. The Siouan-Catawban region forms a southeast-northwest axis from the Lower Mississippi to the source of the Missouri as though describing our concept of a second colony extend along that axis. The Yuman-Cochimi zone covers Baja California and part of Arizona just as we conceive of the third colony. The UtoAztecan region extends both north and south as suggested by the dual name referring to Utes and Shoshones in the Western United States as well as additional tribes in western Mexico and Texas. Again the largest specific zone of the three is the UteShoshone region consistent with our fourth and fifth colonies. The Salishan are concentrated in Washington state and British Columbia. Our specification for the sixth colony is simply that it lay north of the Columbia River, forming the border of Oregon and Washington. By far the largest mass of the Nadene fill out the rest of Northwestern Canada in keeping with our concept of seventh and eighth colonies on the Yukon and Mackenzie. The special significance of this stock is that it displays linguistic affinities to Sino-Tibetans with implications for the way the uniquely diverse Amerindian stock first took shape. The continuous mass of the Algic stock fills out the rest of Canada from the Rockies eastward beyond Hudson’s Bay. Our analysis requires that the ninth and tenth colonies included Algics either in Canada or in the Algonquian United States. The Iroquoians cover a smaller region encompassing Lakes Erie and Huron toward the northeast into Canada as well as blanketing New York State. This stock required two colonies including the Southern Iroquoian Cherokee. The Muskogeans are displayed in a single, confined region of the southeastern United States despite the standard distinction between eastern and western Muskogeans consistent with our concept of the thirteenth and fourteenth North American colonies. By our reckoning, these colonies were actually the fifteenth and sixteenth beginning with settlements of Caribs and Arawaks under Ashkenaz’ leadership. In Edward Sapir’s system of 1929, the Algonquians are grouped with the Northwest Coastal tribes under the label Algonquian-Wakashan; the Athabascans are grouped with Haida and Tlingit in the Nadene stock; Caddoans, Dakotans, Yumans, Iroquoians and Muskhogeans, in the Siouan-Hokan group; and Aztec Nahuatlans, Utes, Shoshoneans, Comanche, Hopi and others, in the Aztec-Tanoan group. Another synthetic stock of this type is the Penutian, centered in California and said to show marked resemblances to Indo-European. These synthetic groups proposed by Sapir suggest that the North Americans were extracted from all the other seven stocks of the Noahic world community, hence the lack of a single dominant Amerindian language type. In that respect the 405 Amerindian protoplast differed from the rest of the world. The source of this disunity was Tiamat-Mahadevi, who sought to achieve a plenitude of eight linguistic stocks within her own racial stock. She realized that race, in the early postdiluvian scheme, was matriarchal rather than patriarchal owing to the Mahadevi racial tetrad. At some early point in time, she extracted representatives from each of the other seven linguistic stocks but bearing the stamp of her own Amerindian race. Her concept played a major role in the Aratta Schism after 2308. The six North American linguistic stocks summarized by Edward Sapir in 1929 correspond to six of the non-Amerindian linguistic stocks, excluding only the Austronesians and Amerindians (as redundant): North-American Stock: Non-Amerindian Match: Rationale: Nadene Sino-Tibetan scholarly consensus Penutian Indo-European scholarly observation, location analogous to Phoenicia Algonquian-Wakashan Sumerian names listed above, location analogous to Mesopotamia Eskimo-Aleut Ural-Altaic proximity to Siberia location analogous to Uralic Sarmatia Aztec-Tanoan Hamitic pyramid culture, location analogous to Egypt Hokan-Siouan Semitic location analogous to Martu-Arabia The process of reproducing the relative geographic locations of the Old World began with the trek westward to the Yuman-Cochimi colony. Our analysis does not make for a separate Penutian colony. Instead the Penutians must have spread into California at the same time that the Uto-Aztecans ascended the Colorado. If these two groups sought to reproduce what they knew to be the disposition of Centum IndoEuropeans and Egyptians earlier in the 22nd century, they must have conceived of the Yuman-Cochimi colony at the mouth of the Colorado as equivalent to the Nile Delta where they met defeat in 2181. Although the Pacific Coast failed to supply the geography necessary to recreate the right angle of the eastern Mediterranean coast, Uto-Aztecans who made their way to Mexico rather than Utah-Colorado thought of themselves as equivalent to the Egyptians south of the Delta. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The Wikipedia article on the Uto-Aztecans distinguishes Northern and Southern branches but then shows a map displaying the “proto-Uto-Aztecan” language as though it originated solely in Mexico. This map is confusing since the text has just stated that, “The proto-Uto-Aztecan homeland is generally thought to have been somewhere in the Southwestern United States— Arizona, New Mexico or Mexico where the first split between Northern and Southern branches occurred.” That view is consistent with our concept of a seminal colony at the mouth of the Colorado settled by the Yuman-Cochimi stock but generating both Penutians and Uto-Aztecans. The Wikipedia text continues, “The homeland of the Numic branch has been placed near Death Valley, California and the Southern Uto-Aztecan languages are thought to have spread out from a place in northwestern Mexico in southern Sonora or northern Sinaloa.” The mouth of the Colorado lies at a point roughly equidistant from Death Valley to the north and the Sonora River to the south. Whatever the significance of Sapir’s concept of North American languages, the Wikipedia distribution of North American conforms well to the system of colonies we propose: Year: 2158 2157 2156 2155 2154 2153 2152 Colony: Carib Arawak Caddoans Location: French Guiana Bahamas Lower Mississippi (west bank) Siouan-Catawba MississippiMissouri Yuman-Cochimi Lower Colorado Uto-Aztecans (Utes) Upper Colorado 2151 Uto-Aztecans (Shoshones) Salishan 2150 Nadene (Tlingit) Yukon 2149 2148 2147 Nadene (Athabaskan) Algic (Algonquian) Algic (Eastern Algonquian) Northern Iroquoian 2146 Snake Columbia Leader: Hul (Sahure) Mash (Neferirkare Kakai) Uz (Unas) Gether (Menkauhor Kaiu) Jerah (Pepi I Meryre) Almodad (Merenre Nemtyemsaf I) Sheleph (Merenre Nemtyemsaf II) Hazarmaveth (Pepi II Neferkare) Shepseskare Isi Mackenzie Lake Superior New England Neferefre Nyuserre Ini Djedkare Isesi Lakes Huron and Erie Shem (Userkaf) 407 2145 2144 2143 Southern Iroquoian (Cherokee) Eastern Muskogean Western Muskogean Upper Ohio Hadoram (Teti) Alabama Lower Mississippi (east bank Obal (Userkare) Abimael (Neitiqerty Siptah) Colonization of the Americas - 2136-2118 Middle and Southern Branches. The sixteen leaders of the North American expedition shared in it prior to their reigns as Egyptian kings in Dynasties V and VI beginning in 2138. The colonization of Middle and South America was led by Egyptian kings of Dynasties III and IV after their reigns. An internet source www.infoplease.com names three major Middle American stocks and eight for South America. Of the eight, the Caribs and Arawaks, have already been accounted for in our analysis of Ashkenaz’ expedition. Therefore the operative number of colonies from Mexico southward was nine requiring as many kings from the earlier dynasties. One king from Dynasty III was unavailable for this service. Huni-Nimrod-Reu died in 2148. Djoser-Shelah worked on a tight schedule in order to return from America to reign as Utuhegal in Sumer as early as 2127. A member of Dynasty III, RehotepMagog, fails to appear as a reigning king; but his Amerindian blood as son of Japheth and Mahadevi places him in the expedition along with his brother Gomer. Three rulers from Dynasty III and six from Dynasty IV crossed the Altlantic after the close of Dynasty IV in 2138 and served as an expedition team like Ashkenaz’ sixteen according to a two-year module covering the eighteen years from 2136 down to 2118, four centuries after the Flood. However we have reason to believe that the four rulers from Dynasty III carried out their tasks in eight years and re-crossed the Atlantic at the close of the thirteenth postdiluvian era in 2128. The same chronology applies to Japheth-Snefru who returned to participate in the Abrahamic war sequence as Chedorlaomer. Four of the South American stocks are Andeans: Chibcha, Quechua, Aymara and Araucanians. Several factors converge to identify the leaders of these four stocks with Japheth-Snefru, Gomer-Khufu, Madai-Khafre and Rehotep-Magog. Inti, sun god of the Inca-Quechua, appears to take his name from Japheth’s Hamite counterpart Imta-Put. Otherwise the sons of Inti are identified in KAIS with Japheth’s sons: KonGomer, Mango-Capac-Magog and Madai-Pachacamac. An Amazonian god Iae has been identified with Put; but the abbreviated name is just as easily identifiable with Javan-Djedefre. The website identifies only two major Brazilian stocks apart from the Caribs and Arawaks— the Gê and Tupi-Guarani. Of these the Amazonian TupiGuarani possess native eponyms Tupan and Guaran (“Warrior” in Spanish). This pair identifies with Cush and Canaan, the same pair featured in the Aztec pantheon as Tezcatlipoca and the war god Huitzilopochtli. Because Javan lost his four vassals in the same massacre that disposed of the sons of Ham, he makes sense as leader of the Tupi-Guarani. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The Andean Chibcha of Colombia suggest an Amerindian form of Japheth’s Cushite name Sheba. The Quechua and Aymara form a northwest-southeast pair on either side of Lake Titicaca in Peru. As such they they suggest the brothers Magog and Gomer respectively. Magog identifies closely with the Quechua as their hero god Mango-Capac. Gomer’s Quechua name Kon recalls his Gaelic name Conall in the epic of Cuchullain. The tribe name Aymara is quite conceivably a direct cognate to the name “Gomer” from a variant “Agmar” or “Agamar.” The Elamite pantheon renders just such a name for Gomer, Lagomar, as basis of his father’s Genesis 14 name Chedorlaomer or “Servant of Lagomar.” A date of the the Abrahamic war as early as the 2120s suggests that after planting the Chibcha early in the process Japheth followed the same course as Ashkenaz in re-crossing the Atlantic to reign in Elam as Chedorlaomer after Ashkenaz reigned in Gutium as Yarlaganda. Revisions below, however, suggest that the Abrahamic war sequence of fourteen years began as late as 2113. The southernmost major stock of the Andes is the Chilean Araucanians, a warlike people who so impressed the Spaniards that one of them composed an epic on the deeds of this race. Two alternatives confront our identification of the Araucanian leader. Process of elimination suggests that it was Madai-Pachacamac. Another possibility is that Japheth’s close ties to Madai as Atab to Mashda and Svarog to Svarogich meant that Japheth kept him in the north as his substitute as he returned to Iran. If this theory is correct, Japheth left the Araucans in the hands of MadaiKhafre’s son Menkaure. As we have obserbved this son of Madai is identified in the First Kish dynasty as Arurim, son of Mashda. The name Arurim logically accounts for the name “Araucan,” reflected in the family name of the great Chilean pianist Claudio Arrau. The surviving kings of Dynasties III serving in the Amerindian process were Sidon-Sanakhte, Shelah-Djoser, Eber-Sekhemkhet and Joktan-Khaba. As a tetrad they paired off with four stocks of Middle America identified by a Wikipedia article as Mayan, Mixe-Zoquean, Oto-Manguean and Totonacan. This quartet ranked high in the annals of Sumer as Enki, Lugalbanda, Gilgamesh and Meskiaggasher, “son” of the sun god Utu. Just as Sidon received recognition on the south coast of the CaribbeanGulf continuum, Joktan-Meshech received recognition among the Muskogeans along the northern coast in the southeastern United States at the close of Ashkenaz’s expedition. Given the Caribs and Muskogeans on either side of the maritime gateway to the Americas, the quartet logically concentrated on Middle America between the two gate posts. (See Map of current distribution. --- www.en.wikipedia.org copied October 29, 2008) Although the Middle American expedition may have effected a linkup with the Aztec-Tanoan stock from the North American expedition, this stock was not among the four introduced by the Dynasty III sect. The Wikipedia article on “Mesoamerican languages” claims that “Proto-Mixe-Zoque was spoken on the gulf 409 coast and on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and on the Guatemalan Pacific coast around 2000 BCE, in a much larger area than its current extension.” That perspective identifies the Mixe-Zoquean as the second stock of the expedition after the Mayans. The Oto-Manguean figures as third and Totonacans as fourth. At least that is the eastwest sequence of these stocks as shown in a color-coded, distribution map of Mexico and Guatemala. Our theory that the four leaders from Dynasty III completed the Middle American colonization in only eight years takes strength from the fact that the current distribution of these four stocks covers little more than 300 miles of longitude from Guatemala to Oaxaca. After crossing the Caribbean Sea, these leaders could approach Guatemala through the Gulf of Honduras. From there the traditional seach for rivers would place a first colony on the Rio Motagua and the second on Rio Grijalva. From there our only guide is the current location of the Oto-Mangueans on the Pacific Coast of Oaxaca and the Totonacans on the Gulf side in the state of Vera Cruz. A logical approach to sequencing the four leaders is the order of their reigns in Dynasty III: Sidon-Sanakhte over the Mayans at Rio Motagua; Shelah-Djoser over the MixeZoqueans at the Rio Grijalva; Eber-Sekhemkhet over the Oto-Mangueans in Oaxaca; and Joktan-Khaba over the Totonacs in Vera Cruz— the point of departure to return to Egypt. A cultural parallel between Sidon and the Mayans is that they invented an indigenous form of writing. There is no question that Sidon became the universal master of script, writing and literature among the Noahic elite. This specialty arose from the spiritual motive to “eternalize” knowledge according to the Enkiship, the cultus of El Olam, the God of eternity. The Muskogeans identified Sidon as the god Sint-Holo, an invisible serpent responsible for languages and writing. Although Sidon obviously did not teach the Mayans cuneiform, his influence resulted in a tradition prompting them to invent a pictographic script of their own. He had done the same for Egyptian hieroglyphs as the wisdom god Ptah. Another such script linked Crete to Mande West Africa and the Olmecs on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The Olmecs did not figure in the expedition of 2136 because their father HulSahure belonged to Ashkenaz’ earlier expedition. After settling the Caribs in French Guiana, he presumably continued on his own across the Caribbean to Guatemala and the isthmus before returning to Egypt and imparting information to leaders of the second expedition. The features of Sahure strike me as those of a man of active enterprise. We can consider this black son of Shem and Kali as the Othello among the Noahic elite. The name “Maya” complements “Yuma” in North America and “Gê” in South America to form a triad at the root of the entire Amerindian process. To all appearances at least three of the Mahadevi tetrad were living at their respective cult centers in Egypt at the time of the Amerindian invasion of the Delta in 2181. The three ethnic names in the Americas strongly suggest that they joined the three divisions of the of the Amerindians who made up the three armies of the “claw Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations section” of Scorpius leading to the Battle of the Orontes in 2178. If so they were cooperating with the Akkadians who traced their descent from Peleg of the Aratta schism and may have felt that they were helping to revive the cause of Aratta. Mahadevi-Wazet, in particular, desired to recover her claim to Gutium, which lay in the general direction of Aratta. She no doubt played a major role in persuading her race the Amerindians to convert to the Akkadian faction and profit from its intitiative to defeat the Centum Aryans. The names “Maya” and “Gê” are transparent renderings of Maia and Gaia, Hellenic versions of Mahadevi and Kali just as “Yuma” echoes “Uma,” the East Indian name of the Caucasoid member of the tetrad. Hellenic Gaia represents Kali as a goddess or Titaness of the primordial part of the Hellenic pantheon. The name derives from a familiar Greek word meaning “earth” and appears in such English words as “geography” and “geology.” Kali received this name as Negroid racial representative of Adam, created of the dust of the earth. The name “Maia,” derives from a separate Hellenic tradition— the “Dardanian” triad of Noah’s three sons in which Ham appears as Hermes son of Maia. This triad structure in the Americas implies that Uma joined the northern division of the threefold Amerindian army in association with the urban location of Syrian Hamath, named for her daughter Anath by Noah, the sister wife of Bal-Shem. Mahadevi joined the central army and Kali the southern one. The Gê, Maya and Yuma are spread out in a southeast to northwest pattern from eastern Brazil through Guatemala to the mouth of the Colorado. We can regard these three locations as the axis of the early postdiluvian colonization of the Americas. In adopting four stocks of the central Ameridian army, the four kings of Dynasty III tell us something about the political stance of Mahadevi at this time. The four kings were synonymous with the Inanna Succession from its inception: Canaan’s son Sidon, grandson Shelah, great-grandson Eber and great-great-grandson Joktan. After the death of Peleg, they coalesced to form Dynasty III as the embodiment of what remained of the Inanna Succession. Mahadevi must have interpreted her Aratta faction as synonymous with the Inanna Succession in exalting her son and ally PelegKingu to the rank of Shem’s fourth imperial heir. We can now search the Mayan pantheon to discover a version of Mahadevi and the four leaders of the Middle American expedition. The Quitzé division of the Mayan race created a mythological epic the Popul Vuh. Part III of this epic establishes a theme basic to the history of mankind in the 22nd century— the conversion of Noahic mankind from knowledgable imperialists into ignorant nationalists: “Many men were made and in the darkness they multiplied. All lived together, they lived together, they existed in great number and walked there in the East. 411 Nevertheless they did not sustain nor maintain [their God]; they only raised their faces to the sky, and they did not know why they had come so far as they did” [Trans. Adrian Recinos, English version by Delia Goetz and Syvanus G. Morley, University of Oklahoma Press, 1950, www.geocities.com). The feathered-serpent god Gucumatz has created the first four men: BalamQuitze (“Jaguar Quitze”), Balam-Acab (“Jaguar Night”), Mahucutah (“Naught”) and Iqui-Balam (“Wind Jaguar”). At first these men are so superior that they are omniscient, seeing to the corners of the earth. The deity Heart of Heaven, speaking in harmony with ten other deities including Gucumatz, declares that they must be rendered ignorant in order not to be like the gods. Heart of Heaven blows smoke into their eyes so that they can see only what is near at hand. This theme is presuppositional for our interpretration of how the god- kings of Egypt could be passed off as home-grown Egyptians rather than the longlived Noahic imperialists that they truly were. If Eber’s Sumerian name Gilgamesh could degenerate into the Algonquian tribe name Kickapoo, the same is doubly true of the dominant Mayan god Gucumatz. Because Eber-Khaba belongs among the team of gods responsible for humiliating mankind in this passage of the Popul Vuh, we can consider whether the full team was synonymous with the four kings of Dynasty III and seven kings of Dynasty IV who conducted the second expedition. It happens that the team consists of just the eleven units we need although one of these units is itself a group titled “Forefathers”: “Let us check a little [mankind’s] desires because it is not well what we see. Must they perchance be the equals of ourselves, their Makers, who can see afar, who know all and see all?” Thus spoke the Heart of Heaven, [Cuculhá] Huracán, ChipiCuculhá, Raxa-Cuculhá, Tepeu, Gucumatz, the Forefathers, Xpiyacoc, Xmucané, the Creator and the Maker.” In addition to Gucumatz-Eber of the Middle American tetrad, Huracan is evidently Hurricano-Magog of the Dynasty IV South American septad. As it turns out Xpiyacoc and Xmucané are apparently females, one called “Grandmother of the day” and the other, “Grandmother of the dawn.” Fortunately that is just what we need to bring Mahadevi-Maia and Kali-Gaia into play by modifying the Dynasty IV septad. The divine dramatis personae of the Popul Vuh can be identified with the expedition of 2136 as follows: Dynasty IV Septad: Japheth Gomer Magog Madai Javan Xpiyacoc Xmucané Heart of Heaven Chipi-Cuculhá Cuculhá Huracan Raxa-Cuculhá Forefathers [deceased Javanites] Mahadevi (Maya) Kali (Gê) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Dynasty III Tetrad: Sidon Maker (Ptah) Shelah Creator (Marduk) Eber Gucumatz (Gilgamesh) Joktan Tepeu Japheth’s Mayan title “Heart of Heaven” has been taken, in effect, from the slain Mizraim, whose Japanese name Amenominakanushi means just that. The title implies that Japheth adopted the Anship at his father Noah’s death in 2168 just as Shem did in becoming Melchizedek priest of El Elyon by the early 2120s. All three of the patriarchs identified as Japheth’s sons in the Slavic tradition of Svarog bear the Mayan element “Cuculhá.” The plural term Forefathers, treated as a unit, identifies Javan as lord of the four slain Javanites. That Mayan tradition suggests how the Javanites entered the history of the Amerindians in the events leading to their deaths as rebel hostages of the Akkadians in 2181. An untapped Hellenic myth figures as an allegory of the Battle of Orontes and adds a dimension to the background of that event. The myth of Perseus and Andromeda possesses an element characteristic of early postdiluvian allegories— the presence of monsters representative of alien armies. To grasp the full meaning of the myth we need to look at the feathered-serpent tradition of the Mayans and Nahua Aztecs. Gugumatz and Kukulcan are two different version of the same featheredserpent god representing Eber-Gilgamesh. Another feathered-serpent god with a different euhemeristic identity is the Nahua Quetzalcoatl (“Feathered Serpent”). This dual image is analogous to the griffin dyad representing armies consisting of Semites and Hamites. Feathers signify the avian image of the Semites. The image proper to the Amerindian stock is the serpent. In his role as Mayan colonist, Eber become the dual representative of the Semitic and Amerindian stocks as though the Mayans were racial Amerindians extracted by Mahadevi from part of the Semitic stock. The Amerindian serpent image identifies the three Amerindian armies in 2178 as the monstrous Gorgons with snakes for hair, including Medusa of the PerseusAndromeda myth. The allegory emerges by identifying Andromeda’s family with three of the Centum Aryan stocks defended by another personified by Perseus. This familiar “stellar” family of King Cepheus, Queen Cassiopeia and their daughter Andromeda are traditionally located in Ethiopia. In explaining the aftermath of the Arabian war, we have suggested that Centum Aryans escaped from the Akkadians and made their way by land from the western coast of the Persian Gulf to Syria. An alternative view is that the Akkadians succeeded in forcing them to accompany the Amerindians and black Africans to Ethiopia. Cepheus happens to be an extra member of Poseidon’s Javanite “Libyan” family. The Hellenic myth names him a son of Belus-Shelah (Amorite Belu) and brother of Aegyptus-Eber and the slain Javanite Danaus-Rodan. The Hellenic myth extends the range of the Javanite presence in Africa southward from the predynastic 413 regime in Upper Egypt to Ethiopia. The Javanites were to the Centum Aryans what the sons of Ham were to the Amerindians. Both sets of leaders perished in 2181 because they had failed in the duty imposed on them by the Akkadians to keep these stocks pinned in Ethiopia. As a kind of fifth Javanite, Cepheus must have governed one of the five Centum Aryan stocks destined for Europe. Perseus’ act of decapitating Medusa signifies the chief death blow in the Centum Aryan war against the converted Amerindians. Allegorically Perseus stands for one of the five Centum Aryan stocks just as the three members of Cepheus’ family stand for three more. A careful analysis of how the Centum Aryans were disposed relative to the Akkadians and the three mercenary Amerindian “Gorgon” armies can shed light on how the Amerindians were apportioned after their defeat under the colonizing leaders. Because the Javanites, if not Cepheus, died in 2181, the Centum Aryans passed from their control to the Gallic faction of the Teutates Panel. Still, knowledge of how they were disposed under the Javanites may carry implications for later times. The Javanite circulation throughout the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean might lead us to believe that their main Centum Aryan connections were with the Hellenes; but that is not the case. The Phoenicians of Tarshish established colonies at Carthage and Poeni Tartessus that impacted most on the Romans. The Hellenic connection was with Khetm both through Cadmus of Thebes and the Kittim of Macedonia. The river name Rhodanus (Rhone) in Gallic territory connects Rodan with the Celts. Elishah-Agenor’s identity as Sidon’s immediate son suggests that the Teutonic Sidones may owe their origin to this Javanite carrier of Sidon’s name. Process of elimination identifies Cepheus with the Illyrians. Their ZadrimaSaturnus association with the Italics suggests that Cepheus’s Queen Cassiopeia identifies with the Italics. If Joppa— the Ethiopian seat of Cepheus in the Greek myth— lay on the coast, the Italian claims to Eritrea on that coast follow this association. In fact it would appear that the entire body of Centum Aryans settled on the Ethiopian coast while the Amerindians penetrated to the interior in the aftermath of the Arabian war. Proximity of the Hellenes to both Illyria and Italy suggests that Andromeda personifies the Hellenes as the Centum Aryan division most vulnerable to attack by the Akkadians in 2178. The hero Perseus personifies whatever stock took the lead in “rescuing Andromeda” in the Battle of the Orontes; and that appears to be the Celts who crafted the Gundestrup Caldron and recalled the struggle in the second stage of the epic of Cuchullain. Of the Gallic tetrad and the fourth horseman, we have seen that ShemTeutates, Eber-Mider and Esus-Joktan all took part in the colonization of the Americas. The Amerindians they led were, in effect, prisoners of war. These leaders imposed on them the heavy guilt theme of abandoning the cause of the the slain sons of Ham and Javanites by embracing the Akkadians for a reward between 2181 and 2178. That guilt theme translated into the human sacrifice cult that appears to have passed from the Olmecs to the Mayas and then to the Aztecs. As Shem-Teutates’s Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations son, Hul— father of the Olmecs— was the primary influence behind this cult. That is especially true if Shem became the Aztec god Tlaloc. The Gallic tetrad was known to the Romans as the heart of a Druidic cult of human sacrifice. This religious theme radiated from a revenge motive against the murders of 2181. A close inspection of the Hellenic tradition of the three vengeful Furies will probably disclose a source in the same series of events. For one thing the ethic of vengeance lies at the core of Shem’s cultus of Yahweh the God of Storms. This ethos corresponds to the Ishkurship of the Sumerians, Bal’s war clubs in the Ugaritic mythology and the matching hammer of Thor in the Teutonic. It even applies to the upraised mace of Narmer, who slew the ten victims out a sense of revenge for their violation of the agreement to keep the Amerindians out of Egypt. As a rain god of human sacrifice, Tlaloc figures as another version of Shem as vindictive priest of the Ishkurship. In Christian sentiment, all this vengefulness seems ethically alien; but the worship of God as Yahweh is no less valid, from an overall dispensational viewpoint, than any other aspect of the faith. Our Christian ethic of forgiveness simply means that just vengeance is not within the scope of our present dispensational state. The Aztec cult represents a stage of human ethics when guilt and vengeance were untempered by the call of Abraham, Law of Moses or Christian Gospel. The cult was at least systematic and therefore subject to priestly laws of its own. Its ferocity reveals the intensity of wrath unleashed by events of 2181-2178. Whether we conceive of these events as a kind of second Fall of Man, occurring within a decade of Noah’s death, they gave substance to the traditional meaning of our word “savage.” (See Huitzilopochtli Aztec God of War. Canaan son of Ham as Vengeful Spirit following the massacre of 2181--- www.picasweb.com copied October 31, 2008 ) Although the portrait of the Yahweh ethos at the start of Walt Whitman’s “Chanting the Square Deific” reads as a kind of liberal caricature, it at least displays insight into the nature of the Yahweh cultus as a distinct ethical branch of human and divine reality: Solid, four-sided, (all sides needed,) from this side Jehovah am I, Old Brahm I, and I Saturnus am; Not Time affects me— I am Time, old, modern as any, Unpersuadable, relentless, executing righteous judgments. . . Relentless I forgive no man— whoever sins dies— I will have that man’s life. The words “all sides needed” are sufficient to give the Aztec cultus its due no matter how much human error and demonic influence may have been mixed in it. The Hellenic Erinyes (Roman Furies) were Alecto (Unresting), Megaera (Jealous) and Tsiphone (Avenger). Their task was to torment the minds of the guilty such as Orestes following his matricide of Clytemnestra or Dejanira following the 415 murder of her husband Herakles as dramatized in a powerful aria by the murderess in Handel’s great oratorio-opera Hercules (1745): See! see! they come! Alecto with her snakes, Megaera fell, and black Tisiphone! See the dreadful sisters rise, Their dreadful presence taints the skies! See the snaky whips they bear! What yellings rend my tortured ear! Hide me from their hated sight, Friendly shades of blackest night! Alas! no rest the guilty find From the pursuing Furies of the mind! (libretto by Thomas Broughton, text with John Eliot Gardiner’s performance of Handel’s Hercules on the occasion of the 1982 Göttingen Handel Festival, Archiv Produktion). The repeated snake image suggests that this tradition, like the three Gorgons, involved Amerindian “serpent” stocks. In any case they epitomize the vengeance motive that figured so prominently in the background of the Amerindian colonization process. The blondism attributed to the Aztec feathered serpent god Quetzalcoatl suggests that he is Sidon-Sanakhte, both son and grandson of blond Uma. The Aztec pantheon should be studied to determine whether it possesses any systematic bearing on the colonization process. The main Wikipedia article confirms that the chief gods were the ones we have named— Huitzilopochtli (Canaan), Tezcatlipoca (Cush), Questzalcoatl (Sidon) and Tlaloc (Shem). The pantheon is a tantalizing disappointment. In migrating from the northwest, the Nahua found a culture more populaous and developed than their own. As a result they synthesized two traditions, neither of which sheds direct light on the age of colonization. For example the chief gods Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca are supposed to have derived from two different sources, Huitzilopochtli as a tribal god of the Aztecs and Tezcatlipoca as a general god of Middle America. The best we can make of that circumstance is to distribute traditions of the slain sons of Ham among the different expeditions. If Huitzilopochtli is confined to the Aztecs, this patriarch Canaan emerges as the slain patron deity of Ashkenaz’ northern expedition. As a general deity of the Middle Americans, Tezcatlipoca-Cush is the matching slain god of that expedition. In the Andean region, the sun god Inti takes his name from slain Put, assigning that son of Ham to the analogous role in South America. As for Mizraim his strongly reinforced identity as Mandaru-Aka among the Mande and Akans of West Africa identifies the colonization of West Africa as correlative to the three American branches with Mizraim as the “spirit deity” of West Africa. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations A more striking result comes from the following pre-Columbian picture: [See Fejérváry-Mayer Codex. --- www.en.wikipedia.org copied November 1, 2008] This promising artwork of the Aztecs fulfils its promise as a genuine early postdiluvian world design referring to the Americans. This is a highly systematized painting in the Fejérváry-Mayer Codex. The Wikipedia article on “Aztec religion” identifies the god at the center with Xiuhtecuhtli, the fire and hearth god that KAIS identifies with Togarmah, now recognized as the general Gomerite leader of the Middle American expedition. Unfortunately a close analysis by Seler from Hartley Burr Alexander identifies the additional eight deities without any reference to the gods we expect from the Middle American expedition. Alexander’s Latin-American Mythology summarizes Seler’s analysis: “But the main part of the design, about the center, is occupied with symbols of the quarters of the heavens. In each section is a T-shaped tree, surmounted by a bird, with tutelary deities on either side of the trunk. Above, framed in red, the tree rises from an image of the sun, set on a temple, while a quetzal bird surmounts it; the gods on either side are (left) Iztli, the Stone-Knife God, and (right) Tonatiuh the Sun; and the whole symbolizes the tree which rises in the eastern heavens. The trapezoid opposite this, colored blue, symbolizing the west, contains a thorn-tree rising from the body of the dragon of the [ecliptic] (for the heavens descend to darkness in this region) and surmounted by a hummingbird, which according to Aztec belief, dies after the dry and revives with the rainy season; the attendant deities are Chalchiuhtlicue, goddess of flowing water, and the earth goddess Tlazolteotl, deity of dirt and sin. To the right, framed in yellow, a thorny tree rises from a dish containing emblems of expiation, while an eagle surmounts it: the attendants are Tlaloc, the rain-god and Tepeyollotl, the Heart of the Mountains, Voice of the Jaguar— all a token of the northern heavens. Opposite this a green trapezoid containing a parrot-surmounted tree rising from the jaws of the Earth, and having on one side, Cinteotl, the maize-god and on the other, Mictlantecuhtli, the divinity of death. The night deities, he at the center and the four pairs, form the group of los Señores de la Noche (“lords of the Night”); while the whole figure symbolizes the orientation of the world-power in space and time— years and Tonalamantls, earth-realms and sky-realms” (56). Our one hope of giving this design an early postdiluvian range of reference is to posit a world-wide value with the sun god Tonatiu in solar Egypt, the eastern source from which the expeditions came. As Tlaloc Shem is in the correct relative position in the north since we have seen him as one of the North American Wakanda sect, namely the leader of the North Iroquoian colony at the eastern Great Lakes. The south falls into line in view of the identification of Riphath, overall leader of the South American branch, with Mictlantecuhtli in KAIS. The book also identifies 417 Xiuhtecuhtli with Riphath’s Gomerite brother Togarmah, now placed at the center of the design as leader of the Middle American branch. A particular challenge arises from the blue, western segment of the design representing the west. If the dimensions of the scheme are reduced on the west, the blue compartment can be taken to represent the Yuman colony in Baja California. As the Sumerian fish goddess Nanshe, Uma makes sense as the Aztec goddess of flowing water Chalchiuhtlicue. In order to serve as the western and northern branches of design, the Yuman and and Iroquoian colonies must be counted separately despite being part of the same expedition by Ashkenaz. The cosmos of the Fejérváry-Mayer Codex can be diagrammed as follows with the east rotated to the top as in the picture: East Egypt Tonatiu Japheth Quetzal Bird Sun red frame North Great Lakes Tlaloc Shem Eagle Expiation Dish yellow frame Center Middle America Xiuhtecuhtli Togarmah South South America Mictlanticuhtli Riphath Parrot Jaws of Earth green frame West Baja California Chalchiuhtlicue Uma Hummingbird Dragon blue frame The Fejérváry-Mayer design demonstrates that the Aztecs were fully aware of the entire Amerindian colonization scheme either before or after they left the northwest and made contact with the Mayans in the southeast. In KAIS I was unaware of this document and not quite prepared to appreciate it because I mistakenly switched the positions of Riphath and Togarmah in Middle and South America. I arrived at the correct arrangement, before knowing the document, by recognizing that the Maya and Gé represent Maia and Gaia, the respective mothers of Togarmah and Riphath in Guatemala and Brazil. The Yuma-Maya-Gé triad confirmed the arrangement before I discovered the document placing Xiuhtecuhtli-Togarmah at the Middle American center of the Amerindian cosmos. KAIS had correctly identified Xiuhtecuhtli with Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Togarmah through a systematic study of the whole pantheon. The same investigation correctly identified Mictlantecuhtli with Riphath but mistakenly identified blond Quetzalcoatl with Ashkenaz rather than Sidon. The only possibility of determining the identities of the secondary gods in each pair of the design is to discover some systematic principle operative in one of them. In the north, for example, Shem-Tlaloc is paired with Tepeyollotl, the Heart of the Mountains. This last god necessarily belongs among the sixteen members of the Wakanda sect as a co-member of Ashkenaz northern expedition. Shem-Tlaloc established the Iroquoian colony at the eastern Great Lakes after the main body of the expedition descended from the Canadian Rockies. However the most likely identity of a god called “Heart of the Mountains” is Obal’s son Almodad, the colonist of the Upper Colorado, for two converging reasons. The tributaries of the Colorado River are sourced near Mount Elbert in the heart of the Colorado Rockies; and the Upper Colorado colony was populated by the same Uto-Aztecan stock to whom the Aztecs belonged. We have not yet isolated the branch of the Uto-Aztecans of North America from whom the Aztecs came. Were they a detachment of the stock that remained at the Lower Colorado while the others migrated up river? Or were they descendants of those who reached the Rockies? The title “Heart of the Mountains,” coupled with the northern sector of the Amerindian world suggests the latter. Why else would this god be paired off with Shem, colonist of the northeast? The Rockies and Great Lakes form a natural dyad with the Prairies intervening on the eastern side together with Mississippi and Ohio and the Great Plains on the western side crossed by the Missouri and its tributary the Platte. The South Platte, in turn, is sourced quite near the Grand River tributary of the Colorado in the “Heart of the Mountains,” thus bringing the western and eastern waterways together at this point near Longs Peak on the west and Loveland on the east. It is conceivable that the Aztecs descend from a group of Uto-Aztecans who turned back at some point in the Rockies such as Mount Elbert or Longs Peak and made their way back to the southwest in contrast to the main body who pressed on northward to the Snake and Columbia Rivers. This group might even have been ordered to do so in order to bring knowledge of the Rockies back to the YumaCochimi colony. If this movement was preconcerted, it was no doubt accompanied by a mandate to establish connections with the second expedition in Mexico. The pattern suggested by coupling Shem with Almodad pertains to the array of tetrads throughout the Genesis 10 system. Almodad heads the first of three tetrads that make up the Joktanite clan. Two of the explicit tetrads perished in 2181. One goal of the Amerindian scheme may have been to engage the remaining tetrads. Two clans unrepresented in the America are the Mizraim and Canaanites. These can be explained in terms of Amerindian history on the eve of crossing the Atlantic. The Semitic 419 Canaanites inhabited the land intervening between Egypt and Syrian Phoenicia. This land corresponded to the southern army of the Amerindian forces serving the Akkadians by 2178. By vacating this land, the Amerindians parted company with the Canaanite clan per se. The Mizraim clan complemented the Amerindian expeditions by holding West Africa on the east side of the Atlantic. The tetrads remaining to be incorporated into Native America were the genetic family of Japheth in Genesis 10:2, the heart of Egyptian Dynasty IV; the first of two tetrads making up the Cushite eight and consisting of Seba-Riphath (Amazonian Tamula) and his son Sabtah-Ganesa, Havilah-Ham-Tammuz (Amazonian Tamusi) and the deceased Sabtechah-Peleg; the four “Aramaean” sons of Shem in 10:23; the first four Joktanites— sons of Obal and Shelah-Diklah; the middle four consisting of the divine triad of Ur and Diklah; and the Mahadevi tetrad. We can continue to analyze the nine gods of the Fejérváry Codex with attention to these tetrads. For example the goddess of flowing water Chalchiuhtlicue-Uma in the west is coupled with Tlazolteotl, the goddess of sin and filth. Uma appears in Sumerian tradition as Ningal, mother of Inanna. A passage in the Gugalanna section of the Epic of Gilgamesh explains why the Amerindians may have conceived of Inanna as a goddess of sin and filth. In the passage Inanna confesses her immorality to her parents after Gilgamesh has accused her: When Ishtar [Inanna] heard this, Ishtar was enraged and mounted to heaven. Forth went Ishtar before Anu, her father, To Antum, her mother, she went and said: “My father, Gilgamesh has heaped insults upon me! Gilgamesh has recounted my stinking deeds, My stench and my foulness” (Pritchard’s Ancient Near East, (53). In this text Inanna addresses a variety of different “fathers” including EaEnki. Her actual father was Nanna-Arphaxad I-Hadoram; and her mother, NingalUma-Jobab. She appears along with them in the Joktanite list under the name Uzal. Therefore we can consider western Chalchiuhtlicue and Tlazolteoltl of the design as Uma-Jobab of third Joktanite tetrad and Uzal-Inanna of the second tetrad. Palmer’s Atlas of World History shows a Yuman-Cochimi tribe the Mohave immediately to the northwest of the Yuma with the Maricopa at the mouth of the Colorado, the Yuma somewhere near the Salton Sea and the Mohave toward the Southern California desert named for them. The name Mohave is a conceivable cognate to Inanna’s Celtic name Medb or Mab. Beyond that point the Utes represent Inanna’s brother Utu, and the Arapaho offer a cognate to the name of her father Arphaxad. In this context the Salishans can be considered as cognate in name with Salah (Shelah)-Diklah, the fourth member of the middle Joktanite tetrad after Hadoram-Arphaxad, Uzal-Inanna and Obal-Utu. Even the Aztec name Tlazolteotl Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations might be viewed as a cognate to Hebrew “Uzal.” Among the Italics centering in Hadoram-Saturnus, Uzal’s tribal name appears in three cognates: Hellenic Italoi, Oscan and Ausones. This last name suggests a vowel metathesis “Azol” for “Uzal” consistent with “Tl-azol-teotl.” Admittedly this construct represents a outer limit of this sort of speculative activity; but the Utes and Arapaho form a convincing context for the middle tetrad of the Joktanites. Palmer shows the Utes immediately to the southeast of the Great Salt Lake and the Arapaho to the east-southeast around northeastern Colorado. The Arapaho are members of the Algonquian stock; so the middle Joktanite tetrad is distributed deliberately among three different linguistic stocks— Uzal and her mother Uma-Ningal in the Yuma-Cochimi, Obal-Utu in the Uto-Aztecan, Hadoram-Arphaxad in the Algic and Diklah-Shelah in the Salishan. In reconstituting the middle tetrad, Ashkenaz and others sought to embed this structure in a large segment of the North American linguistic picture. Enough significant points occur in this case to encourage us to study the rest of the Fejérváry-Mayer design for the remaining tetrads in Genesis 10. Of the two Cushite tetrads the first one beginning with Seba-Riphath and Havilah-Ham points unmistakably to a South American tradition concerning two “brothers” Tamula and Tamusi, sons of the creator goddess Amana. The names are given by www.godchecker.com but assigned to “the Calina people,” a branch of the Caribs. Whatever the source the two names certainly suggest Riphath, father of the East Indian Tamils, and Tammuz-Dumuzi, the most important Semitic-Sumerian name attributed to original Semitic father Ham. Because the Aztec design assigns its version of Riphath, Mictlanticuhtli (god of the dead), to the southern quarter along with the maize god Cinteotl, we are faced by the strong possibly of this southern pair represent Riphath-Seba and Ham-Havilah in the Amazonian region at the core of the first Cushite tetrad. Their mother Amana could either be Riphath’s mother Kali or Ham’s mother Mahadevi. The remaining members of the first Cushite tetrad are Riphath-Shiva’s son Ganesa-Sabtah and the deceased Peleg, Cushite Sabtechah. In order to approach this problem from all sides, we need to consider additional gods or heroes of South America: Kuat-Canaan and Iae-Put of the Amazonian Mamaiuran; Tupan-Cush and Guaran (“Warrior”)-Canaan of the Tupi-Guarani stock; and Pillan, an Araucan volcano god identifiable with Peleg-Sabtechah. If accurately identified, all five of these local god-heroes were dead before the Amerindian expedition began and, therefore, belong to the same class as Tezcatlipoca-Cush and Huitzilopochtli-Canaan of the Aztecs. Of these gods, all but the Andean Pillan refer to slain sons of Ham, excluding Mizraim with his ties to the African continent. If we look for a distribution of the first Cushite tetrad over a variety of stocks, Andean Pillan offers Peleg-Sabtechah as a place to begin. Riphath-Seba-Mictlanteotl 421 can be identified with the Gé on the basis of his mother Kali-Gaia; and Ham-Havilah, with the Tupi-Guarani according to his paternity of Cush-Tupan and Canaan-Guaran. To bring this tetrad to life, however, we need a convincing counterpart to Seba’s son Sabtah. A possible cognate emerges from the extinct Subtiaba of the Middle American Ote-Manguean stock. Palmer shows the Subtiaba on the Pacific coast of Nicaraqua. That location might be considered as the primary settlement point of the South Americans after a landing of both the Middle and South American branches at the Gulf of Honduras. Palmer also shows the Chibchans thoughout Panama as well as at two locations in Colombia making these the transitional race from Middle to South America. Owing to the Quechuan tradition of Inti and his sons, we have identified the Chibcha with Japheth-Sheba of the second Cushite tetrad. In that sense the Subtiaba and Chibcha index the two Cushite septads as a formal key to Native South America. Also known as the Moisca or Mosca, the Chibchans represent Joktan-Khaba of Dynasty III under his Japhethite name of Meshech together with Japheth himself. We have placed Joktan, as a member of Dynasty III, among the founders of Middle America; but owing to the northern location of the Chibcha, he logically did double duty in creating a northern foundation for the South American expedition. A Wikipedia article on the Chibcha identifies two gods, Chibchacum and the dominant figure Bochica: According to Chibcha legends, Bochica was a bearded man who came from the east. He taught the barbaric Chibcha people ethical and moral norms and gave them a model by which to organize their states, with one spiritual and one secular leader. A god of agriculture, Chibchacum was punished by Bochica by having to hold the earth on his shoulders like Atlas. The theme of a spiritual-secular dyad draws attention in view of such pairs as Tamula-Tamusi, Kuat-Iae, Tupan-Guaran and the especially the pictorial pairs of the Fejérváry-Mayer Codex. The Chibchan tradition brings us a step closer to understanding how Middle and South America were colonized. We can now analyze the four Dynasty III founders of Middle America (page 400-401) in terms of spiritual-secular pairs. In every stage of his life, Sidon-Ptah figured as a spiritual leader of mystical type. He and his son Shelah form a kind of spiritual-secular team in the Marduk Epic where Shelah takes the field as Marduk conquer of his foes. We have assigned these two to the Mayans and Mixe-Zoqueans at the opening of the Middle American colonization process. Another father-son pair, Eber and Joktan, governed the remaining two stocks of Middle America. If seniority implies spirituality, Eber served in this case as spiritual leader and Joktan as secular leader. In the next step Joktan reappears either as Bochica or Chibchacum together with his feudal father Japheth in establishing the South American process at Moiscan Panama or Colombia. Bochica’s bearded image suggests Japheth of the Mutilated Envoi panel although he appears as characteristically clean shaven among the Egyptians as Snefru. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The identities of these two Chibchan gods are equivocal because the name “Bochica” can be considered cognate with “Meshech.” But the relationships straighten out when we recall how Meshech’s Muskogeans ring the Gulf of Mexico just as the Javanite Caddoans continue the same function west of the Lower Mississippi. The article in infoplease.com on “Languages of South America and the West Indies” names eight principal stocks: Chibchan, Cariban, Gé, Quechua, Aymara, Araucanian, Arawakan and Tupi-Guarani. One way to explain the “Atlas” burden imposed on Chibchacum is that Joktan-Meshech was given responsibility for four of these as though as though he supplanted Javan as lord of four sub-vassals under Japheth. The eight South American-Caribbean stocks can be made up of a combination of these four with the primary four Japhethites under Japheth-Bochica. The Chibchan, Quechua, Aymara and Araucanians are all regarded as Andeans and therefore tied to Japheth as Inti, sun god of the Quechua. The Caribans, Gé, Arawakans and Tupi-Guarani can all be labeled the “Amazonian-Caribbean” stock since both Caribans and Arawakans inhabit both the island and mainland. These figure as Joktan-Meshech’s share of the South American-Caribbean burden as though they were an extension of the Muskoghean zone of North America. In order to clarify the abbreviated expedition of 2138-2128, we need to conceive of a continuous, coasting voyage on a two-year module with four major landings at the Mouths of the Amazon, Mouths of the Orinoco, Gulf of Venezuela and Gulf of Honduras as follows: 2138 2136 2134 2132 2130 2128 departure from Phoenicia Mouths of the Amazon Mouths of the Orinoco Gulf of Venezuela Gulf of Honduras return to Phoenicia Gé and Tupi-Guarani Caribans and Arawakans Andeans Middle Americans Three participants in this expedition were destined to reappear on the Middle Eastern scene no later than 2113— Ham as Bera of Sodom, Shelah as Utuhegal of Uruk in 2127 and Japheth as Chedorlaomer of Elam. Of these Ham participated as Tamusi in the Tupi-Guarani settlement at the Amazon; Japheth as Bochica in the colonization of Chibchan Colombia; and Shelah in the Middle American colony as one of the four former rulers in Egyptian Dynasty III. The contributions of these three were necessarily short-lived; and they must have depended on others for the inland colonies. Shem had already returned from the first expedition to reign as Userkaf in the 2130s and then as Melchizedek of Palestinian Salem after 2113. Japheth-Bochica’s appointment of his vassal Chibchacum-Joktan-Meshech to oversee the Amazonian tetrad draws attention to the stocks that the first expedition 423 settled along the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico— Caddoan Javanites to the west of the Lower Mississippi and Muskogean “Meshechites” to the east of it. These two peoples were located along the Gulf coast in order to index the South and Middle American colonies under Meshech together with a tetrad memorializing the slain Javanites. At the west end of the coast, the Caddoan Javanites corresponded to the Japhethite Andeans at the west end of South America. As a great chain of mountains along the west coast of South America, the Andes continue the chain beginning with the Rockies and including the Sierra Madre and Sierra Madre del Sur of Mexico. The Chibchans of Panama and Colombia once filled the geographic interval between the Sierra Madre and Andes. Joktan-Meshech’s Amazonian stocks echoed the Muskoghean stock named for him at the east end of the Gulf Coast sequence in the north. That is why the Caribs and Arawakans, despite their continental colonies on the Orinoco and Negro filled out the islands extending northward from the Caribbean toward the Gulf. Palmer shows a region of Caribs at the extreme west end of Cuba, not far from the Yucatan Peninsula at the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico. These geographic and ethnographic locations are essential to understanding how the two expeditions were coordinated. Japheth, between the end of his reign as Snefru and the start of the second expedition, not only re-grew his beard to become Bochica but informed himself of the overall geographic design of the first expedition in planning the second. Antediluvian tradition no doubt informed him of the mountainous continuum of the Rockies, Sierra Madre and Andes. But he needed to know how Ashkenaz had finished the first expedition with Caddoans and Muskogeans. Either that or he and his sub-vassal Ashkenaz coordinated the overall design before the first expedition began. The slain Hamite tetrad needed to be reconstituted with four leaders responsible for the Amazonian inland colonies. We understand this fact from the repeated veneration of Ham’s sons as the Amazonian pairs Tupan and Guaran and Kuat and Iae. The logical and available leaders for the Amazonian tetrad were the Cushites Seba and Sabtah and the Mizraim Zud and Philist. An idea of the genetic and political interplay among these leaders and the Amazonian stocks can be gained from the following: Deceased Hamite: Representative: Parent: Stock: Cush Mizraim Put Seba Philist Sabtah Canaan Zud Kali Gé (Gaia-Kali) Mizraim Arawakan Seba (son Tupi-Guarani of Cush) (Tupan-Pan-Cush) Sidon (son Carib of Canaan) (Karibu-Ea-Sidon) Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Genetic ties may also extend to the Amerindian stocks themselves. Some Arawaks show an Asian tendency consistent with Ham and Durga’s son Mizraim: [See An Arawak -- www.eleu.net copied November 4, 2008] The heart of the Andean pantheon is the Quechua-Inca family of the sun god Inti and his sister wife Mama Quilla. These have three sons: Kon, Pacha Camac (“Earth-maker”) and Mango Capac. KAIS identifies the father as the universal sun god Japheth; Kon, as Gomer; Pacha Camac as Madai; and Mango Capac as Magog. One argument is that Mango Capac is the only deity to yield a cognate to the name “Magog” for a son of Japheth known elsewhere as Hurricano, Rudra and Stribog. Conventional scholars treat the Incan pantheon as superficial in that the Incas were a class of Quechua imperialists who claimed descent from Inti, ruled over other tribes and incorporated their gods into Inti’s family in a political fabrication. Unless I have a good reason to accept this Nativist interpretation, I view the Incas as a sect of descendents from Inti-Japheth who came to power in relatively late times but whose traditions enabled them to identify Japheth’s sons as gods worshipped in the past by other tribes. The Nativist theory merely assumes that empire and system cannot possibly be sourced at points of origin, which must be diffused over masses of unrelated, humble and meaningless fragments. According to our analysis, the Andeans reached the Gulf of Venezuela under Japheth’s Dynasty IV sons in the year 2132. The four sons had at least twelve years from 2132 to 2120 to colonize the Andes with the Chibchan, Quechua, Aymara and Araucanian stocks in a north-south order. One member of the family, Javan, fails to appear in Inti’s family because, as Chibchacum, he took charge of the the Chibcha before the rest of the family created the Peruvians by migrating southward. The name Aymara is conceivably a cognate with Gomer in a form “Agmara,” thus identifying this stock with Kon son of Inti. The tradition that Kon “came from the south” harmonizes with the location of the Aymara southeast of Lake Titicaca. Gomer “came” from the south in retracing his steps from the Aymara colony northward to return with the others to the Middle East. The name “Araucan” suggests Madai’s son Arurim, the two of them appearing in Dynasty IV as Khafre and Menkaure. If Madai identifies with Pacha Camac, this name “Earth-maker” might be based on a dim memory of Khafre’s role as a pyramid-builder. The solar cult of the Incas serves to reinforce the Andean source in the solar Re cultus of Egyptian Dynasty IV as reflected in the names Rehotep (Magog), Khafre (Madai), Djedefre (Javan) and Menkaure (Arurim). Out of this group Magog as Mango Capac planted the Quechua; Madai and Arurim, the Araucans; and Javan, the Chibchans. A study of the Pacific Coast of South America suggests that the colonization proceeded by sea and made use of a Pacific fleet created by members of the YumaKochimi colony in Baja California after 2154. KAIS posits such a fleet to explain how the main body of Ashkenaz’ expedition reached the Yukon and Mackenzie Rivers from the Pacific Coast. This process of Pacific landings followed by 425 migrations inland continued in Middle and South America. The fleet made its way back to Baja California and from there sailed to a rendezvous with the Oto-Manguean colony in Oaxaca before making its services available to the family of Japheth after 2128. Following the principle of river and lake colonies, the Chibcha made their way with the main body of Andeans from the Gulf of Venezuela to the Rio Magdalena in Colombia. Palmer shows a branch of the Chibcha southwest of BacataBogata virtually on the Magdalena. The expedition then crossed the Central and Western Cordilleras to the Bay of Buenaventura where it met the Pacific fleet. By a similar approach but from the coast to the interior, the Quechua settled on the Rio Apurimac near the site of Vilcabamba built by Manco Inca in 1539. The Pacific landing point for the Quechua probably lay near Lima. (See Ruins of Vilcabamba, Inca Peru. -- www.en.wikipedia.org copied November 5, 2008) The Aymara could have reached their homeland in Bolivia near Lake Poopo from the point of Arica on the coast. The process ended with the Araucans at Arauco on the coast near the mouth of the Rio Biobio in Chile. The chronology of these landings must have followed a two-year module from the time the Andeans landed at the Gulf of Venezuela in 2132. They settled on the Rio Magdalena by 2130 while the Middle Americans were landing at the Gulf of Honduras. The Pacific fleet reached the Oto-Manguean location on the coast as early as 2129 before initiating the South American process among the family of Japheth at the Bay of Buenaventura in 2128. The landings at Lima, Arica and Arauco then took place according to the module in 2126, 2124 and 2122, leaving four years for the Japhethites to return to the north, cross the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and return to the Middle East at the end of the time allotted them in 2118. Seven Japhethite Domains in Western and Northern Europe - 2158-2151 In the mid-22nd century the Japhethite clan reverted to a practice pursued in the earliest years after the Flood and created seven non-colonizing domains in Western and Northern Europe. This activity intervened between their colonizing project in Uralic Sarmatia and their Egyptian reigns as Dynasty IV. The process consumed only seven years and was bracketed between the reigns of Kurum-Magog and Ibranum-Javan between 2156 and 2149. At this rapid pace they worked along coasts and claimed vast regions from points either at rivers’ mouths or at islands such as Corsica, Ireland, Britain and Gotland. These domains possessed enough authority among the Noahic elite to guide the colonization of Europe after 2125. The bracket dates would have been 2158-2151 if the Guti dynasty had begun at the start of the eleventh era in 2218. We have several reasons to believe that the dynasty began two years later in 2216. That year was Shem’s 400th birth year after Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations his birth 98 years before the Flood in 2616. As enemies of the Akkadian Empire, the Gutians took up the cause of Shem’s Olympian alliance in cooperation with the antiAkkadian Arabian alliance of the same period. The Sumerian Kinglist states that the Guti dynasty ended in ninety-one years and forty days. The base of 2216 brings that date to 2125 when a convergence of two other events suggests that the Guti regime ended. The year 2116 may also have been the 300th birth year of Imta-Put, founder of the Guti dynasty. In order to get a complete picture of the European domains, we need to access a German tradition recorded in the opening sections of Roman Tacitus’ Germania (c. 88 CE). Referring to Germans, the Roman author recounts a tradition of origin: “In their ancient songs, which are their only records or annals, they celebrate the god Tuisto, sprung from the earth, and his son Mannus, as the fathers and founders of their race. To Mannus they ascribe three sons, from whose names the people bordering the ocean are called Ingaevones; those inhabiting the central parts, Herminones; and the rest, Istaevones” [Students’ Literal Translations edition, 1922, 3-4] This family of Tuisto and Mannus is a political structure ending in three members of Japheth’s family as claimants of thirds of Germany based on the Rhine, Elbe and Oder. These claims came at the close of a process circumnavigating the continent and beginning in the Tyrrhenian Sea west of Italy. The political structure of the tradition reported by Tacitus began with a reconciliation between Shem and his sixth heir Serug, the Akkadian emperor Manishtushu. The belligerent seventh heir Nahor-Naram Sin died in 2177 and Noah in 2168. These deaths may well have prompted Shem and Serug to view the bitterness of 2244 in a new light. Although the primary offender Reu-Sargon-Nimrod was still alive in 2156, he had only eight more years to live. Hallo accurately describes the Gutian regime as “post Accad.” As the 91 Gutian years wound on from 2216 to 2125, the Akkadian regime faded away and with it the on-going war between Shem’s “Gallic” followers and the Egyptian-Akkadian regime that had done its worst in 2181 when Nahor-Narmer massacred the Javanites and sons of Ham. In Tacitus’ tradition, a progenitor Tuisto has been accurately identified with Teutates and, therefore, with Shem. Tuisto’s “son” Mannus represents the sixth heir Serug now sworn immediate vassal to his former enemy. Serug’s importance is that Waddell identifies Manishtushu-Menes as the chief mariner of the Akkadian-Egyptian empire and already familiar with the sea route to Britain owing to the AkkadianAmorite importation of bronze-making tin from mines in Cornwall. Mannus’ three “sons”are named Istaevon, Ingaevon and Hermion— names rewritten in German form as Istäf, Ingäf and Hermin. These represent three members of Japheth’s family as claimants of three parts of Germany: the Rhenish west as represented by Gomer-Istäf, father of the Westwohner or inhabitants of the west; Magog-Hermin, father of the 427 Herumwohner or inhabitants of the German midlands defined by the Elbe; and MadaiIngäf, father of the Inwohner, inhabitants of the “inside” of Germany formed by the recessed Baltic Sea, Gotland Island and the Oder River. The Japhethite domains in Europe completed a trend established a century and a half earlier. As a result of their victory in the Uruk-Aratta war, the Japhethites won a series of domains in Iran extending from northern Elam (Luristan) northward to the Caucasus and beyond. In the late 23rd century they capitalized on those Iranian domains by colonizing the Uralic zone based on four rivers flowing into the Caspian and Black Seas. The westernmost of these, the Dniester, flows from a source north of the Carpathians and about 150 miles east of the source of the Oder. To that extent the easternmost of the 22nd century domains complemented the westernmost point of the Uralic and Slavic colonies. The selection of the western, Tyrrhenian Sea as a starting point calls for comment. It implies that the Japhethites regarded to Aegean and Adriatic as already accounted for. Analysis shows that southeastern Europe was organized according to a cardinal tetrad with proto-Hellenes in the southwest, Illyrians in the northwest, Thracians in the southeast and Dacians in the northeast. This arrangement resulted from the Akkadian victory in the Aegean war by 2222. The Illyrians, on the second, Adriatic Sea, took their name for Gomer-Llyr, not from Shem-Hercules’ son HulHyllos. The Hellenes were eventually distinguished by the Laconian “Spartans” of Gomer’s father Japheth-Lacedaemon even though the exilic Hellenic tribes were driven northward out of the Aegean into the Balkans by the Gallic alliance in 2177. The Thracians were dominated by Riphath-Seba, their wine god Sabazios. The Dacians took their name from Arphaxad II-Daksha II-Shelah. For perspective we can consider the Egyptian Old Kingdom value of this set of four founders. SebaRiphath became both first king of Dynasty I, Djer, and second of Dynasty II, Reneb. Shelah was the second and most important king— Djoser— of Dynasty III. Japheth and Gomer as Snefru and Khufu became the first two and most important rulers of Dynasty IV. This correlation between the first four dynasties and southeastern Europe is no coincidence. In the Aegean war, the Japhethite septad became the Heliadae of Rhodes and formed the armed force that defeated Shem’s Olympian alliance. That victory became the cornerstone of both southeastern Europe and dynastic Egypt. Once the Eastern Mediterranean was free from the disruptive Amerindians, Japheth could fulfil his dream of achieving universal, civilized atum or “totality” on an Egyptian rather than Mesopotamia basis. A correlation between the founders of the first four Egypt dynasties and ruling names in four quarters of southeastern Europe shows that control of the Aegean, Balkans and Adriatic was deemed essential to the stability of the Egyptian establishment. Exilic Centum Aryans still posed a threat to this stability and must be compelled to colonize Western and Northern Europe rather than lands Egypt and Egyptian Crete. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Shem’s Olympian alliance had been a faction of the Noahic elite. Its control of southeastern Europe would have been a sectarian threat to atum. By securing southeastern Europe and driving exilic and potentially hostile populations out of sight, Japheth demonstated that the rulers of Egypt could achieve quasi-millennial, solar unity and glory, hence all the pharaonic names ending in –re. Eventual triumph of solar unity was always in view. That is why the Japhethites had taken the collective name Heliadae, “Sons of the Son,” in honor of Japheth as original sun god and of Sargon-Nimrod-Helius, practical head of world unity in the period of the Aegean war. After that war the heads of the four quarters of southeastern Europe were carefully chosen to underscore atum in terms of the three formal sections of the system revealed in Genesis 10. That system, in its present form, began in Moses’ Egypt before being translated into his Semitic Hebrew. The Egyptian-European correlation is easily observable. Japheth and Gomer of Laconia and Illyria are the first two rulers of Dynasty IV. After the four sons of Ham were slain in 2181, Seba-Osiris became the first name of the Hamite division of Genesis 10 at the head of the list in 10:7. In Egypt he appears both as Djer at the head of Dynasty I and Reneb, second of Dynasty III. As Arphaxad II, Shelah-Daksha II is the chief, pyramid-building Djoser of Dynasty III. Although he is the third name in Genesis 10:22, he outranked ElamEber as Shem’s second heir to Eber’s third. He similarly outranked Reu-Asshur, Shem’s fifth heir. We can diagram the correspondence between southeastern Europe and dynasty Egypt as follows: Illyria: Gomer-Llyr Genesis 10:2 B Khufu Dynasty IV B Laconia: Japheth-Lacedaemon Genesis 10:2 A Snefru Dynasty IV A Dacia: Arphaxad II-Daksha II-Shelah Genesis 10:22 C Djoser Dynasty III B Thrace: Seba-Sabazios Genesis 10:7 A Djer/ Reneb Dynasty I A/ Dynasty II B Some of the names in southeastern Europe are anachronistic. I make no claim that the Lacedaemonian Spartans existed in the 22nd century. Instead the Lacedaemon-Hermes-Dardanus triad is a piece of Hellenic tradition that accurately places Japheth or his nominal representatives in Laconia of the Peloponnesus at some time sufficient to secure this land and by it the whole Hellenic quarter for his name. As in Western and Northern Europe, there is a difference between political domains and colonies in those domains. In the case of the Illyrians, it is more likely that 429 colonization took place; and in Greece some variety of proto-Hellenes were put in place. To some extent politics has always been more abstract than economics; but that only means that it is more spiritual. Just as the Ka enabled Japheth to reign as the godking Snefru, his name was sufficient to give lasting political identity to the southeastern, Hellenic quarter of Europe. Our study is not given to economics based on the question of how peoples survived. We need only enough of the concrete to indicate patterns of political authority to “author” nations, not just to rule over them. This reservation particularly applies to the European system of 2156-2149, consisting of domains rather than colonies. The expedition of 2156 set aside the Aegean and Adriatic as parts of an existing set of domains and concentrated on the Tyrrhenian Sea named for the Etruscans who eventually colonized Tuscany and ruled Corsica. In the concrete we can suggest that Tiras landed on the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy and on Corsica in order to make the sea his own. Whether he happened to find the mouth of the Arno in Tuscany is a moot point. The mouth of the Arno is about sixty miles northwest of Cape Corse at the north end of Corsica. The Ombrone River that forms the southern border of Tuscany lies at the same latitude as Elba and extreme northern Corsica. Although we are not yet dealing with colonization, it is useful to insert a Wikipedia map showing the extent of Etruscan civilization as practical development of an abstract domain established by Tiras, son of Eber and vassal of Japheth in 2155 BCE. The city on the coast nearest Corsica, Fufluna, bears a suggestive name. Fufluns is the wine god of the Etruscan pantheon analogous to Thracian Sabazios, Hellenic Dionysos and Roman Bacchus. All these wine gods seem sourced in SebaOsiris, a provider of wine in Egyptian mythology. The Etruscans belonged to an isolate linguistic stock labeled “Tyrsenian” in keeping with the Tyrsenians of Phrygia. Another member language of the stock “Lemnian” presumably existed on the island of Lemnos in the Aegean west of Phrygia and south of Thrace. We have just seen that Seba-Sabazios claimed the southeastern quarter of the tetrad in southeastern Europe. Tiras’ later claim to the Tyrrhenian defines the analogous southwestern quarter of the Japhethite system of domains. The character of Fufluns and location of Fufluna confirm interaction between the two domain systems. The wine gods of the Mediterranean give unity to the two systems of domains and indicate the high importance of Seba-Riphath-Osirus as head of the Hamite section of Genesis 10 after the deaths of the sons of Ham. The map distinguishes between Etruria-Tuscany proper and the regions of expanding influence including Corsica. The cities of the Etruscan League are all confined to Etruria proper and include Fufluna but not Alalia. How many cities of the Etruscan League bear names of Etruscan gods is uncertain; but Fufluna is the most important. [See Extent of Etruscan Civilization and the twelve Etruscan League cities www.wikipedia.org copied November 17, 2008] Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Both the position and location of the city suggests early postdiluvian coordination preserved as tradition among the Tyrsenians when they were still living in Phrygia or Lemnos. The city lay on the cape at Piombino a few miles northwest of Elba. The Wikipedia article suggests that the names Fufluna and Fufluns can be etymologized away on the basis that the name derives from a Latin city Populonia based on the familiar root for “people.” The name makes little difference as long as we understand that this deity was a god of wine putting him into juxtaposition with Sabazios and Dionysos. If we accept the etymology, it only means that the Etruscans applied a foreign, Latin term to their wine god identifiable with Seba-Osiris. For that matter, the title “Popular One” or “God of the People” applies well to Seba’s image both as Osiris of the Egyptians and Shiva of the Indians. Osiris was believed to have civilized the Egyptian people; and the popularity of Lord Shiva in Hindu India is beyond question. The theme of popularity takes on special value in the light of Etruscan art and the Indian image of Shiva and Parvati as a loving couple. Etruscans sculptors are known for their sarcophagus designs showing married couples “in memoriam” as though the Etruscans inspired the family-values, sentimental-mourning culture of Victorian Englishmen such as Tennyson. For that matter the use of alcohol and sentimentality are not unrelated: ( [See Etruscan Couple, National Museum at Florence. --- www.wikipedia.org copied November 17, 2008] In a sense Etruscan art really did inspire Tennyson’s Victorian funereal culture. The whole of Europe felt the power of Florentine art dating from the time of Giotto around 1300 CE. This art “humanized” painting by giving it a character both realistic and sentimental in such works as Giotto’s depiction of Christ’s Entombment. Giotto even provides an ideal image of a loving couple in his depiction of The Meeting of the Golden Gate at Padua: [See Giotto. The Meeting at the Golden Gate (fresco cycle at the Arena Chapel, Padua, 1305 -- www.purselipssquarejaw.org copied November 17, 2008.] Marital and funereal sentiment is a perennial feature of human experience but poses a contrast to the heroic vision characteristic of much early postdiluvian culture. The elegiac mode contrasts with the heroic and eventually found a home in Christian Italy under the influence of the Martyr tradition which poses an analogous contrast to the original apostolic culture of early Christianity. The elegiac mode is not just a funereal principle. In some cases it can be labeled the “lost cause” genre. It represents the poverty of spirit which Jesus asserts to be the key to repentance at the head of the Beatitudes. In early postdiluvian times it naturally began to take hold as the elite began to die out during the 22nd century; and for some it may have figured as an appropriate response to the massacre of 2181. We have even seen it in a passage of the Epic of Gilgamesh where the hero reflects gloomily on corpses that float down the Euphrates. Although the hero fights off his 431 gloom by determining to achieve heroic deeds, one branch of Indian tradition refers to Eber-Gilgamesh as “Tamas the Gloomy,” bearing a name cognate to Eber’s Hellenic name Athamas. Another name carried by Eber within the Hellenic sphere is the “slain god” Atys, father of eponymous Tyrsenus-Tiras, patriarch of the Etruscans under consideration. The “domain of Tiras,” therefore, seems to have housed within its Etruscan populace a powerful branch of European Christian culture just as it took rise originally from Tiras’ father Eber, father of the Hebrews who gave us the sobering, low-spirited realities of the Bible. As for alcohol, the theologians who guided gloomy Michelangelo in his Sistine Ceiling rendering of the drunkenness of Noah found in this early postdiluvian theme a type of the death of Christ. A review of Michelangelo’s sonnets reveals just how elegiac this sculptor-painter became even apart from his famous sculpture of the figure Il Pensieroso. Some students of the Etruscans might choose to trace the funereal sentimentity of their art to the eighth BCE century setting when Etruscan culture rose to prominence in Italy. Our shift of attention to the drunkenness of Noah reminds us of the lost cause posed by Noah’s radical loss of power in 2359. We have discovered that defeat in the first 77 lines of the Marduk Epic where Noah is referred to as Abzu; but it is detailed more effectively in the Hurrian myth of Kumarbi where Noah takes the name Alalu. Can we identify that name with the Phoenician city Alalia on the east coast of Corsica? That question depends, in part, on whether Tiras and his father Eber had particular reason to take Noah’s downfall to heart. That is just the case in that EberGilgamesh visits Noah as Ziusudra (Akkadian Uta-napishtim) in The Epic of Gilgamesh. The Sumerian story fails to describe Ziusudra as a great leader that lost his power but finds grounds for the elegiac mode in the Flood itself. Straight north of Corsica in ancient times lay a major people the Ligures. Their colonization will be discussed in the next section. The easternmost of their tribes, the Apuani, extended as far east as the River Serchio just north of the Arno. In a context suggesting Noah’s name Alalu, we can consider the Apuani as a reflection of Noah’s analogous name Apsu in the Marduk Epic. Our suggestion is that these names of Noah were a reflection of the influence of Tiras as a custodian of the the elegiac theme of Noah’s political downfall. If we trace the tradition of Alalia and the Apuani back to “Tyrsenus” of Phrygia, we recall that the chief deity of Phrygia was the Great Mother Cybele, a version of Uma, mother of three of Noah’s greatest sons— Shem, Japheth and Ashkenaz. The expedition of 2156 occurred just ten years after Noah’s death in 2168. One wonders if Uma-Cybele’s influence on Tiras set the pattern for the tradition of funereal art of the Etruscans as though she were trying to memorialize her relationship to Japheth’s father. If so, this motive seems ironic in view of her apparent role in overthrowing Noah in order to exalt her son Canaan to the Anship held by Noah prior to 2359. It is quite conceivable, however, that Japheth and his mother were in contact at some time between 2168 and 2158 and mourned the death of Noah, whom they had known for some 450 years. By placing heavy stress on Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Cybele’s love for Atys-Eber, Phrygian mythology calls attention to the loving-couple theme as well as the elegiac death theme, combines the two and connects them with the family of Japheth’s vassal Tiras. By 2156 the expedition passed beyond Corsica and Liguria to the mouth of the Rhone where Joktan-Meshech established the domain of Gaul as the Gallic god Esus. The chief god of the Etruscans, Tin or Tinia, was a storm god depicted with a cluster of thunderbolts in his hand. Tinia is commonly identified with Zeus-Jupiter and, in effect, with Shem-Teutates. However Shem did not figure in the 2156 expedition, confined as it was to members of the Japhethite clan. As we know the Ishkurship of the Storm God was not confined to Shem. Noah took up the cultus in becoming Indra of the East Indians. The Baltic storm god Perkuna was a version of Peleg distinct from Shem as Tar-Thor. By becoming a member of Shem’s Gallic tetrad, Joktan-Esus became a member of the Indo-European stock based on the cult of the Storm God. Consequently he may well have acquired the identity of Tin, storm god of the Etruscans, thus tightening the relationship between Etruscans and Gauls as the peoples intended to colonize the domains of Tiras and his brother MeshechJoktan. The Ligures can be identified with Peleg on the basis of a shortened version of the name as in the Bantu Lega. If so Tuscany, Liguria and Provence of Gaul represent the three brothers Tiras, Peleg and Joktan. Their father completed this southwestern branch of the scheme in 2155 by claiming the Iberian Peninsula from the mouth of the Ebro. If we look deliberately for a tribe representing the name Yoktan in Gaul, we soon encounter the Aquitani, who settled southward from Burdigala-Bordeaux on the Lower Garonne to Gascony in the southwestern corner of Gaul. Medieval Gascony took its name from Vasconia named for the Vascones or Basques who invaded that part of Gaul from over the Pyrenees. The linguistic resemblance between the isolate Basque language and Amerindian Nadene-Athabascan extends the Spanish name into “Athabasque” and indicates Athamas, a Hellenic name of Eber as father of PelegPhrixus and Melicertes-Melqart-Joktan in the Argonautic tradition. Eber-Tubal accounts for the Celtiberians and Iberians of Spain. Peleg-Lud appears in the peninsula in the form of the Lusitani of Portugal. Thus the Etruscans, Ligurians, Aquitani, Basques, Celtiberians, Iberians and Lusitani all derived from Eber and his three sons. The Aquitani happen to share in the same isolate linguistic stock as the Basques. The tradition of this family of four men runs westward from the Caucasus to its representation in Phrygia to southwestern Europe as indicated. Three members of the family form the closing triad of the Japhethite septad consisting of vassals from outside Japheth’s family and distinquished in the years 2155-2154 from that more immediate family who claimed domains in Ireland, Britain and Germany. 433 In order to connect the Aquitani of the Garonne with a domain first established in 2156 from a landing at the Rhone, we can call attention to the adjacency of regions of southern France known as Languedoc and Guyenne and Gascogne north and south of the Garonne. To press the point that these lands can be considered a single early postdiluvian domain, we can point out that a tributary of the Garonne, the Ariège at Pamiers, lies no more than forty miles west of Limoux on the Aude, a river with a mouth on the coast of Languedoc southwest of the Rhone. Once colonization began, it would not take long for colonists to discover these rivers uniting southeastern and southwestern Gaul. The third year of the expedition, ending in 2153, brought Tubal-Eber to the Ebro and made the Iberian Peninsula his domain. This domain completed the Japhethite triad based on him and his sons, all members of the Erechite heroes who fought against the people of Aratta. Ptolemy shows the Vascones just south of the west end of the Pyrenees and therefore south of what later became Gascony. The ancient tribes of the Iberian Peninsula possess a body of names peculiar to this part of Europe. Twelve of the tribes shown in Ptolemy’s chart of the peninsula end in the element –etani. At first glance this element simply means “inhabitants of such and such a town.” The Lobetani, for example, live near the town Lobeta; and the Authetani, near Ausa. The Edetani are probably connected with Edeta near the coast. Conventional scholarship would content itself with this explanation; but not all tribes associated with towns show this element as suffix. A distinction of some sort sets them apart even though we may see in the ending a colorless counterpart to the endings of “Jonestown” or “Smithville.” The element –etani could be as undistinguished as these endings; but that is hardly certain until we test for greater significance. To appreciate the possible significance of that suffix, we should take stock of an idea that may have guided the elite in their overall conception of Europe. The Latvian town of Indra lies north of the Western Dvina east of Daugavpils at 55.53N 27.40E. Dagda lies less than twenty miles north and slightly west at 56.04N 26.37E. These two towns possess a symbolic value for the continent of Europe. Latvia is a Balto-Slavic nation within the Satem Aryan community. Indra is the chief version of Noah in the Satem Aryan pantheon of India. As a storm god, he complements his ally Shem, head of the same Yahweh cultus of storms. In the Finno-Ugric community of the Estonians and Finns, Shem appears as the storm god Tarapita and Noah as the storm forest-god Ukko. The town Dagda calls to mind “Dagda of the Gaels” at the opposite, western end of Northern Europe. In its Celtic context, Dagda appears to represent Daksha IArphaxad I, Taranis of the Gauls. The western and eastern corners of Europe are also marked by Noah and Daksha I but in reverse order with Daksha at the Satem Aryan Dacians in the southeast and Noah as Etana in the –etani tribes of Iberia. Thus Europe is marked at the corners: Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Daksha-Dagda Noah-Etana Noah-Indra Daksha-Dacia Tubal-Eber’s Iberia is at the geographic opposite pole of Europe from the Gulf of Finland. Eber evidently chose Noah’s name Etana rather than Indra in keeping with the linguistic distinction posed by the Iberians to the Satem Aryan community of the northeast. Etana of First Kish was said to “ascend to heaven and make firm the lands.” Our knowledge of the systematic mountain ritual suggests that Noah returned to the mountains of Urartu to perform the ritual to confirm the First Kish order as an authoritative disposition of the newly colonized world. Following the Uruk-Aratta war Eber-Gilgamesh found Noah-Ziusudra in the Caucasus as a result of his effort to extend the Japhethite postwar domain system northward to the Caucasus and Sarmatia. Eber left his name to Caucasian Iberia-Georgia; and Noah settled in Colchis— now western Georgia— to play his role as Aeetes of the Argonautica. Eber left his son Tiras in the Caucasus to form a race there prior of the migration of the Tyrsenoi-Rasena-Etruscans westeward to Phrygia and then Tuscany. DNA testing of Etruscan bones has shown an affinity to the DNA pattern of the northern Caucasus today. Georgia represents the Tubal-Eber foundation of southwestern Europe as indicated by names and by DNA at least in respect to the isolate speakers of Tuscany and presumably intervening Lemnos. In that sense we can draw a continuous line from Georgia to Phrygia, Lemnos, via sea from that island to Tuscany and in a political sense at least to Iberian Spain. [See Main language regions of Iberia ca. 200 B. C. --- www.en.wikipedia.org copied November 18, 2008] The Caucasus of Eber meant also the Colchis of Noah; and that observation brings us back to tribe names ending in –etani in Ptolemy’s Spain. Ptolemy’s total of twelve is suggestive because of the twelve cities of the Etruscan League as though a common tradition was at work in the realm defined by these southwestern European domains. Aside from Ptolemy, a Wikipedia map of “Main languages of Iberia around 200 B. C.” shows fourteen tribes with names ending in –etani. Of these two are grouped with the Basques under the isolate label “Aquitanian” including the Aquitani lying entirely north of the Pyrenees. If the Aquitanians are excluded as belonging to the domain of Joktan-Meshech rather than his father Eber-Tubal, just twelve remain: eight classed as Iberian (non-Celtic Indo-European), one as Tartessian (non-IndoEuropean), two as Celtic and one— the Lusitani— as pre-Celtic. The Iberian majority, marked in green all lie in eastern Spain toward the coast and five of these in the northeast toward the mouth of the Ebro. The Iberians are classed here as non-IndoEuropeans but another Wikipedia source characterizes them as non-Celtic IndoEuropeans. 435 In the final section of this study, we will emphasize the role of the eightmember Mizraim clan as colonists of coastal Europe with non-centum speakers. The Japhethites continued as masters of the European process. Because the original core of primary Japhethite clan consists of a tetrad, these four and the eight names of the Mizraim clan make up a total of twelve in conceivable explanation of the sets of twelve in Italy and Iberia if these sets are traceable to a source of high antiquity. If the two Aquitanian tribes are included, what emerges from these tribes is an index of cities of Sumer with an ending based on Noah’s First Kish name Etana. The implication is that Noah, at some time between his downfall in 2359 and his death in 2168, recruited isolate speakers to form his own clan. He worked closely with Eber and his sons; so after his death, they incorporated this isolate clan into their southwestern design. The most transparent match among these tribes is between the Bastetani and Bastet, the Egyptian version of Kali and her city Bubastis. The selection of cities, therefore, is not confined to Sumer. As for enumeration, the addition of three –etani tribes from Ptolemy but not in the Wikipedia map brings the total to seventeen. This total can be conceived as the sum of Noah’s six sons with an attempt to answer the eleven-member clan of his chief enemy Canaan. The three additional tribes are the Cosetani and Accetani near the coast and the Lobetani father inland. The Lobetani are clearly named for the nearby town of Lobeta just as the Edetani shown in the map are associated with the town of Edeta. Despite secondary references to patriarchs, the primary reference of these tribes is to early postdiuvian cities and is often brought to focus in Iberian towns such as Lobeta and Edeta. Ptolemy’s tribes Cosetani and Accetani carry an implication. The two names echo the first two slain sons of Ham, Cush and Aka-Mizraim. Throughout the seventeen tribes, however, I never find a counterpart to Canaan or his full brother Put. This omission appears deliberate in view of the bitter struggle between Noah-Alalu and Canaan, the usurping Anu of the Hurrian Song of Kumarbi. Accordingly the Semitic Canaanites and Aryan Hellenes of Put-Iapetus settled at the opposite, eastern end of the Mediterranean from Iberia. Of the two Iberian tribes in question, the Cosetani lie just up the coast northeast of the Ilercaones shown as Ilercavones in the Wikipedia map. The Accetani lie just inland from the Cosetani in the direction of the Ilergetes shown in both maps. Although the Ilercavones and Ilergetes do not belong among the –etani tribes, these names clearly suggest Gomer-Llyr, a co-member of the expedition destined to claim Britain in the north. Another such tribe is the residual Tartessian Conii shown in the extreme southwest corner of the peninsula outside Gibralter. The name matches Gomer’s Gaelic and Andean names Conall and Kon. The location at the Cabo de San Vincente in Portugal harmonizes with our concept that the remaining members of the Japhethite clan set sail for the British Isles by 2152. Ptolemy records the Bastetani at two locations including one at the northern extension of the region shown for this tribe in the Wikipedia map. He locates the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Lobetani immediately to the northeast of the northern Bastetani. Both tribes are placed to the southwest of mountains labeled “Iureda Mons.” These seem to be the west end of the Sierra Morena; but Ptolemy can never be trusted in geographic matters and must be carefully deciphered if at all. He locates the Edetani on the east side of the north end of these mountains just inland from the Ilercaones. The corresponding town of Edeta appears on the east side of the mountains at their south end near the coast, and Ptolemy notes the town’s alternative name Leria. In surveying the seventeen -etani tribe names for parallels to the names of early postdiluvian cities or their founders, I find in the Lobetani a counterpart to the name “Kullab” treated as an alternative name of Uruk in Sumerian literature of the Uruk-Aratta War. The Japhethites fought on the winning Erechite side and might be expected to use the same name as the author of this literature from the viewpoint of the Sumerian winners. That political orientation raises the issue of how this faction related to Noah-Etana. The Japhethite war against Shem in the Aegean calls this relationship into question because of consistent evidence of a deep alliance between Shem and Noah. The expedition of 2156, however, suggests a reconciliation of Japheth and Shem reflected in their Egyptian reigns as Snefru and Userkaf as successive founders of Dynasties IV and V in 2148 and 2138. Noah’s name Etana was chosen by the Iberian tribes as pre-dating the Uruk-Aratta and Aegean conflicts. Noah’s tragic name Alalu, however, pre-dated even the name Etana. An Italian version of the Etruscan map on page 423 shows the Phoenician town Alalia on Corsica as “Alaia.” That variation of Alalu suggests the Iberian Laietani on the east coast of the peninsula toward the opening of the process from the perspective of Tuscany. If we take the Laietani as a memorial of the “city of Noah,” we are thrown back on the question of what city he could claim as his own after losing Eridu to Sidon. A tentative answer is that he founded Aratta in the First Kish period before that northern city was taken over by the faction of Peleg-Kingu and Mahadevi-Tiamat. A suggestive confirmation of that idea comes from the way the Laietani and Conii lie at the extreme northeastern and southwestern corners of the peninsula. The Andamanese tradition of Puluga emphasizes the northeast-southwest polarity of the two factions, equivalent to the opposed powers of Aratta and Uruk. In representing Gomer-Conall-Kon, the Conii index the eight Erechite heroes with Gomer at the head of the Japhethite septad. These relationships are much too clear to neglect and tend confirm the validity of our working hypothesis concerning the tribes of the Iberian Peninsula. Aside from the Conii, the Lobetani also form an emphatic southwest-northeast axis with the Laietani and add the hypothesis that Lobeta echoes Kullab-Uruk to the same theory. The heavy concentration of –etani tribes in the extreme northeast of the peninsula confirms that the northeastern realm of Aratta first derived from NoahEtana in his act of “ascending to heaven and making firm the lands.” Aside from performing a mountain ritual in the Caucasus, Noah-Etana founded Aratta at this time. 437 The names of the other four –etani tribes in the northeast confirm this belief further. The Ausetani, for example, suggests Noah’s diluvian wife Mahadevi-Tiamat in the Egyptian form Uadjet (Wazet). The Wikipedia map shows the Ausetani bordering immediately to the north of the Laietani. Mahadevi-Tiamat was not only Noah’s wife but a prime ringleader of the Aratta faction. The other three tribes in this northeastern region of Spain also support the same theory. The Lacetani suggest Lagash, the Sumerian city founded by Mahadevi and handed on to her son Ham-Gurmu. This tribe lies immediately west of the Ausetani. The Cessetani, down the coast from the Laeietani and south of the Lacetani suggests Kish, the city governed by Peleg in the First Kish period and basis for PelegKingu’s rebellion against the Eanna regime at Uruk. The Ceretani neatly suggest Iranian Gutium as proto-Gutium bearing the name Caradoc or Karaduku as a version Peleg-Kingu in this period. In other words these tribes cluster in the northeast as an acknowledgment of the one-time existence of the Aratta faction based at a city founded by Noah in the mountains northeast of Sumer.The tribes of northeastern Iberia not only lay in the northeast of the peninsula but have “Northeastern Faction of Aratta” written all over them. The two Aquitanian tribes complementary to the Basques, Aquitani and Iaccetani, can be taken to represent some combination of Akkad (Agade) and Akshak. All three tribes belong to the same Aquitanian linguistic stock with an exotic relationship to the Nadene-Athabascans of North America. Two alternative explanations are ready to hand. When the Amerindian mercenaries of the Akkadian Empire met defeat in 2178, some members of the Nadene stock were found to be Caucasoid types and were taken over by the Gallic victors. They were assigned the names of Agade and Akshak to acknowledge they had fought for the Akkadian cause. The other possibility is that they were isolates living in Agade and Akshak from the 24th century forward and were drawn into the Amerindian force in 2178 because of their linguistic affinity for the Nadene. If the “Iaccetani” are also cognate with the name Joktan (Yoktan), we can test whether Akshak or Agade was more likely to represent that patriarch. In the Dynasty III period, the founder of the Akshak dynasty, Unzi, has been identified tentatively with Joktan-Aram’s first vassal in Genesis 10:23, thus aligning the name Iaccetani to Akshak and the Aquitani to Akkad. In the Iberian zone, the Edetani halfway down the coast suggest a contracted version of “Eridu,” the city that Sidon took from Noah. In its position on the coast this representation of the city of “Noah II” or “Canaan’s Noah” Sidon serves to define a southern cluster analogous to the one in the northeast and including the Contestani, Bastetani, Oretani and outside the Iberian linguistic zone the Celtic Carpetani and Tartessian Turdetani. Although the name “Contestani” looks like the word “contest,” our context suggests that the name complements the “Carpetani” by representing the patriarch Ashkenaz with his fellow Gomerite Riphath. The root Carpe- or Carpetsuggests both Olifat-Riphath and Arvad, the city of his sister-wife Arvad-Parvati. The Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations analogous root Contes- suggests a remote cognate to Ashkenaz basic root Ganda. Comparing the Contestani to the Edetani bordering on the north, we recall that Sidon and Ashkenaz were half-brothers through their mother Uma. In the case of Ashkenaz and the Contestani, however, we must search for a corresponding city distinct from the regional term Gutium already assigned to Ceretani in the north. Another way to view the name Contestani is that it opens with the syllable “Con,” in one context the ordinary Latin prefix meaning “together with” but in another the Conii representation of Ashkenaz’ and Riphath’s feudal lord GomerConall-Kon. The Oretani suggests the primal city Ur founded by Durga. Thus this tribe complements the Bastetani of Bastet-Kali, a fellow member of the Mahadevi tetrad. The fourth member of the tetrad, Uma, and her city Umma can be identified indirectly with the Tartessian Turdetani in the south, west of the Conii. That tribe name can be viewed as cognate with Shem’s name Dardanus, one of Uma’s two antediluvian sons. As though to reinforce these southern members of the Mahadevi tetrad, the Bastuli in the extreme south reinforces the Bastetani; and the Turduli reinforce the Turdetani. The remaining tribes to be considered are the pre-Celtic Lusitani of Portugal and the two added by Ptolemy on the east coast of Spain in the Iberian zone— Cosetani and Accetani, suggestive of Cush and Aka-Mizraim. In an overall context of Javanite names such as Rhodanus and Poeni Tartessus (Tarshish), the Lusitani suggest the first Javanite Elishah-Agenor son of Sidon. We have seen that Elishah began the colonization of the Mediterranean at Cyprus-Alashiya. Lusitania holds a place on the Atlantic coast of Iberia analogous to Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean coast of Phoenicia. The relationship of Poeni-Tartessus to Lusitania is like that of PhoeniciaTarshish to Alashiya. The root “Lusi” matches “Lashi” in the name Alashiya. Thus Iberia transfers the West Semitic world under Eber’s Ebla to the peninsula named for Eber at the east coast of Atlantic. As memorials of Cush and Mizraim, the Cosetani and Accetani correspond to Nippur and Sippar respectively. As Enlil Cush maintained a stable cultic relationship to Nippur, the city founded by his mother Kali. Ham’s son Mizraim took the name Aka and reigned at Kish, not Sippar. However we have consistently viewed the solar cult center Sippar as the city inhabited by solar Hamites prior to their migration to Egypt, the land symbolized in the Bible by the name Mizraim. The two halves of the expedition of 2156 operated separately after 2152 when the northern group based on Japheth’s family passed Gibralter and sailed up the Atlantic to Ireland. That year Eber and Joktan returned to Egypt to take up their successive reigns in Dynasty III as Sekkemkhet and Khaba. The northern group set sail in 2152 to enable Javan to make Ireland his domain before returning early to meet his pre-designed obligation to reign for a year as Ibranum of Gutium in 2149. Javan’s name Ibranum accounts both for the Iverni shown by Ptolemy in the southwest corner 439 of the island and the Eblani on its east coast. The name Iverni gives rise to the Ireland’s name Eire and the town of Eblana to Dublin. The head of the expedition to the north was Waddell’s great mariner MenesManishtushu-Mannus, head of the Mannus triad of Germany. Javan fails to appear in the Mannus triad because he left the expedition after 2152 and had nothing to do with the three German rivers. Two other Irish tribes shown by Ptolemy reveal a systematic coordination of the domains in Iberia and Ireland. The Gangani and Vodie both appear in the same quarter of the island with the Iverni. They represent the two sons of Ham complementary to Cush and Mizraim of the Cosetani and Accetani on the Iberian coast, namely Canaan and Put. The relevance of these tribe names to original forms of “Canaan” and “Put” needs no comment. Like Tiras at the Tyrrhenian, Gomer-Istäf made the North Sea into his domain by landing both in Britain and at the Rhine. The one tribe in Ptolemy’s Britain to represent the familiar Llyr root for Gomer is the Silurians marked Sylires in southwest Wales. Ptolemy’s version of the name implies a vowel metatheisis of “Illyr” as well as the opening sibilant not found in other versions of the name. Ptolemy places the tribe on the north bank of the Ratostathybius Flumen, apparently the River Severn at the entrance to Britain from the Bristol Channel. Even more important than the Sylires is a tribe that inhabited both Britain and the continent in Ptolemy’s time. These are the Belgae, whose name supplied the label “Belgium” formed from the Spanish Netherlands after the Napoleanic wars. Ptolemy locates the Belgae in Somerset south of the Severn. The continental Belgae gave rise to what Ptolemy calls Belgica Galliae, a substantial region extending from the Rhine westward to the Seine. The dual placement of the Belgae and the continental region so-defined are ideal for the purpose of outlining Gomer’s domain of the North Sea claimed in 2151. The Belgae are just one tribe in Europe memorializing deceased Peleg-Cernnunus; but the use of this name to colonize Gomer’s European domain arises from Peleg’s character as “Caradoc Pillar of Wales.” The British tradition identifies Caradoc as a “son” of Bran-Javan son of Llyr-Gomer. The name derives from Puluga’s secondary name as the crocodile Karaduku, Egyptian Sobek or Sobdek, Cushite Sabtechah. If the Gutians are simply ancestors of the Kurds (Cardouchi), they take their name from Peleg-Caradoc and represent part of the Japhethite empire extending northward from Elam to the Caucasus. In northwestern Europe, the name Caradoc is replaced in ethnography by the Belgae, a variation of “Peleg” with an opening voiced labial as does Peleg’s East Indian name Brighu, the fire priest. As confirmation we can turn to a Germanic people of the Völkerwanderung, the Phrygundiones or Burgundians. In Ptolemy’s time the Phrygundiones lived on the east bank of the Vistula as displayed in Ptolemy’s chart of Sarmatia. In the fifth century CE, they migrated westward to the Upper Weser and then southwestward to Burgundy in eastern France north of the Rhone. In doing so they acted as though conscious of completing an axis of European people assigned to the name of PelegCernunnus from the Latians of Latinus son of Faunus-Eber to the Ligurians and then Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations to Burgundy. Belgica Galliae and Belgium. At the same time the line of Gomer, his son Javan and feudal “grandson” Caradoc-Peleg form a west-east axis from Javan’s Ireland through Gomer’s Britain to Peleg’s Belgium. In the Renaisance period of the late 15th and early 16th centuries, the Duchy of Burgundy served to unite the Kingdom of Spain with the feudal holding of the Spanish Netherlands in the person of Emperor Charles V. In this way Eber’s Spanish domain of Iberia became the political centerpiece of a power including Gomer’s continental domain at the Rhine River. The marriage of Charles’ son Philip with Mary Stuart, Queen of England, almost completed Gomer’s domain by adding Britain to what eventually became the Habsburg Empire. In 1519 Charles became the Holy Roman Emperor or virtual king of Catholic Germany, putting him in control of at least part of the German rivers that defined the correlative domains of Magog-Hermin and Madai-Ingäf. The Habsburg’s also contolled Italy, including the Duchy of Tuscany— Tiras’ domain— after 1532. Aside from the mouths of the German rivers in the hands of Protestants, all that was missing from a complete control of the Japhethite domain system of the 22nd century BCE was the Kingdom of France, equivalent to Gaul, the domain of Meshech-Joktan as claimed by him in the year 2156. France remained sovereign and independent of both Spain and the Holy Roman Empire of Germany thoughout its history, thus blocking the union of all the Japhethite domains. The Huguenot Protestant movement and French Civil War of Religion in the 16th century assured that that union would not take place that century. Of the tribes displayed in Ptolemy’s chart of Germany many have been given early postdiluvian identifies forming two north-south sequences running inland from the North and Baltic Seas. The most remarkable of these runs parallel to the west bank of the Vistula. This sequence not only contains a variety of striking names such as Sidones and Quadi-Kuat-Canaan but is arranged in order to reproduce the exilic route taken by Teutonic fugitives from the defeat of Aratta. Because Baltic Germany corresponds to the the domain of Ingäf-Madai, this member of the Japhethite septad of Erechite victors was assigned the task, at the close of Uruk-Aratta war, of capturing and exiling the Teutonic fugitives. Madai’s domain of Media was conceived as correlative to defeated Aratta in the northeast; and the domain to the west of the Vistula forms the northeastern corner of Centum Aryan Europe. By the same logic the north-south sequence from Jutland into the heart of Germany defines the Herumwohner of Hermin-Magog’s German midland domain formed from the mouth of the Elbe at the southwest corner of Jutland. When colonized this middle domain featured the four slain sons of Ham together with the father Ham and grandson Heth. These tribes were divided into two groups: Cush, Mizraim and Put in Jutland north of the Elbe and Ham, Canaan and Heth— the dynasty of Lagash— as far south of it as Hesse, land of the Teutonic Chatti. A tradition of Danish Saxo Grammaticus gives eponyms to the Danes and Angles, simply Dan and Angle. As implausibly as it may seem these two names echo the 441 Austronesian versions of Cush and Mizraim— Tane-mahuta and Tangaloa (Tangaroa)— just as the Quadi and Omani echo the South American names of KuatCanaan and Oman-Heth. The Danes are members of the North Teutonic or Scandinavian linguistic stock; the Angles (English), of the West Teutonic stock like other Germans. One of the tribes that migrated from the continent to Britain in the mid-5th century CE, the Jutes gave their name to Jutland and represent Ham’s son Put in a form derived from Put-Iapetus. They derived their classical form Eudoses from the prototype appearing in South America as Iae and in Illyria-Italy as the Iapydes. Although the Angles are known to have inhabited Jutland at one time, Ptolemy place them south of the Elbe at a point intermediate between the Jutland group and Hessian group of the Lagashite family. Ptolemy locates the Angili north of the Cherusici at the source of the Weser and the Cheme (Ham), Casvari (KvasirCanaan) and Heth (Chate) father to the southwest. All these tribes inhabited the domain of Mannus’ son Hermin, the patriarch Magog who established this domain in the penultimate year of the process 2150. If we ask why Magog’s domain correlates with Ham’s family, the ready answer is that Magog was Japheth’s son by Mahadevi and, therefore, Ham’s half-brother. As for a tribal representation of Magog-Kurum, a possibility is the Caumi lying on the west bank of the Elbe east of the Cherusici. When the Japhethites built their scheme of domains in the 2150s, they had not yet abandoned the concept of an Akkadian Empire as the legitimate power in Mesopotamia. Hallo’s post-Akkad chart lists two rulers at Akkad in this period, Dudu from 2158 and Shu-Durul from 2137. The eventual effect of Serug-Manishtushu’s death in 2125 was to prompt the Noahic elite to reject the Akkadian tradition and revert to the pattern of Lugalannemundu’s inscription as a model for Europe. Lugalannemundu’s reign had lasted until 2248, just four years before the rise of Sargon at Akkad. Lugalannemundu’s inscription referred to the archetypal set of domains claimed by the eight antediluvians in the opening decades after the Flood. This model from the start of the postdiluvian period was now used to end the colonization process of Noahic colonization activity in the 21st century in Europe. Furthermore Lugalannemundu’s identity meant that Europe would be given a strong memorial presence of Peleg-Frey-Cernunnus’s descendants and representatives among the Latins of the line of Saturnus, Ligurians, Celtic Belgae of Belgica Galliae and East Teutonic Phrygundiones (Burgundians). These tribes eventually formed an axis running northward from Rome to the North Sea. Peleg’s tradition of “Division” was applied to Europe in the 21st century down to a point some two decades before the death of Shem in 2016. According to this scheme Scandinavia and Low Germany was equivalent to Noah’s Subarian domain; Gaul and Britain, to Japheth Syria and Cyprus; Iberia, to Ham’s Martu; Alpine Central Europe, to Shem’s Akkad; Italy, to Uma’s Sumer; Sarmatia, to Mahadevi’s Gutium; Illyria, to Kali’s Elam; and the Balkans, to Durga’s “Cedar Mountain.” In addition to geographic analogy, this array of matching terms is Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations reinforced by a variety of traditions. Scandinavia is bordered on the east by Finland, whose native name Sitones matches Siton, a variant name of Noah’s pantheon identity as Dagan in Ugaritic and Philistine tradition. The British names Llyr and Bran refer to the primary Japhethites Gomer and Javan. Christian Gaels have claimed descent from Magog. We have seen Ham’s first two sons Cush and Aka-Mizraim and reflected in the Cosetani and Accetani of the Iberian coast of Spain. According to archeological evidence of the Halstatt and La Tene cultures, the Celts originated in Central Europe. Their dominant name in the Gallic tradition is Teutates, a version of Shem, original claimant of central Mesopotamian Akkad. When Shem-Teutates won the Battle over the Amerindian mercenaries of the Akkadian Empire, he identified his Celtic followers as victors over the Akkadians and therefore the representatives of Akkad in Central Europe. Saturnus-Arphaxad I of the Italic tradition is the chief god of Sumerian Ur and an apt representative of Uma’s Sumer in view of their union in giving birth to Inanna of Uruk. As for Sarmatia, the Balto-Slavs who dominate that land belong to the same Satem Aryan stock as the Iranians who inhabit Mahadevi’s claim land of Gutium. The same is true of the Scythians of Sarmatia and Scythia. The Scythians were apparently even closer in language to the Iranians than are the Balto-Slavs. The Illyrians take their name simultaneously both from Japheth’s son Gomer Llyr and Shem’s son HullHullr-Hyllos. Both patriarchs were associated with the land Elam-Lumma, Gomer through the Lurs of Luristan in northern Elam and Hul owing to his identity as a son of black Kali, original claimant of Elam. An association between Durga and the Balkans is more problematic and promises to tell us something about the matriarch, her claim land of “Cedar Mountain” (Persia) and the original inhabitants of the Balkans. Like the Persians the Dacians north of the Lower Danube were Satem Aryans; but there is nothing distinctive in that relationship in view of Sarmatia and Scythia to the north. The key to this relationship lies in the Thracians at the southeastern corner of the European continent. Aside from other suggestions of the name “Thrakoi,” the Indian name “Durga” contains all of its phonetic elements if we assume that the Indian name once contained an additional vowel “Duraga.” To reinforce this suggestion we need a plausible match between Durga and some goddess of the Thracians, Getae or Dacians. A Wikipedia article features Thracian “Bendis” as “a goddess of the moon and of the hunt whom the Greeks identified with Artemis.” As mother of the Sumerian moon god Nanna-Arphaxad I, Durga makes sense as a moon goddess. When Arphaxad I was excluded from the Olympian sect and replaced by his children Inanna and Utu as Artemis and Apollo, Inanna may well have shifted her identity from a heaven goddess to a moon goddess through identification with her grandmother Bendis-Durga. 443 Owing to these relationships we can label Scandinavia and Lower Germany the “land of Noah”; Gaul and Britain, the “land of Japheth”; Iberia, the European “land of Ham”; Alpine Central Europe the “land of Shem”; Italy, the “land of Uma”; Sarmatia, the “land of Mahadevi”; Illyria the “land of Kali”; and the eastern Balkans, the “land of Durga.” Because the original domain system was based on an ogdoad rather than septad, the Japhethite septad lost its immediate relevance to the colonization process of the 21st century. It was supplanted in this respect by the ogdoad of Genesis 10:13— the Mizraim clan. The name Siton— applied to Finland and by regional association to Scandinavia— was the name of the Philistine (as well as Ugaritic) god Dagan. Although the biblical Philistines originally settled in Crete, we are not concerned with them but with their patriarch, known as Beli to the Celts and Byleist to the Teutons. The Finns are a Uralic people of the Finno-Ugric stock, together with the Estonians and Hungarians. These three Uralic nations serve to outline the Teutonic stock at its eastern borders in Scandinavia, Old Prussia and Austria. No matter what the specifics of Teutonic colonization in Northern Europe, there is no reason to doubt that Finno-Ugrians under Beli the Great accompanied that process and possibly even inhabited Germany prior to the descent of Teutons from Scandinavia in later times. A search of Wikipedia articles on ancient Germany shows no explanation of what people inhabited this land prior to 500 BCE apart from loose generalizations about Neolithic man and the Beaker culture. A Wikipedia map of the Beaker culture accounts for most of Germany without naming what linguistic stocks may have employed these beakers: (See Extent of the Beaker Culture. --www.nationmaster.com copied November 29, 2008) The culture blanketed the Rhine and Elbe together with Britain, coastal Gaul, the Rhone Valley and Iberia but excluded central most of Scandinavia, central Gaul, Italy, Illyria and the rest of the Balkans. In terms of our analysis of the replication of the original domains in Europe, the Beaker Culture corresponds to lands claimed for the four males but excludes the ones we have identified with the females in the south and southeast. This generalization is specific enough to hold our attention. A Wikipedia article blankets our early postdiluvian age by dating the Beaker culture from 2800 to 1900 BCE and describing it as a bridge from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age— the counterparts to our antediluvian and postdiluvian periods. That fundamental difference in concept between this archeological tradition and our biblical interpretation lies in the secular assumption that Europe was continuously inhabited over this interval. In addition to the Finn-Sitones another people of the Baltic region bear a name identifiable with Noah under his Mizraim name “Lehab” or “Libya.” These are the Livonians or Livs, ancient Uralic speakers akin to the Finns and Estonians and inhabiting northeastern Latvia and southwestern Estonia. Given their name Liv and their Uralic language, they supply a variation of the Finns to confirm the overriding Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations significance of the Mizraim clan as key to the colonization of eight zones of Europe. Ptolemy shows a tribe, the Levonii, at the north end of Gotland Island as though the Livonians made their way west into Teutonic territory or left a settlement there before making their way to the east Baltic coast. In any case the combined Finns and Livonians nail down the northeastern corner of Europe as a counterpart to Noah’s ancient Subaria and to his Mizraim name “Lib.” Noah and his eldest son Japheth are grouped together in five different traditions: as the first two early postdiluvian claimants in Subaria and Syria, as Glooskap and Maslum of the Algonquian tradition, as Libyans and Massylians of North Africa, as Lehab and Masluh (Casluh) of the Mizraim clan and as Mizraim representatives of the northeastern and northwestern corners of Europe. In the pantheon of the Celts who eventually took command of northwestern Europe, Japheth appears as the god Lugh, a probable cognate to the last syllable of “Masluh.” Ptolemy shows a tribe the Lugi toward the extreme northeast end of Scotland on the south bank of the Helmsdale River, in Sutherland. This location qualifies as the complementary northwest corner of Europe and the name as a counterpart to Lugh even if it fails to represent the name “Masluh” more fully. In that sense these British Lugi are the northwestern counterpart to the Livonians of the northeast. Although the name Iberia represents Tubal-Eber, the prototypical domain of Martu calls attention to another member of the Mizraim clan. This is Pathrus, Mizraim name of Riphath-Seba, who appears in the Canaanite clan as “the Amorite,” nominal patriarch of Amorite Martu. We have seen that the Egyptian name of Riphath’s mother Kali turns up in the Bastetani of southeastern Iberia. The Oretani to the west of the Bastetani and Carpetani to the northwest in the center of the peninsula both suggest variants of the name Riphath in the form suggested by the name Olifat in Kali’s Austronesian sphere. “Orifat” conceivably gives rise to “Oretani.” The opening vowel suggests a more complete root name opening with a palatal as in the Carpetani. These names fail to reproduce Riphath’s Mizraim name Pathrus unless we find in that name a further expansion of the same root to “Carpathrus.” We can construct a cluster to indicate these names as possible cognates of the patriarch Riphath as claimant to Iberia: R i f a th P a th r u s Olif at O r e t [ani] C a r p e t [ani] Shem never became a member of the Mizraim clan; so a link between Celtic central Europe and one of the members of that clan requires study. The prototype in this case was Shem’s original claim land of Akkad where Mizraim himself reigned 445 notably as Aka of Kish, Gilgamesh-Eber’s antagonist in the Eanna period. The implication is that the Central European claim held by the Celts should be identified with one of Mizraim’s own children in the clan. There are just two of these— BeliPhilist and Dôn-Caphtor, offspring of Mynogan-Mizraim in the Welsh Celtic tradition. Because we have already assigned Philist to northern Europe, the only choice is Caphtor as the “mother” of Celtic Central Europe. In a sense the siblings Philist and Caphtor account for adjacent parts of Europe extending southward from Beli’s Low Germany (and Scandinavia) to High Germany and the rest of Alpine Europe such as in the Celtic Roman provinces of Raetia and Noricum west of Illyrian Pannonia. Near the Atlantic coast of Gaul a Celtic tribe the Cadurci suggests “Caphtor” with an understanding that this and other Celtic tribes did not migrate to Gaul from Central Europe until after the first millennium BCE. Because the Gaelic version of Dôn-Caphtor is named Danu, we can argue that the great river that bounds the Alpine provinces, the Danube, took its name from her. Although Ptolemy names the river Danubius, its earlier classical name was Ister. Tribes representing Zud and Anam fail to materialize in the Balkans; but a case can be made that they are represented there by marriage. A union between Gomer-Llyr of the Illyrians and Anam-Amaterasu would finally explain the classic association between Sidon and the Javanites. As Javan’s mother and Sidon-Izanagi’s daughter, Amaterasu makes Sidon a grandfather of Javan, the Japhethite lord of his “Libyan” family. Sidon-Poseidon’s wife and mother of the Javanite family, “Libya,” bears a name equivalent to the “Lehabim,” third in the Mizraim list after “Anam.” Because the name “Lehabim” refers primarily to Noah, “Libya” could be any of Noah’s four postdiluvian daughters in the Canaanite list but especially the Egyptian daughter of the great Ennead, Nephthys-Naphtuh-Hamath-Anath, sister-wife of Shem. As Noah’s daughter by Caucasoid Uma, this matriarch would have contributed to the Caucasoid character of white Sidon’s family. As Naphtuh of the Mizraim list, Anath belongs to the structure of Mizraim regions we are establishing in Europe. She accounts for Italy between Pathrus-Riphath in Iberia and Anam in Illyria. The model for Italy was Uma’s original domain of Sumer. As Uma’s daughter, Naphtuh is the logical choice of the Mizraim clan to impose her identity on Italy. In the Olympian system, Naphtuh-Anath appears as Zeus-Jupiter’s wife and queen Hera-Juno. In a technical sense, therefore, we can refer to Italy as the “land of Juno,” Roman name of the queen of the gods. As for a tribal representation of Anath in Italy, we have seen the Anatiali at Massilia west of Liguria. An equally likely representation cognate with “Anath” is the Eneti or Veneti, who gave their name to Venice. The Eneti are an ancient people believed to have spoken a language with elements of Italic, Celtic and Teutonic. In analyzing the Balkans a significant point is that Zud and Anam are identified in Japanese tradition as a storm god and sun goddess respectively. Assuming a foundational marriage between Gomer and Anam, we note that both Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Gomer-Dazhbog and Anam-Amaterasu are solar deities, implying their place in Hamitic Egypt. A less convincing case can be made that Amaterasu’s brother ZudSusanowo united with Durga and begat the protoplast of Thracians named for her. One point of reinforcement is that the chief Thracian god Zibelthiurdos is a storm god as is Susanawo in the Japanese tradition. The pairing off of solar and storm traditions in the Balkans west and east echoes the west-east dyad of solar Egypt and Syria with its dominant storm god tradition of Aliyan Bal and Adad. We will find in the next section that these two dyads were just two segments of contrasting circles designed to represent Shem’s family to the east and an Egyptian combination of Ham and Japheth in the west. These circles conform to the general idea that Shem was to Asia what Ham was to Africa and Japheth to Europe. This scheme developed over time but was foreshadowed in the original alignments of the primitive domains with Japheth’s Syria as a model for Europe, Shem’s Akkad as prototype for Mesopotamian Asia and Ham’s Martu as stepping stone to African Egypt. Names reflecting Amaterasu and Zud-Susuda occur to the northeast and north of the Balkans. These are the Materi, a Sarmatian tribe east of the Lower Volga, and the town of Susudata in Baltic Low Germany. These locations are part of a scenario associating three divisions of the Teutonic stock with three clusters of tribes bearing the names of Joktan-Meshech in Sarmatia. The association is clearly connected with the Eddic tradition that the chief Teutonic god was Odin, a version of Joktan. In this case we can incorporate Thor Heyerdahl’s theory of Azerbaijan as the land of Aser named as Odin’s point of origin prior to a migration to Scandinavia. This name can be taken as a reflection of the first term incorporated in the name of the third Joktanite, Hazarmaveth. Because Azerbaijan lies on the west coast of the Caspian, we can observe that the three most prominent of the Sarmatian Joktanite tribes lie on the west bank of the River Don at the eastern limit of Ptolemy’s Chart 9 of European Sarmatia. His separate Chart 17 of Sarmatia Asiatica features land extending from the Don to the Volga with its mouth at the northwestern coast of the Caspian, north of Azerbaijan. Names suggestive of the first nine Joktanites appear in both Charts 9 and 17 of European and Asiatic Sarmatia. The two charts are distinguished at a virtual line dividing the Don and Sea of Azov from the Volga and Caspian. Chart 17 shows the Don as well as Volga but without any of the tribes west of the Don (ancient Tanais). The most emphatic part of this Joktanite presence in Sarmatia is a set of tribes to the west of the Lower Don. These feature the divine family of Ur— Nanna-Arphaxad I, Utu and Inanna under their Joktanite names Hadoram, Obal and Uzal. We have also seen these names among the Italics, implying two sets of them in addition to the Joktanites of Arabia. Four relevant Sarmatian tribes are arrayed as follows: Ophlones (Obal) 447 Idrae (Hadoram) Tanaitae (Abimael) Osyli (Uzal) The name “Tanaitae” means people of the Tanais-Don. Abimael-Enmerkar, the only son begotten by Joktan (Meshech) in the Joktanite list, takes the name of his father reduced from “Khitan” to “Tana.” In the Etruscan pantheon of Italy, it appears likely that the god Tin or Tinia represents Joktan in such a reduced form. Another member of the Etruscan pantheon, Usil, parallels the Osyli but was a male deity unlike Uzal-Inanna. The tribe name “Idrae” in this context suggests a reduction of the first two syllables of “Hadoram.” A tribe farther north in Sarmatia, the Aorsi, suggests an analogous reduction of “Hadoram.” Another member of the middle section of the Joktanite list is Salah-Shelah under the Joktanite name Diklah. This name appears as Tukla, the god of good fortune among the Baltic Borusci. The form “Salah” appears as the Sali. The Sali, Aorsi and Borusci are all grouped with the Agathyrsi with two other tribes in the northernmost part of Chart 9 on the east coast of the Baltic: Sali (Salah-Diklah) Agathyrsi (Gether) Aorsi (Hadoram) Pagyritae Savari Borusci (pantheon “Tukla,” Diklah) These tribes are bounded on the southwest by the River Chersinus, which is apparently intended to represent the Daugava-Dvina of Latvia. In this cluster, Gether and Hadoram are full brothers— both sons of Shem and Durga. Salah-Diklah is Hadoram-Arphaxad’s heir in the imperial line. Because the Teutonic name of Eber is Bor (as father of Joktan-Odin), the Borusci or East Prussians can be taken as representatives of Salah’s son and heir Eber. The chief god of the Borusci, Perkuna, is a version of Joktan’s brother Peleg. The genealogy embodied in these Baltic tribes can be extended two generations back to include Shem and Noah, Shem by the general name “Balt” for Balih-Aliyan Bal and Noah by the Finnish native name Sitones (Siton-Dagon, Bal’s father), the Finnish god Ukko (Noah as Ukush of Umma) and the Latvian town name Indra, Noah’s chief pantheon name among the kindred Satem Aryan Indians. The other town name adjacent to Indra, Dagda, suggests “Dagda of the Gaels,” Daksha II-Arphaxad II-Salah of the Indian tradition. Thus these names in the Baltic capture a sequence six generations deep from Noah through Peleg-Perkuna. Because the Akkadian emperors beginning with Reu are excluded from the seventy of Genesis 10, those six generations encompass the Noahic elite. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The two clusters of names outlined here form a southeast-northwest sequence interrupted only by the “Riphei Montes” at the sources of both the Tanais and Chersinus Rivers. The sources of the Don and Dvina are widely separated on either side of Tula and Smolensk but are similar in latitude at 54-55N. Asiatic Sarmatia in Chart 17 corresponds to lands extending northward from the Caucasus Mountains shown at the bottom of the map. That means that these lands lie relatively near Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan, equivalent to Ptolemy’s Caucasian Albania to the east of Iberia and Colchis, matching the modern nation of Georgia. Ptolemy shows a river, the Vardanus, flowing from east to west parallel to the Caucasus and emptying into the Sea of Azov. Modern maps show this river to be the Kuban but indicate that it flows northward from the Great Caucasus (“Bolshoi Kavkaz”) before turning westward into the Azov. Ptolemy shows two tribes of interest on either side of the source of this river— the Metibi to the north or east and the Agoritae to the south or west. The name Metibi spells out Uzal-Inanna’s Celtic name Medb. We recall that the Medb Panel of the Gundestrup Caldron points cartographically to Aratta near Tabriz from which we now assume that the North Teutons of Azerbaijan escaped. The Joktanite Hazarmaveth accounts both for Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan and for the Khazars known to have settled during the Mongol invasion period (13th century CE) in the same territory as Ptolemy’s Tanaitae in the eastward bend of the Don, north of the tributary Donets. The third member of the Joktanite list, Hazarmaveth, was Diklah-Bull El’s son Mot and brother to “Tyrant Athtar” and Yamm-Elam-Eber. For overall perspective, the Causasus of Georgian Tblisi is to Eber-Tubal what Sarmatia-Russia is to Joktan-Meshech, feudal lord of all these Joktanite Sarmatian tribes. Bull El and his sons are at the heart of the mythology of Ugarit. The tribe opposite the Metibi toward the source of the Kuban— Agoritae— suggest a vowelmetathesized form of the name “Ugarit.” In Ugaritic mythology the name of the Syrian port is echoed by Ugar, one of the two messengers of Bal together with Gapin. As a personalized tribe, the Agoritae could embody descendants of Ugar. The companion Gapin corresponds to Ptolemy’s Gevini shown near the source of the Borysthenes-Dnieper in Chart 9. Some attempt should be made to identify Ugar and Gapin although we cannot be sure whether they are members of the Noahic elite. They were closely allied to Shem-Bal as his messengers. The locations of the Gevini and Agoritae span a large part of Sarmatia from the source of the Dnieper near the border of Ukraine and Belorus to the source of the Kuban on the northern slopes of the Great Caucasus— a northwest-southeast axis of roughly 850 miles. In addition to Azerbaijan and the Khazars, the name Hazarmaveth also offers a ready explanation of the name “Sarmatia” itself. This geographic term derives from the Sauromatae, an ancient tribe of the Caucasus believed to be ancestors of the Slavs of the Dnieper. In Chart 17, a field east of the Sea of Azov includes nine tribes: 449 Tyrambae (Hadoram) Zinchi (Sin-Hadoram) Metibi (Uzal-Medb) Asturicani (Athtar-Jerah) Tusci (Tiras) Agoritae (“Ugarit”) Arichi (Yerikh-Hadoram) Conapseni Sanaraei The Tyrambae are named for the town Tyramba on the coast of Azov near the Arichi. The name conceivably embodies two closed syllables of “Hadoram,” including the dental. The Arichi suggest the West Semitic name of HadoramArphaxad I— Yerikh, god of the moon. The Zinchi in this context represent Hadoram-Nanna’s East Semitic name as the moon god Suen-Sin. Thus the field represents Hadoram three times as reflecting three different cultural sources reflected in as many tribes. The Ugaritic name of Bull El’s son Athtar (Phrygian Assaracus) can be seen in the Asturicani, a name that foreshadows the city of Astrakhan on the Volga Delta to the east. We have interpreted Athtar as the Joktanite Jerah appearing side-by-side with his brother Mot-Hazarmaveth. Another tribe with a similar name, the Siraceni, is located on the west bank of the Lower Volga farther north than this field. The Tusci suggest Tiras as father of the Etruscans of Tuscany. Another field of relevant tribe names appears in Chart 17 west on the Lower Volga at the same latitude but east of the field just shown: Orinei (Hadoram) Vali (Obal) Serbi (Sheleph) Diduri Udae (Utu-Obal) Olondae (Almodad) Isondae The first two Joktanites, like the third and fourth, are a pair of brothers, in this case Obal-Apollo’s sons Orpheus and Asklepius. These three patriarchs are best represented in the Satem Aryan world by the West Slavic Poles (Obal-Apollo), Slavic Sorbs (Almodad-Orpheus) and East Slavic Sklavi or Slavs proper (ShelephAsklepius). In the Volga field the Serbi represent the South Slavic Serbs or some kindred people farther east. The name Almodad appears to correspond to the Alans or Alani Scythae shown as Alauni in Ptolemy’s Chart 9 west of the Scythae, who appear on the west coast of the Azov southwest of the Osyli. In Chart 17 the Olondae offer a dental at the close of a name conceivably cognate with “Almodad” through an intermediate form such “Alanodad.” The Udae, north of the Olondae, suggest Obal’s Sumerian name Utu as sun god equivalent to Arab Hobal. The Vali, in the same field, represent the name Obal itself. This repeated presence of the sun god prompts us to view the classical name of the River Volga, Rha, as a reflection of the Egyptian name of the sun god Re or Ra. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The Orinei offer another version of the final two syllables of Obal’s father “Hadoram.” The clustering of Hadoram and Obal along the west bank of the Volga matches the same two patriarchs as the Idrae and Ophlones to the west of the Lower Don. For a summary of these Sarmatian Joktanite tribes— Japhethite Meshech’s tribes in their garb as members of the Shemite section— the nine Joktanites exclusive of the Mahadevi tetrad can be listed as follows with numbers indicating which of Ptolemy’s two charts the tribes appear in: Almodad. Alauni (9). West of the Alaunus Mons at Donetsk. Olondae (17). South of the Kuma River flowing into the Caspian from the west. Sheleph. East Slavs. River Dnieper-Borysthenes but not shown in 9. Serbi (17). Same name as the South Slavic Serbs, west of the Lower Volga. Hazarmaveth. Heyerdahl’s North Teutons in Azerbaijan, Ptolemy’s Caucasian Albania. Khazars west of the Don and north of the Donets in the Mongol invasion period. Jerah/Athtar/Assaracus. Asturicani (17). South of the Upper Manyč. cf. the city Astrakhan in the Volga Delta. Siraceni (17). South of the present point of Volgograd. Hadoram/Sin/Yerikh. Idrae (9). Upper River Donets. Aorsi (9). Latvia between the Daugava and Salaca. Orinei (17). West bank of the Lower Volga. Zinchi (17). South of the Asturicani. Arichi (17). Near the River Protoka, southeast coast of Sea of Azov. Tyrambae (17). East of the Sea of Azov, south of the River Kugojeja, north of the Bejšug. Uzal/Usil/Medb. Osyli (9). Northwest bank of the Don River mouth. Metibi (17). South of the Zinchi, north of the Upper River Kuban. Diklah/Tukla/Salah. Borusci (9) (pantheon figure Tukla). Northeast of the Western Dvina, a tributary of the Daugava. This location approximates to the town Dagda, equivalent to “Dagda 451 of the Gaels,” Arphaxad II, Salah, the Joktanite Diklah. Sali (9). Near the River Salaca in northern Latvia. cf. the name Salah (Shelah). Obal/Utu. Ophlones (9). South bank of the Don near present day Vorošilovgrad. Udae (17). Northwest of the Volga Delta. Vali (17). Southwest of the Orinei, to the west of the Lower Volga. Abimael. Tanaitae (9). “People of the Tanais-Don.” Inside the eastern loop of the Lower Don, west of Volgograd. The rationale is that Joktan’s one begotten son in the list carries a of his father’s name Khitan, Tana, making the DonTanais the nominal river of Joktan-Meshech. Any effort to define the European process requires a long look at Scandinavian origins. Although the Scandinavians belong to a distinct North branch of the Teutonic linguistic stock, conventional scholarship maintains that the entire Teutonic stock originated in Scandinavia at a time when the climate was comparatively mild. To accommodate this view, we can treat Scandinavia as a further step in the withdrawal of Teutons into the Ingaevonic “interior” of North Sea and Baltic Europe. It is far from certain, however, that the conventional theory of a universal Scandinavian origin is comprehensively true. As for the Scandinavians themselves, Thor Heyerdahl late in life theorized on a Scandinavian origin in Azerbaijan at the east end of the land extending eastward from Colchis between the Black and Caspian Seas. Baku, Azerbaijan, lies 250 miles northeast of Tabriz— our reference point for Aratta— via the Aral and Kura Rivers. Heyerdahl was influenced by petroglyphs showing Viking-styled boats at Gobustan in Azerbaijan and a resemblance between “Azerbaijan” the land of Aser from which Snorri Sturleson states that Odin led his people north. It is uncertain whether Snorri’s Aser is identifiable with the “Aesir,” Eddic-Scandinavian name for Odin-JoktanMeshech’s Erechite faction of the Uruk-Aratta war. To accommodate Heyerdahl’s theory, we can view the Scandinavians either as successful escapees from the defeat of Aratta or as Teutonic loyalists of the Erechite faction ordered into the Caucasus after the victory at Aratta. The divisions of both Teutons and Slavs into linguistic triads tells us something about their early postdiluvian origins. If we accept Heyerdahl’s theory of North Teutonic Azerbaijan, we can readily explain the three Teutonic divisions according to a distinction among escapees, exiles and non-exiles. The remarkable Oman-Sidone-Quadi group with its built-in tradition of capture and exile is located so far east in Germany that these tribes might seem identifiable with the East Teutonic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations stock. I know nothing about their linguistic polarity except that they were Teutons. The definitive East Teutonic Goths do not belong to the Omani-Quadi sequence. The Wikipedia article on “Germanic Languages” indexes branch articles on the three divisions, noting that East Teutonic is extinct. The only languages it lists as East Teutonic are Gothic, Vandalic, Burgundian and Crimean Gothic. We have seen that Ptolemy places the Phrygundiones east of the Vistula, the implication being that members of the Omani-Quadi sequence on the west bank were West Teutons along with all the other tribes of Ptolemy’s Germany except for the Phrygundiones. Significantly the branch article on the West Germanic stock draws on Tacitus’ tradition of the sons of Mannus, referring to the North Sea Germanic as “Ingvaeonic,” Elbe Germanic as Irminonic and the source of High German and Weser-Rhine Germanic as “Istvaeonic” and source of the Old Frankish language of the creators of medieval France before their adoption of Romance French. Perhaps significantly this analysis omits any mention of the tribes of the Omani-Quadi sequence. The branch article on the North Teutons does little more than divide them into the national languages of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. The model for the Germanic stock is that it did not exist beyond Scandinavia prior to 750 BCE. If the North Teutonic Scandinavians are descendants of Azerbaijan escapees from Aratta, the East Teutons descended from non-exiles who approached Europe from the southeast during the Aegean war. In analyzing that war, we drew on the Argonautic tradition with its orientation to Colchis on the Black Sea. The East Teutonic Crimean Gothic group fits that pattern. Ancestors of the East Teutons were logically drawn to the Black Sea by the focus on the Lower Danube at that time and, perhaps, by a knowledge that Teutons were dwelling in Azerbaijan at that time. Particular importance attaches to a tribe, the Getae, located on the Lower Danube down river from the Dacians. The name suggests a variation of Shem’s son Gether, a Danubian counterpart to Shem-Herakles’ son Agathyrsus, eponym of the Agathyrsians on the east coast of the Baltic. The importance of this name is that none of Shem’s sons of Genesis 10:23 played a role in the western colonization program of the 21st century. We can conclude that the tetrad of 10:23 belonged to the complementary sphere of southeastern Europe. A complete picture of the Baltic conclusion of the 21st century process cannot be attained without attention to the Southeastern nations and to Teutons living east of the Vistula such as the Burgundians and Crimean Goths. A Wikipedia article on “North Teutonic languages” fails to give any principles of division of the Scandinavians much earlier in origin than the early Christian era. Anything earlier is buried under the hypothetical generalities of “ProtoNorse,” “Proto-Germanic” and even “Proto-Indo-European” to keep everything as faceless as possible. Geographically and politically, Scandinavia is divisible only into Denmark, Sweden, Norway, the Faroe Islands and Iceland, the latter two colonized from Norway in Christian times. The conclusion to be drawn is that Teutons remained 453 a single protoplastic unit without divisions of any kind from the First Kish order down to Christian times. I am unwilling to accept that conclusion uncritically as long as the Eddic tradition names Hler, Kari and Logi— Gomer, Magog and Madai— as distinct persons. Evidence is that the Teutons were commanded in the colonizing stage of their history by the three vassals of Gomer. Riphath commanded the tribes of Baltic Sarmatia as indicated by Ptolemy’s Riphei Montes, the Central Russian Upland. Jews of the Russian Diaspora refer to themselves as Ashkenazim by idfentifying that vassal of Gomer with Russia. Because Russia proper was founded by Swedish Vikings among the native Slavs, an equivocation exists between the East Slavs of Swedish Gotland and the North Teutons of Sweden itself. The equivocation can be cleared up by noting the proximity of Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan to Armenia with its claim of origin from Togarmah. All evidence points to the fact that the Teutons came from the east by land rather than the west by sea. Gotland is equivocal because the name Scandia identifies it with North Teutons and it is incorporated into the Scandinavian nation Sweden; yet the name Gotland suggests that it was once the homeland of the East Teutonic Goths. Ptolemy locates seven tribes in Scandia. Of these the Gutae are placed in the south of the island as though to show that that are a separate Teutonic people from the North Teutons. To sort out these two Teutonic peoples, we can turn to Sarmatia and note that the Crimean Goths associate the East Teutons with the Sea of Azov and Don group; whereas Heyerdahl’s theory of Azerbaijan associates the North Teutons with the Caspian Sea and Volga group. Although the Crimean Goths no doubt descend from Gothic tribes that migrated into southeastern Europe no earlier than the fourth century CE, we can conceive of their migration as a case of homeland return based on an East Teutonic settlement in Crimea in early postdiluvian times. The third Joktanite group, in the Baltic region of Sarmatia, associates with West Teutonic Germans through the equivocal name “Prussia.” The Old Prussians were Balto-Slavic speakers identifiable with Ptolemy’s Borusci in the Baltic Sarmatian group. Germans of West Teutonic origin, however, applied the name to themselves in creating the Kingdom of Prussia. A Wikipedia article on the Old Prussians suggests that the original Borusci were assimilated by the Germans who created Prussia. The article connects the origin of this Prussian-German mix with the Lugi and Buri, two tribes belonging to the special Omani-Quadi sequence of Ptolemy’s Germany. The article opines that the name Buri identifies with a “Prussian root”; whereas I distinguish between the Buri and Borusci on the basis of the separate identities of Odin’s father Bor-Eber and Buri-Shelah. In two of three cases, the Sarmatian locales we are dealing with involve a major river pouring into a major body of water— Volga into the Caspian and Don into the Azov. In these cases, the Joktanite cluster surrounds the river’s mouth and the Teutonic division is located on a coast at some distance from the river. This formula suggests that the West Teutonic protoplast may have been located somewhere on the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Baltic coast at some distance from the Daugava. The leader of the Baltic Joktanite group was Riphath-Pathrus as indicated by Ptolemy’s location of the Riphei Mons (Central Russian Upland). The point indicated for the original homeland of the West Teutons could have been as far west as the Pharodini at the southwest end of the Baltic. We can add to this theory that both Azerbaijan and Crimea are located on the southwest corners of their respective Caspian and Azov Seas. We possess, therefore, a consistent pattern: Teutonic Division: North East West Joktanite Group: Orinei-Vali Idrae-Ophlones Borusci-Sali Sea: Caspian Azov Baltic River: Volga Don Daugava Coast: Azerbaijan Crimea West Prussia The respective leaders in the eleventh era were Ashkenaz of the Don group, Riphath of the Baltic group and Togarmah of the Volga group. The Volga River is ideally suited to fit Heyerdahl’s thesis that the first Scandinavians used small boats on waterways to make their way northwestward into historically Teutonic territory. The Volga is sourced northwest of Moscow far from the Caspian. The Don is sourced at a point southwest of Moscow where it is created by two tributaries. Ashkenaz took charge of the East Teutons and led them to the northwest via the Don. According to the tradition favored by Heyerdahl, Joktan-Odin led the North Teutons out of Azerbaijan, performing a task we would have expected from Togarmah. This discrepancy suggests that Joktan-Meshech and Togarmah changed places at the Po and Rhone early in the colonization process and carried out their tasks in the names of their counterparts. In completing the process Riphath took command of the West Teutons and left a version of his name Pathrus to the Pharodini on the southwest coast of the Baltic. Another possible reflection of his presence is the Phiresi at the east end of Scandia Island. A strong clue to why the Teutons were first located in Joktanite Sarmatia lies in the name Suilap, given by Altaic tradition to Japheth as son of Noah-Kudai Bai Ülgön. This name seems to compound the root forms of the North Teutonic Suiones or Swedes and the Uralic Lapps who share northern Scandinavia with them. The Joktanite Sarmatian region of the earth overlaps the Uralic. Therefore Teutons and Uralics such as the Swedes and Lapps derived from the same process at some point in early postdiluvian history. This process operated independently of the Satem Aryan Slavs who otherwise dominate Sarmatia. The Uralic Finns, for example, settled to the east of Scandinavia where they border on the Sweden and Norway. Furthermore the Finnish Sitones take their name from Siton-Ukko-Noah, the Altaic Noah, father of Suilap. Obviously these relationships suggest some underlying association of Uralics, Altaics and North Teutons. 455 We have taken Heyerdahl’s theory of North Teutonic Azerbaijan to imply an escape from Aratta to a point beyond the reach of forces that sent other Aratta fugitives into Arabian exile. Fugitives captured and sent to Arabia included the Altaics but not necessarily Uralics. The implication is that the body of escapees who reached the refuge of Azerbaijan was made up of Teutons and Uralics. In the Uralic colonization period after 2218 Meshech-Joktan-Odin now appears to have distributed the Teutons in the three centers where Ptolemy’s Joktanite Sarmatian tribes appear. Nevertheless the three divisions of the Teutons resulted from three different historical processes instead of forming a single protoplast in Azerbaijan. They reached Sarmatia from different directions at different stages of early postdiluvian history. The East and West Teutons were drawn there under the influence of the North Teutons who first settled in Azerbaijan. The three divisions can best be placed in respect to three different wars— the Uruk-Aratta, Aegean and Arabian. North Teutons were escapees directly from Aratta to Azerbaijan and that means from the region of Tabriz to Baku. East Teutons descended from Teutonic speakers loyal to Uruk in the first war and involved in the Aegean war. They made their way to Crimea on the Black Sea as a result of the “Argonautic” process in the late 23rd century. Their Burgundian tribe is named Phrygundiones by Ptolemy. That name echoes the Phrygians, Thraco-Phrygian speakers at center of the Aegean war. In effect they were the people of Peleg-Frey just as the North Teutons of Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan were the people of Peleg’s brother Joktan-Odin. All the attention to the Black Sea suggests that the Centum Aryans were drawn to the northern coast of that sea following the Battle of Orontes under the influence of “Argonautic” settlements there after the Aegean war. Logically the Hellenes settled at the Danube; Illyrians, at the Dniester; Italics, at the Bug; Celts at the Dnieper; and Teutons, at the Don. These branches then made their way along arcs or radii to Hellas, Illyria, Italy, Central Europe and the Baltic respectively. They were then incorporated into the 21st century scheme in which the outer coasts were colonized by Etruscans, Iberians, Aquitanians and Uralics under the Mizraim clan. The Colonization of Europe 2122-2068 The colonization of Europe came last in a sequence based on the four races of Adam’s family. The process began with the Asian race of Seth including SinoTibetans, Altaics and Austroasiatics. Second came Adam’s black race concentrated in Cushite Africa. These first two races colonized lands accessible from the Lower Sea of Sumerian tradition. Of the two the secondary race of Adam’s son Seth came first and the black race of Adam himself second. The same logic applied to the Upper Sea Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations where Eve’s secondary race of Abel colonized the Americas first and then her primary race of Cain finished the process in white Europe. If anyone is in doubt about what I mean by primary and secondary races of Adam and Eve, I recommend a careful reading of Genesis 4 and 5. These races of Adam’s family were regenerated in the postdiluvian world by Durga, Kali, Mahadevi and Uma respectively and carried out their colonization programs in a period beginning in the late 23rd century and ending in the 21st century. The course of events in the 22nd century suggests that the Battle of Orontes in 2178 ended in a Treaty of the Orontes. A formal agreement is implied by the systematic character of major developments later in the century such as the interplay between Egyptian Dynasties and the colonization of Africa and America or the Iranian-Amorite alliance described in Genesis 14:1-6. At the close of the battle Centum Aryans won a victory over what remained of the Akkadian Empire after defeating the Amerindians in the field. Despite their victory, the Centum Aryans did not seek to carve a permanent place for themselves in the Middle East. Non-exilic members of their stock had begun to colonize Europe from the southeast following the close of the Aegean war in 2222. Their leaders, the Gallic tetrad, intended to finish the task of colonizing Europe and fought the battle in 2178 in order to remove the threat posed by the Amerindians and Semites to Europe itself. They agreed at this point that the Hamites should remain secure in northeast Africa, Semites in western Asia and Indo-Europeans in Europe. The Amerindians had threatened to perpetuate chaos in this otherwise settled order. They had directly threatened Egypt and were fighting according to an Akkadian promise to let them threaten the Satem Aryans in Iran. In defiance of the Centum Aryans they might, in the event of victory, change their minds and occupy Europe instead. If the Basque-Nadene theory is correct, a small part of Europe near the Pyrenees Mountains has been inhabited by Amerindian speakers of Caucasoid racial type. The treaty aimed at removing their threat once for all. Its likely provisions included the following: 1) 2) 3) 4) The Amorites would hold the Akkadians in check. The Gutians of Iran would continue to hold the Sumerians in check. The Noahic elite world rule cooperatively in Egypt. The same elite would take responsibility for the colonization of Africa and the Americas. 5) After ending the Amerindian process, a selection of the elite would colonize Europe. 6) In the meanwhile Centum Aryans would colonize the northern coast of the Black Sea after holding positions at and surrounding the Syrian battlefield in 2178. 457 The systematic arrangement of colonies along the Black Sea coast suggests an isochronic process. Two logical leaders of this expedition to the Black Sea were Arphaxad I and his son Obal. As Olympian Apollo, Obal figures as leader of the exilic Hellenes to the Danube. Arphaxad I-Hadoram makes sense as leader of the Illyrians at the Dniester. As such he accounts for the uncanny “Zadrima triad” among both the Illyrians and Italics. Their service north of the Black Sea helps account for the Sarmatian Joktanites in view of their membership in the Joktanite clan. The only other Joktanite leader active in the African expedition and unavailable in the north after 2178 was Shelah-Diklah. Our theory of the Tanaitae or “Don River People” is that their name derives from Joktan-Khitan through his immediate son AbimaelEnmerkar, identifying this Joktanite as leader of the Don River colony of the Teutons. Leaders of the Italics and Celts remain to be placed at the Bug and Dnieper in this period. Another clue to this Black Sea stage of European origins is the presence of Joktanite names among the Italics such as Saturnus-Hadoram, the Sicels of Diklah and the male version of the name Usil for Uzal in the Etruscan pantheon. In Sarmatia particular importance attaches to the four tribes located within the eastward bend of the Don: Tanaitae, Ophlones, Osyli and Idrae. Three of these names have already been accounted for: the Tanaitae for the Teutons at the Don under the leadership of Khitan-Joktan-Odin or his son Abimael; the Ophlones, for the Hellenes at the Danube under Obal-Apollo; and the Idrae for the Illyrians at the Dniester under HadoramSaturnus-Zadrima. The Osyli pose a challenge to identify the male god Usil of the Etruscans. A logical way to read the four tribes of the Don pocket is to take the Tanaitae as representatives of Joktan in his own right and to identify Usil and the Osyli with his son Abimael-Enmerkar. The name Abimael in Joktan’s Semitic tongue means “My Father is Mael,” therefore identifying the Celtic Welsh “Mael the Tall” with Joktan. As Celts, therefore, the Welsh serve to place the Celts at the Bug as complements to the Italics of Saturnus at the Dnieper. The rationale for this arrangement follows the sequence of the four tribes at the Don: Ophlones/Obal/Apollo/Hellenes Idrae/Hadoram/Saturnus/Italics Tanaitae/Joktan/Odin/Teutons Osyli/Usil/Abimael/Son of Mael/Celts We can take these locations as another interim stage in the history of the Centum Aryans after the arrangement at the North Sea. The Hellenes took the lead by migrating to the position of the Ophlones. Omitting the Illyrians from the tetrad, the Celts migrated from the Bug to the Osyli location to form a north-south axis with the Hellenes. The Teutons migrated up the Don to the position of the Tanaitae; and the Italics migrated from the mouth of the Dnieper to the place of the Idrae. These interim locations marked a stage in which the Centum Aryans prepared to ascend the Don into Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations northeastern Europe to make contact with the separate coastal settlements at the Baltic. The source of the Don lies near Tula south of Moscow at a latitude comparable to the modern border of Lithuania and Poland. A third interim location near Tula raises the image of the old “Pripyat Marsh” theory of Indo-European origins. In order to reach the Baltic from Tula, the Centum Aryans would have to cross northern Belorus. The River Pripyat flows through southern Belorus. The Pripyat Marshes lie in the Pripyat east of Pinsk at 52N. The pentad system strung across the north coast of the Black Sea is hardly unique. A similar system is defined by the most transparent ethnographic system in Genesis10— the pentad of 10:22 extending from Elam in the east to Lydia. The west ends of both systems are at the same longitude with Lydia and the mouth of the Danube at 38 E. These two pentad arrangements are sufficient to draw attention to the pentad as a module of colonization for the entire Noahic world. Because Europe figures prominently in this universal scheme, we introduce it here in a section on the colonization of Europe. The world can be described as a set of four pentads and a sextad, totaling the twenty-six units according to the enumeration of the Shemite section of Genesis 10. The system excludes both Mesopotamia (Sumer and Akkad) and Egypt as capital zones. Because the Bible refers to these zones as the “land of Nimrod” and “land of Ham,” the Hamite tradition is accommodated at the capitals in that way. The Japhethite fourteen relate to Japhethite Egypt, to the system of domains created in Europe in the 2150s and to Japhethite colonizations such as the Uralic and South American. Ashkenaz, a member of the secondary Japhethite clan, was the master colonist of Noahic times. The system of pentads can be outlined as follows: Outer Pentad Altaics Uralics Sino-Tibetans Amerindians Austronesians Coastal European Pentad Ligures Iberians Etruscans Aquitanians Eneti Black Sea Centum Aryan Pentad Celts (Bug) Illyrians (Dniester) Italics (Dnieper) Hellenes (Danube) Teutons (Don) Pentad of Genesis 10:22 Assyrians Syrians Iranians 459 Lydians Khoisans Elamo-Dravidians African Sextad Nilo-Saharans Berbers Niger-Congo Cushites South Semites The final colonization of Europe depended on efforts to coordinate the coastal and Black Sea pentads. When the Japhethites established their coastal domain system in the 2150s, they had already colonized Uralic Sarmatia and were familiar with the northern coast of the Black Sea. Exploring coastal Northern Europe in the 2150s, they could not help observing the way the Jutland Peninsula interrupted the North SeaBaltic Peninsula in the same way that the Crimean Peninsula interrupted the coast of the Black Sea, howbeit in inverted fashion with Jutland to the south. This analogy gave them the matrix they needed to complete the colonization of Europe. The analogy extended to the rest of coastal Europe with Scandinavia equivalent to inverted Anatolia and the rest of coastal Europe in non-inverted order: the British Isles to the Aegean islands; Gaul, including the Breton Peninsula, to the Baltic Peninsula; the Bay of Biscay, to the Adriatic; and the Iberian Peninsula, to the Italic at the point where the two terms of the analogy met at the Tyrrhenian and western Mediterranean Seas. This sort of analogy was the sort of structure that Japheth’s Egyptian mind sought in order to establish worldwide atum. If we invert the sequence of rivers flowing into the Black Sea, each with its Centum Aryan group, and match them to five major rivers of Northern Europe, we obtain a series of significant associations of lands within belts of longitude to the north and south of Europe. At this point we describe this outcome without any emphasis on sequence and chronology: Euxine River: Stock: Northern River: Danube Dniester Bug Hellenes Illyrians Celts Daugava Vistula Oder Dnieper Italics Elbe Don [Teutons] Rhine Northern Zone: Southern Zone: Lithuania Greece Poland Illyria East Germany Austria (East (Ingaevonic) Halstatt culture) Central Germany Italy (Hermionic) (Este culture) West Germany Switzerland (Istaevonic) (West Halstatt culture) The Teutons are placed in brackets because the archaeological record suggests that they were supplanted by Celts in the region of the West Halstatt region. A logical explanation is that they arrived late in Northern Europe after a rendezvous with the North Teutonic escapees from Azerbaijan. The location of the Materi east of Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations the Volga suggests where the rendezvous took place. The Materi offer a counterpart to the Altaic-Japonic Amaterasu just as the complementary town of Susudata suggests a likely point of arrival in East Germany. Because these two names represent the Sumerian and Japanese versions of the the first two members of the Mizraim clan, a reasonable scenario calls for these two, if not the whole clan, to have accompanied Joktan-Odin to the Volga to launch the final drive toward the formation of Centum Aryan Europe. From the early postdiluvian perspective, Europe became a colonial empire of Egypt although without any presence there of the Hamitic language. The overt Egyptian penetration of Europe consisted of little more than Crete and a single Old Kingdom artifact on the island of Kythera. The European masterplan, however, embodied the Genesis clans of the two patriarchs who defined Egypt— Japheth and Mizraim son of Ham. We have seen how these two patriarchs were linked by the name “Sheba,” applied in the Cushite clan to Japheth and in the Joktanite list to Mizraim’s mother Durga. The Japhethite clan was expanded nominally from seven to eight members by giving Peleg his genetic place as son of Eber-Tubal and brother of Joktan-Meshech and Tiras. The names of these four account for the Ligures, Iberians, Aquitanians and Etruscans of southwestern Europe. In contrast, the opening tetrad of the Japhethite clan corresponds to the Slavic family of Japheth-Svarog and consisted of Illyrians and three divisions of the “Satemized” Slavic linguistic stock. The Slavic-Illyrian connection is indicated by the geographic correspondence of ancient Illyria to modern Yugoslavia centering in Serbia. The Illyrians represent Gomer-Llyr-Dazhbog. Although the Slavic divisions take their names from members of the Joktanite clan— the Aryan “race of Meshech”— they submitted in the colonizing period to Magog, Madai and Javan. These colonial identifications of the Slavs with the family of Svarog-Japheth can be determined by establishing a model from the locations of the Hyrcanians, Medes and Kurds in Iran. These tribes, like the Slavs, were Satem Aryan speakers; and they established their locations in Iran after the Uruk-Aratta war some two centuries before the final colonization of Europe. The Kurd-Gutians of Javan’s feudal son Caradoc-Peleg lay in Gutium north of Elam; the Medes farther north toward the southwestern coast of the Caspian; and Hyrcania of Magog-Stribog-Hurricano-Rudra, farther east along the southern coast of that sea. If we take these positions as model, the East Slavs submitted to Magog-Stribog; the West Slavs, to Madai-Svarogich; and the South Slavs to Javan, Gomer-Llyr-Dazhbog’s son. Thus the Illyrians of Gomer and South Slavs of Javan— formed a logical pair in two stages of history to the east of the Adriatic Sea. Owing to the unity of the Satem Aryan language, we can assume that the three Slavic divisions inhabited Iran together with Iranians before being extracted in 461 order to colonize Sarmatia. That assumption means that two halves of the European system nearly met in Media and Azerbaijan of Heyerdahl’s North Teutons. The Oxford Bible Atlas shows Media as extending northward from the capital Ecbatana to the southwest corner of the Caspian. The capital of Azerbaijan, Baku, lies up the western Caspian coast roughly 200 miles. Ecbatana lay at 34.48 N and 48.30 E. Baku lies at 40.23 N 49.51 E. With Media extending northward from Ecbatana, its northern boundary lay much closer to the southern border of Azerbaijan than that. Here is where the Japhethite, Slavic and Satem Aryan portion of Europe once lay in relation to the Teutonic and Centum Aryan portion. Ancestors of Europeans today once inhabited the western and southwestern shores of the Caspian east of Aratta-Tabriz. The Slavs and Iranians descended from the victors at Aratta; and the Centum Aryans, from the defeated of Aratta. It is clear that the Slavs filled in lands behind the Centum Aryans and appear in history as the Sauromatae of the Caucasus and Ukrainian East Slavs. However there is no reason to believe that the entire Slavic race was confined to those locations until long after early postdiluvian times. In Christian times four Slavic peoples extended along the east bank of the Elbe from southeast to northwest— the Czechs, Sorbs and Wends. This pattern of settlements suggests that a Slavic outpost once existed on the Elbe just as a body of West Slavs settled at one time in Silesia on the Upper Oder. Satem speaking ancestors of the Slavs were an integral part of the Japhethite colonization of Europe in the 21st century BCE. They bounded the eastern end of the Centum colonization zones just as the Etruscans, Ligures, Iberians and Aquitanians bounded the southwestern end. Europe was colonized both by land and sea. The problem has always been how much maritime activity was involved. The answer is twofold. The southwestern Japhethite group was consistently coastal; and their ancestors reached Europe by sea. The Ligures took their own name “Ambrones” or “Sea People” from the premise that they belonged to such a group of colonists. As for the complementary Mizraim clan, they reached certain points by sea in order establishing settlements for Aryans arriving from the Black Sea by land. Mizraim names have been identified from Ptolemy and form a consistent pattern. However we always face the same challenge of anachronism in using the locations of these tribes as sourced as early as the 21st century. For example the Frisians of the eastern Netherlands are a familiar West Teutonic people. Their name fits a pattern as representation of the seventh member of the Mizraim clan, the Philistim of Welsh Beli-Bile and Teutonic Byleist. As Teutons, however, ancestors of the Frisians are supposed to have been confined exclusively to Scandinavia before 500 BCE as though they somehow “evolved” from that land and could not know anything of Friesland. Our problem is how much credence to give to that archaeological consensus and how much to give to our imperial-monogenetic premise in handling Ptolemy’s tribe names as insight into the 21st century. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Our use of the Frisian location does not necessarily depend on the view that their ancestors inhabited that land between 2000 and 500 BCE. The imperialmonogenetic premise refuses to treat ancient peoples as oblivious primitives devoid of historical traditions. Ancestors of the Frisians in Scandinavia could very well have been aware of a land reserved for them on the south coast of the North Sea from high antiquity and pending the growth of the stock to larger proportions. The conventional view is that the Teutons migrated from Scandinavia to Germany solely because of worsening climate. The tendency to trace all migrations to physical causes arises from the modern and false belief that human beings are essentially the same as animals. The alternative view that Friesland might have been defined before the arrival of West Teutons from Scandinavia is strengthened by our concept that these settlement points were fixed from the sea by a Mizraim clan distinct from the colonists themselves. That is what imperialism always implies although the facts may differ from case to case. Politics rather than economics was in control of origins after 2518 BCE. The colonization of Europe was especially abstract, in this regard, in that it meant an expansion of imperial Egypt with barely a trace of the Hamitic linguistic stock in Europe. Concretely I envision “Beli the Great” as arriving in Friesland with a band of followers of indeterminate language for the purpose of hosting or otherwise communicating with ancestors of the West Teutons before that stock disappeared into the anthropological generality of nameless and tribeless Scandinavia despite the remarkable explicitness of Eddic tradition. Before attempting to describe how the Mizraim clan guided the Centum Aryan colonization of Europe, we need to outline the relevant tribe names with estimates of their locations in Europe. They are arranged in the order of Genesis 10:13-14: Mizraim Name: Zudim Susuda Anamim Lehabim (Libya) Naphtuhim (Anath) Tribe: Sidini Susudata Location: Coordinates: Baltic Germany west of Riesen (Zittau) 50.54 N Gebirge 14.54 E Materi east of Volgograd (Elton) 49.08 N (Amaterasu) 46.40 E Livs (Livonians) Baltic Livonia (Dikli) 57.30 N Levonii northern Gotland 25.00 E Eneti northern Adriatic (Venice) 25.47 N 12.21 E Roman tradition traces the Adriatic Eneti back to Paphlagonia on the southern coast of the Black Sea and identifies them with the Trojan-Phrygians in the time of the Trojan War about eight centuries after the close of the 21st century. Like all the tribes listed here the locations appear to be anachronistic relative to the 21st century 463 but are subject to the same principle of migration according to traditions of settlements occurring at that time. Paphlagonia lay straight south of Crimea and no doubt figured in the colonization process we are seeking to describe. Pathrusim (Riphath) Parisi Central Gaul Masluhim (Lugh) Lugi Philistim (Byleist) source of the Oder Frisii Caphtorim Cadurci (Paris) 48.52 N2.20 E East Hallstatt Zone (Hallstatt)47.33 N 13.39 E (Ostrava) 49.50 N18.17 E Friesland (Leeuwarden) 53.12 N 5.46 E central Gaul (Brive-la-Gaillarde) 45.09 N 1.32 E West Hallstatt Zone (Zürich) 47.30 N 8.30 E Because of the consensus that the Celts arose in the Hallstatt region of Austria and Switzerland, I have suggested points in the East and West Hallstatt zones as original settlements of the 21st century as sources for the Gallic Parisii and Cadurci. The first conclusion to be drawn from this set of locations is that the Mizraim clan divided into groups of three and five. The first three concentrated on Sarmatia to the north. The last five headed west. Given Paphlagonia as traditional homeland of the Eneti, we can envision a voyage of the Mizraim clan from Egypt into the Black Sea and establishment of a base camp on the southern coast opposite Crimea. The three members destined for Sarmatia then sailed straight north to Crimea where they made contact with the Centum Aryans. From there they proceeded to the Baltic. The other five sailed east to Colchis where they drew off ancestors of the Etruscans and Iberians if not the Aquitanians and Ligures as well. This second group then set sail westward to the Adriatic, Tyrrhenian, Iberia and Atlantic. Another possible guide to this process consists of the six tribes that Ptolemy crowds into his version of Gotland Island labeled “Scandia”: Levonii Phanonae Chedini Phiresi Dauciones Gutae The north-south axis formed by the Levonii and Gutae suggest an echo of the Livs in Livonia and Goths in Crimea. The arrangement of the Dauciones and Gutae, in turn, suggests that of the Dacians and Getae in the eastern Balkans north of the Lower Danube. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations If this pattern of six tribes in Gotland possesses representative value, it offers a freeze frame of some status quo prior to the Teutonic migration from the Black Sea to the Baltic. The Gutae or Goths are East Teutons destined to populate Gotland itself but, in projection, at the southern location of Crimea. The Dauciones are conceivably aligned to represent the Dacians of the Lower Danube. The Levonii indicate Uralic Livonia in southern Estonia on the Baltic as though already located there before the Teutonic migration. The name Phiresi could represent either Philist-Frisii or PathrusRiphath-Parisii; we will soon give evidence for the latter. In the west the Chedini can be taken to refer to the West Slavic settlement zone down the east bank of the Elbe in Christian times but already located there by an early settlement. The name Chedini can be taken to represent Khitan-Meshech of the Sarmatian Joktanite tribes at a point in time before these tribes migrated eastward to fill in lands vacated by the Teutons. We can make out a value for the Phanonae by analyzing the six tribes as a balanced set representative of the three sections of Genesis 10. Just two of the names— Levonii and Phiresi— represent members of the Mizraim clan of the Hamite section, namely the Lehabim and Philistim. As equivalent to Joktan— with his strongly Semitic polarity in Arabia and Syria— the Chedini figure in this context as Aram of the Shemite clan of 10:22. Accordingly the Dauciones stand for Daksha IIArphaxad II-Shelah of the same clan and make up the pair proper to the Shemite section. The Phanonae and Gutae can be given a Japhethite value as representative of Javan-Bran and his feudal son Caradoc, father of the Gutian-Kurds. Javan’s Gutian name Ibranum, in yielding “Bran” also takes the variant form “Ban” and “Vran” or “Fan.” if this form retains the Gutian ending “-um,” the resultant “Fanum” can account for the tribe name at the east end of Ptolemy’s Gotland. The Gutae are simply East Teutonic “Gutians” distinct from the Satem Aryan Kurds of the same source. If this reading is correct, the Gotland pattern records in a local modello a status quo in which the European continent was forshadowed by sets of representatives of all three sections of Genesis 10. As such it confirms our impression that Europe was colonized with great deliberation to conform to Noah atum or “totality” as prized by Japheth. The obvious question is how and when this modello came to be implanted in Gotland or among the Goths destined to inhabit Gotland in later times. As it turns out, the Gotland sextad gives us the focal point we need to explain the colonization of Eastern and Northern Europe. In addition to containing a balanced representation of Genesis 10 as it a whole, the sextad figures as a regenerated version of Shem’s clan of 10:22, replacing the deceased Asshur and Lud and expanding the set to six by replacing Noah-Lehab of the Mizraim clan. The three replacements were the ubiquitous Gomerite tetrad of Noah’s postdiluvian sons, featuring Shem’s full brother Ashkenaz— Yarlaganda of the Guitians and Yarilo of the Slavs. We are to understand that this six-man sect actually sailed to the Baltic and Gotland Island after the close of Togarmah’s participation in the Abrahamic war as Birsha of Gomorrah in 2099. The 465 Gotland modello represents six early postdiluvian settlement points in the island as recalled by the North Teutons of Scandinavia and a prospective scheme for the colonization of Europe outlined by those settlements after 2099. Ashkenaz’s close identification with the Gutians carries over to the Gutae despite the difference in language between the Satem Aryan Gutians and East Teutonic Goths. The case for identifying the Phanonae with Javan indicate that Togarmah was either dead or otherwise unavailable for service in this new context. Genesis 14:10 states that the “kings of Sodom and Gomorrah fled” from the battle of the Valley of Siddim. We have identified these two as the full brothers Ham (Bera) and Togarmah (Birsha). Ham made his way to the restoration setting at Sumer to become Ur-Nammu of third Ur. If Togarmah survived, he too may have gone to Sumer under his brother’s influence. In this case Shem may have been obliged to take Javan rather than Togarmah as his sixth vassal. At this point we can diagram (?) the Gotland sextad in Genesis 10 terms focused by the regenerated Shemite clan: Elam Javan Aram Riphath Arphaxad II Ashkenaz As a modello this pattern of leaders means, for example, that Aram-JoktanEsus led a colonizing expedition into a location west of the axis running from Livonia to Crimea at an intermediate latitude. Livonia lies at the 58th parallel and Crimea at the 45th. The intermediate parallel of 51.30 N crosses the Elbe at a point roughly midway between Magdeburg in the north and Dresden in the south. This latitude indicates the position of the Slavic Sorbs as intermediate between the Czechs and Wends in Palmer’s Christian era map. The southeast-tonorthwest course of the Elbe parallels the southeast-to-northwest axis from Crimea to Livonia on a smaller scale and to the west. For further perspective the 18th parallel of longitude just west of Gotland crosses the Oder at a point a little less than 100 miles east of the source of the Elbe. Furthermore Gotland lies immediately south of the 58th parallel of latitude defining Livonia. The two northwest-southeast axes of the Elbe and Livonia-Crimea would have appealed to the early postdiluvians with the northwest-southeast axis of the rivers of Mesopotamia. As Meskiaggasher, founder of the classic Erechite regime of Sumer, Joktan-Meshech would have appreciated the value of the Elbe for a European frame of reference once he and his fellow Japhethites learned of it during the domain building expedition of the 2150s. Both the Elbe on the west and Volga on the east form northwest-southeast axes with structural appeal to men of Mesopotamian origin. The Elbe flows Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations northwestward from the Czech Republic into the North Sea just west of Jutland. Joktan’s counterpart at the Volga was the pair of Riphath-Pathrus and Javan indicated by the Gotland Phiresi and Phanonae. Riphath’s activity in Russia is indicated by Ptolemy’s Riphei Montes, referring to the Central Russian Upland. It is even conceivable that the Swedish Viking Ros, who gave their name to Russia, derive their name from “Pathrus.” The Christian era interplay between Sweden and Russia follows the early postdiluvian model of interplay between Swedish Gotland and the Volga. The task assigned to Riphath and Javan was to draw off the two Teutonic divisions distinct from Ashkenaz’s Gothic East Teutons at Crimea. The North Teutons migrated up the western Caspian coast from Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan to the Volga and then up river to the northwest. If Joktan-Odin was active at the Elbe in the same time frame, we cannot take at face value the tradition that Odin led the North Teutons out of Aser land. However this discrepancy largely disappears because Odin-Joktan shared in the same Gotland-based enterprise as Riphath and the others. We must remember that Riphath-Pathrus appears in Egyptian tradition as the great god Asir-Osiris and in the Hellenic Argonautic tradition under a cognate name Absyrtus. The Argonautic tradition places Absyrtus in Colchis at the opposite end of the same Caucasus region from Azerbaijan. Colchis, at the east end of the Black Sea, now constitutes the west end of Georgia, which borders on Azerbaijan to the southeast. Evidence of close cooperation between Joktan on the Elbe and Riphath on the Volga comes to focus in Ptolemy’s tribe the Pharodini on the Baltic coast of Germany just east of Jutland. The name looks like a compound of Riphath’s name PathrusPhiresi and Joktan’s Scandinavian name Odin. The location suggests a rendezvous point between Joktan, after his return from the source of the Elbe, and Riphath at his return with ancestors of the North Teutons from the Volga. Like Gotland the position of the Pharodini figures as one of the earmarks in the structure of European colonization by the Noahic world empire. Ptolemy places the Pharodini on the east bank of the Chalusus, the first of several rivers with mouths scattered eastward along the Baltic and including the Oder. It is difficult to determine which minor waterway he intends by the Chalusus; but it is clear enough that the Pharodini lay somewhere in the German region of Mecklenburg. In order to account for Javan’s task at the Volga, we need to explain why the linguistic triads of the Teutons and Slavs existed in early postdiluvian times. These triads resulted from specifics of early postdiluvian history rather than from mere regional isolation and development in later times. Each triad resulted from the UrukAratta war distinguishing loyalists from Aratta rebels and the latter into escapees and captured exiles. Among the Teutons the Gothic East group descended from loyalists; the Azerbaijan North group, from escapees; and the West Teutons, from exiles to Arabia. The East Slavs were first known as the Sauromatae or Sarmatians in the Caucasus where they complemented the North Teutonic escapees of Azerbaijan. The 467 West Slavs strung out along the east bank of the Elbe in Christian times suggest that Joktan colonized this region in order to confine exilic Teutons, as old enemies of Japheth’s Uruk, to the west of that river. The South Teutonic Serbs eventually made their way from Galicia to the Danube at the request of the Byzantine Greeks because they were originally exilic complements to the four Hellenic tribes destined from early postdiluvian times to share southeastern Europe with the Hellenes. As complement to Riphath at the Volga, Javan took charge of the one of the Slavic divisions and led them to the Baltic. There this diviosion took a variation of the name “Phanonae” derived from Javan. The name of this tribe was mistakenly applied to the Uralic “Finns.” Ptolemy locates them to the east of the Vistula toward the west bank of the next river in the eastward sequence of waterways flowing into the Baltic. The Phinni are located to the southeast of Gotland-Scandia and figure as the continental counterpart to the Gotland Phanonae assigned to Javan. The river to the immediate east of the Phinni is named by Ptolemy the Chrones. He locates this river precisely where his version of the Baltic coast turns from east and west to north and south. Ptolemy’s geography is so vague that this river could be anything from the Pasłeka in the west to the Nemunas in the east. The best we can do is to place the Phinni in the general region of Kaliningrad south southeast of Gotland. Logically this tribe represented the same Balto-Slavic group who became Lithuanians, Latvians and Old Prussians in later times. As such they were a branch of the same Sarmatian East Slavs who remained in the south and eventually made their way to the Dnieper to become the Ukrainian and Russian East Slavs. As Ptolemy’s Phinni, they complemented the Venedae located further northeast on the Baltic coast but destined to emerge as the West Slavic Wends just east of Jutland in Christian times. This concentration of Slavs along the Baltic coast was intended by the Gotland sect to guard the North Teutonic escapees from inhabiting Germany rather than more remote Scandinavia. The East Slavs were themselves escapees from Aratta into the Caucasus. At the southern end of the Gotland sextad we have identified the Dauciones with Shelah-Diklah and the Dacians as complement to the East Teutonic Goths at Crimea under the companion patriarch Ashkenaz. To shed light of this part of the process we return to the Mizraim clan and the identification of Ptolemy’s town of Susudata as a match to the Mizraim Zud’s Sumerian name Susuda. The town lies to the west of the Riesengebirge on the border of the Czech Republic and Poland at the source of the Elbe. The Czech name of these mountains, Karkonosze, has been identified with Ptolemy’s Corconti, a tribe that lies at the center of northwestsoutheast diagonal extending from Susudata in the northwest to another tribe, the Lytiburi in the southeast. Appendix V to Kingship at Its Source identifies the Lytiburi with Shelah on the basis of his identity as Buri, father of Odin’s father Bor-Eber in Eddic mythology. In the context of the Lytiburi, the Corconti emerge as another version of Ashkenaz’ Sumerian and Gutian names Argandea and Yarlaganda. Thus the Lytiburi Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations and Corconti of the continent duplicate the logic of the Dauciones and Gutae of Gotland in representing a pairing of Shelah with Ashkenaz in the 21st century period of European colonization. The town name Susudata adds a further dimension. The first two members of the Mizraim clan, Zud and Anam, were children of Sidon, a patriarch represented by the Sidones, the last in the same sequence of tribes running southeastward from Susudata: Susudata Corconti Lytiburi Elvonae Bontutae Sidones In an analysis of the Mizraim clan in Europe on page 441, we suggested the possibility that Zud united with Durga in creating the Thracian race at the southeastern corner of the continent south of Dacia. Now the local sequence of Susudata and tribes representing Ashkenaz and Shelah places this Thracian theory in a new light. Shelah and Ashkenaz chose to take the southern position in the Gotland process, not just to reach the East Teutons at Crimea, but also link up two widely separated versions of the “Zudim” in Europe, one in Thrace and the other in Ptolemy’s Greater Germany from the Riesengebirge-Korkonosze northward to the Sidini on the Baltic coast east of the Pharodini. Three times we have seen the importance of northwest-southeast diagonals in the colonization of Europe. A fourth such diagonal promises a key contribution to the question of Hellenic origins. In our discussion of the Aegean war, we emphasized that the Hellenes were split between those who had been loyal to the Eanna regime and others who joined the Aratta faction and were exiled to Arabia where they joined fellow exiles of the Celtic and Teutonic stocks. We also suggested that the four traditional Hellenic tribes derived from the exilic stock if only because these tribes were named for the doomed sons of Ham. We now confirm this theory in terms that bear simultaneously on the issue of West Teutonic origins. The Angles and Danes both settled in Jutland, one belonging to the North Teutonic stock and the other to the West Teutonic. If we draw a diagonal from Jutland in the northwest to the Riesengeberge in the southeast and continue the line an equal distance to the southeast, we arrive at the Danube where the Hellenes are commonly believed to have originated from a pre-Indo-European stock. Our theory considers the Hellenes along with the Teutons. We have noted that a seemingly naïve tradition of Saxo Grammaticus— assigning eponyms Dan and Angle to the Danes and 469 Angles— identifies Ham’s sons Cush and Mizraim by their Austronesian names Tane-mahuta and Tangaloa. Ham’s other two sons in Genesis 10:6, Put and Canaan, can be identified with the Jutes (Eudoses) and Cobandi of Jutland and Casvari (Eddic Kvasir) at the source of the Ems. If the diagonal from Jutland to the Danube is an objective construct, the West Teutons and four Hellenic tribes can be conceived as deriving from two linguistically distinct elements of the force that won the Battle of the Orontes in 2178. Our theory maintains that these two elements of the exilic Centum Aryan stock remained together until they reached the Riesengebirge. Here they separated with the Hellenes migrating southeastward to the Danube and the West Teutons (and North Teutonic) in the opposite direction to Jutland. The German tradition that eventually assigned the name Riesenberg— “Giant Mountain”— to the highest peak of this group and the Riesengebirge to the whole group may have derived from an ancestral tradition that the four sons of Ham were known to the Hellenes as “Titans” or giants. About a hundred miles southeast of the Riesengebirge at the east end of the Sudetens lies the land of Galicia south of Krakow across the Vistula at a place where the sources of the Vistula and Oder lie about 55 miles apart. Galicia is the land where the South Slavic Serbs were located when the Byzantines called them down to Serbia in 637 CE. This location suggests the terminus of a migration of the Serbs from the location of the Serbi west of Ptolemy’s Lower Rha-Volga. Interaction between the Serbs and Byzantine Greeks suggests that South Slavs might have shared in part in the same migration that brought exilic West Teutons and Hellenes to the Riesengebirge point of departure. A source states that the Serbs in 637 were living in Galicia near the source of the Dniester. That river was one of the ones that flow into the Black Sea. It and makes sense as supplying the route by which exilic Hellenes and West Teutons moved to the northwest along with South Slavs. The Dniester is the first river to the northeast of the Danube where the loyalist Hellenes settled after the Aegean War and where the exilic Hellenes settled after leaving the Riesengebirge. This scenario implies that the exilic and loyalist Hellenes were still mutually hostile and stayed apart on the Danube and Dniester over the course of the 22nd century. In terms of the Gotland sextad, Shelah and Ashkenaz accounted for a variety on emigrants from the Black Sea region: exilic West Teutons, exilic Hellenes, exilic South Slavs and the loyalist East Teutons who took Ashkenaz’ name “Goth.” No other river than the Dniester was as well situated to connect the Black Sea region with Galicia and the eastern Sudetens. Unlike Ashkenaz Shelah had become a member of the Olympian faction and fought for a time against the Akkadian Empire in the Aegean war. That history gave him appeal to the exilic Hellenes, who maintained his reputation as their war god Ares. It is also possible that he became the Teutonic war god Tue (source of our “Tuesday”) instead of Canaan. More likely he and Canaan are both in view, one as the grandfather of the other through Sidon. On both counts Shelah was the leader of the expedition that led exilic Hellenes, exilic West Teutons and South Slavs up the Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Dniester to the Sudetens. Still another ethnic group included in Shelah’s prolific activity in Europe was the Dacians. Although most of Dacia lay south of the Carpathians, at one time in Roman history it extended eastward to encompass the mouth of the Dniester. The Dniester flowed down from the northwest parallel to the Carpathians. If we attribute the Dacian settlement to Shelah in the 21st century rather than the aftermath of the Aegean war in the late 23rd, we can envision an expedition westward from the mouth of the Dniester prior to the ascent of the river with the other three stocks. In leading the East Teutons northward from the Crimea, Ashkenaz logically chose the Dnieper with its mouth northwest of Crimea and its source just west of Moscow. At the point where it turns southward at Orsha, he could lead this stock about 250 miles west to the given homeland of the East Teutonic Phrygundiones in Ptolemy. At the north end of the Gotland sextad, Tubal-Eber took charge of the Livonians indicated by the Levonii at the north end of Gotland. These Uralic people no doubt colonized Livonia along with the Estonians and Finns, fellow Uralics in sharp linguistic contrast to the Balto-Slavs. Thus far we have not mentioned the greatest of the Centum Aryan stocks of ancient Europe, the Celts destined to inhabit Austria and Switzerland before migrating to Gaul at some time during the first millennium BCE. The Black Sea river most relevant to the Celtic Halstatt region is the Danube. At the present point we have placed all six leaders of the Gotland tetrad and can only account for an expedition up the Danube by bringing in some secondary assignment among the six leaders. The choice is clearly Tubal-Eber for several reasons. Our scenario must somehow account for Eber’s presence at both the Baltic and the opposite, southwestern corner of Europe in Iberia. In the Baltic Tubal could settle the Uralic Livonians, Estonians and Finns without a largescale migration; the Baltic had already been incorporated in the Uralic colonization by Japhethites a century earlier. The only way to attribute a largescale migration to Eber’s function in the Gotland sextad is to give him a separate assignment. As for a Celtic association with Eber, he was the father of both Cernunnus-Peleg and Esus-Cuchullain-Joktan. He himself appears as the boarhelmeted horseman of the Teutates Panel. He appears in Celtic tradition as Mider, equivalent to Iranian Mithras and Indian Mitra. This setting attaches acute importance to the Latvian towns Dagda and Indra. In explaining Eber’s place in the Gotland tetrad, we have suggested that he took over deceased Noah’s place as representative of the Mizraim name “Lehabim,” hence “Liv” as Uralic-Baltic match to African Libya. The name Indra refers to Noah’s highest pantheon rank as storm god of the East Indians of Eber-Mitra. The name Dagda points unequivocally to the Celts owing to the tradition of “Dagda of the Gaels.” The locations of the two towns in Latvia place them where we have just defined Eber’s first assignment in colonizing the Uralic Baltic from northwestern Latvia northward. 471 Eber’s second assignment brought him south to the Black Sea where he took charge of the remaining Indo-European stocks destined for Europe: Celts, Illyrians and Italics. At the Baltic he not only undertook an expedition up the Danube but eventually made contact with the Paphlagonian settlement indicated by a tradition concerning the Eneti and the logical point of departure for the maritime expedition of the Etruscans, Ligures, Iberians and Aquitanians. In Roman times Illyria, Celtic Noricum and Venetia named for the Eneti formed a more or less continuous belt to the east, north and northwest of the Adriatic. The Danube formed the northern border of Noricum, which lay intermediate between Illyrian-speaking Pannonia to the east and Celtic Vindelicia to the west, both extending southward from the Danube. In early times the Danube above Dacia was largely a Celtic river. A Wikipedia article on Noricum states that this land was originally inhabited by the Pannonians of Illyrian origin before being overrun by the “great Gallic migration”— the one occurring around 200 BCE and resulting in Bohemia and Galatia. The article notes that the Norican capital of Noreia lay only 40 km from Hallstatt; but it ignores the generalization that the Hallsatt culture was Celtic before the migrations that created Celtic Gaul. The general point is that Celts and Illyrians were complemenary peoples lying west and east along the Danube. Taken at face value, the article seems to suggest that Celts inhabited Gaul from a point in time earlier than the formation of the Hallstatt culture at a time when the entire region was inhabited by Illyrian-Pannonians. As far as our 21st century scenario is concerned, the only issue is how far west Eber migrated along the Danube before planting the Celts as complements to the Illyrians farther east. One way to sort out three peoples that Eber commanded on the Danube is to consider other rivers, either tributaries of the Danube or independent of it like the Po. The only rivers of notable size in this region aside from the Danube are its tributaries the Drava and Sava. Ptolemy names the Drava and Sava the Daros and Saus and locates both in southern Pannonia, separated from Illyria by the Albanus Mons and Bebii Montes. As often happens, Ptolemy’s geography is difficult to decipher precisely; but the source of the Drava (Austrian Drau) lies in the East Tirol region of Alpine Austria. The Sava is sourced farther east at a point north of Mount Jesenice near the border of Slovenia and Austria. Both rivers flow west to east from the east end of the Alps into the Danube at two points, the Drava at Osijek in Slavonia and Sava at Belgrade. Most of ancient Illyria lay at lower elevation than the Upper Drava and Upper Sava and farther southeast. In sequence, therefore, Eber’s expedition on the Danube would have reached Illyria first and then the Sava, Drava and Po. If he was dealing with only three stocks— Illyrians, Celts and Eneti, we can begin sorting them out by distinguishing the Pannonians as a separate branch of the Illyrians rather than a mere tribe detached toward the north. There is no reason to doubt that the Illyrians— like the Teutons and Slavs— were divided into Erechite loyalists and Aratta rebels. Owing to PelegKingu’s high importance among the Celts, the closer proximity of the Pannonians to Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Celtic territory suggests that they were exilic Illyrians and the Illyrians proper were descendants of the loyalists. Ptolemy locates the sources of the Drava and Sava sideby-side in a narrow wall dividing Pannonia from Noricum. This schematic arrangement invites us to view these two rivers as settlement lines of the Celts and Pannonians respectively as though Eber’s expedition left the Danube behind after reaching the mouths of the two tributaries. In crossing over to the Po, Eber logically arrived at a rendezvous with a maritime expedition planned in Paphlagonia before his ascent of the Danube. Assuming that he brought ancestors of the Italics with him to the Danube, the maritime group including ancestors of the Eneti included representatives of the races destined for southwestern Europe— Etruscans, Ligures, Iberians and Aquitanians. We have seen that these four peoples represent Eber’s “Phrygian” family en toto: Tiras, Peleg, Eber and Joktan respectively. To establish the correct chronology and detailed scenario for the colonization of Europe, we need to posit the same procedure as the Japhethite colonization of the Uralic region in the 22nd century. In that case the Japhethites carried out simultaneous expeditions using rivers flowing into the Black and Caspian Seas. In the present case we need to match the Gotland sextad with four northern rivers as lines of departure for those rivers flowing southward into the two seas. These six rivers are the Elbe, Oder and Vistula in the west and Neman, Dvina and Salac in the east. Although the Salac is a minor river, it has the distinction of lying within Livonia and therefore yielding the correct point of departure for the expeditions proper to the Gotland Levonii under its leader Tubal-Eber. The name Salac is so similar to biblical Salah (Shelah) that Eber appears to have transmitted his father’s name to the Livonians at the same time that Salah himself was undertaking the expedition indexed by the Gotland Dauciones. The Dvina of Latvia is a lengthy river with a tributary source at Mezha near the source of the Volga. The Neman of Lithuania begins from the south and has minor tributaries near the north edge of the Pripyat Marshes, the Pripyat being a tributary of the Dnieper. The way the Volga overarches the Don from the northwest suggests the arrangement of the eastern Gotland pair of Gotland with the Phanonae to the immediate northwest of the Phiresi. The suggestion is that Javan drew off the North Teutons via the Volga after beginning with the Dvina. As complement Riphath began at the Nemunas and drew off the East Slavs via the Don or Dnieper. In doing so he acquired the East Slavic identity as Cernobog, “Black God” analogous to his Altaic identity as Kara Khan, “Black Prince” of the Altaics. The system requires that the southern patriarchs of the Gotland sextad— Shelah of the Dauciones and Ashkenaz of the Gutae— began their expeditions from Oder and Vistula in some order. Both of these rivers have sources not far apart in a part of Eastern Europe labeled “Lusatia” through a study of archaeological cultures. 473 The Lusatian zone extends westward to the east bank of the Elbe and thus encompasses the western expedition of Joktan and the West Slavs as indexed in Gotland by the Chedini. Thus we can term the western and southern half of the Gotland “Lusatian” in destination and binding together the patriarchs Shelah, Joktan and Ashkenaz. The position of the Gotland Dauciones immediately northwest of the Gutae implies that Shelah took the Oder and Ashkenaz took the Vistula in beginning their expeditions. In the latter case, Ashkenaz’s assignment to draw off the East Teutons from Crimea accounts for Ptolemy’s locations of the Gythones and Phrygundiones on the east bank of the Vistula as shown by Ptolemy’s with its mouth directly south of Gotland-Scandia. Shelah’s beginning at the Oder explains his special focus on the eastern Sudetens on his return from the Black Sea with West Teutons, exilic Hellenes and South Slavs. The Gotland sextad system can be outlined without chronology as follows: Patriarch: Joktan Shelah Gotland: Chedini Elbe Dauciones Northern River: Southern River: Upper Elbe West Slavs Oder Dniester Ashkenaz Riphath Phiresi Javan Teutons Tubal Gutae Nemunas Phanonae Vistula Dnieper Dvina Levonii Salac Don Volga Danube People: Dacians Hellenes South Slavs West Teutons East Teutons East Slavs North Livonians Estonians Finns Illyrians Pannonians Celts Eneti As for chronology these six processes took place over the span of the fifteenth Noahic era from 2098 to 2068. Tubal’s southwestern process then covered the sixteenth era from 2068 to 2038. Although the sextad enumeration seems just right, this second phase of colonization broke precedent by proceeding in successive intervals according to a five-year module. The maritime orientation of the process did not lend itself to simultaneous expeditions over the thirty-year span. The six successive rivers appear to have been the Tiber, Rhone, Ebro, Guadalquivir, Tajo and Garonne. In the first two cases, the Etruscans and Ligurians settled at the Tiber and Rhone some distance from their traditional homelands and were driven from these settlements by Italics and Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Gauls respectively. Iberians settled at the Ebro, Tartessians at the Guadalquivir, Lusitanian “Pre-Celts” at the Tajo and Aquitanians at the Garonne. The presence of Celtic Lusitanians in this process raises the issue of whether the Celts were originally divided into three parts by the same principle as the Teutons and Slavs— Erechite loyalists, escapees and exiles. The clearest way to define such a Celtic triad is to consider the three members of the Gallic tetrad distinct from Teutates-Shem and shown as horsemen in the Teutates Panel. As lord of the Taranis Panel formed around the chief anti-Aratta camp of the Uruk-Aratta war, Arphaxad ITaranis must have surrounded himself with Erechite loyalists. In contrast PelegCernunnus was the original Aratta rebel. The Hellenic tradition that Peleg-Prometheus was “chained to Mount Caucasus” suggests that his Celtic followers became escapees akin to the North Teutons of Azerbaijan and Slavic Sauromatae of the Caucasus. In this case Esus-Cuchullain-Joktan defines the exilic Celts; and that is no surprise in view of Joktan’s explicit, biblical association with the exilic land of Arabia. These relationships to the Gallic tetrad are clear enough but do not immediately show how these divisions translate into specific Celtic peoples. To establish the archaeological consensus about the expansion of the Celts, we can show a color-coded map from the Wikipedia article on the “Ancient Celts”: [See Celts in Europe. --- www.wikipedia.org copied January 5, 2009] The map shows in yellow the Hallstatt core containing the sum total of Celtic mankind by the sixth century BCE according to an archaeological consensus. The pale green area shows the full expansion of the Celts by the third century including Gaul, the British Isles, much of the Iberian Peninsula, northern Italy, southern Germany, Bohemia, the Lower Danube and Galatia. The yellow zone means that we are supposedly prohibited from identifying a Celtic presence on earth anywhere else before the mid-first millennium. As for ancestors of the Celts, that is another matter. For a believer in the biblical record, the phrase “ancestors of the Celts” is fraught with meaning. For secularists the issue disappears through the annihilating magic of the phrase “stone age man.” The Celtic presence in the Hallstatt region is well attested by the clustering of Celtic river names in lands of the Upper Danube and Upper Rhine. However the belief that Celts came into existence and were confined exclusively to this region remains a hypothesis sustained by consensus: “Celtic river-names are found in great numbers around the upper reaches of the Danube and Rhine, which led many Celtic scholars to place the ethnogenesis of the Celts in this area”(“Celts,” Wikipedia, 4) That hypothesis is not quite universal. The same article mentions two other theories to the contrary. “Almagro-Gorbea proposes the origin of Celts could be traced back to the third millennium BC, seeking the initial roots in the Bell Beaker 475 culture, thus offering the wide dispersion throughout Western Europe, as well as the variability of different Celtic peoples, and the existence of ancestral traditions of ancient perspective.” This author thinks as I do as far as this summary goes. I trace all major ethnic groups such as the Celts back to the third millennium and give to “ancestral traditions an ancient perspective.” If one reflects carefully on what distinguishes the general consensus from the positions adopted by Almagro-Gorbea and myself, one may discover what I mean by democratic Nativism with a subliminal contempt for the valid consideration of “ancestral traditions” with an “ancient perspective.” Another modern theorist agrees with ancient Diodorus Siculus and Strabo that “the Celtic heartland was in southern France”: “Meanwhile genetics, history and archaeological researcher and writer Stephen Oppenheimer suggests the Celts were a Mediterranean people first established in what is now southern France.” Instead of offering an alternative to the view that Celts had taken root in the Hallstatt region, the southern France theory gives me what I need to explain three divisions of the Celts based on the loyalist-escapee-exilic principle. Southern France connotes either the Rhone or Garonne. These rivers belonged to Eber’s maritime extension of the European colonization process beyond the year 2068. The Danube and Rhine offer a dyad according to which Celts who reached Central Europe before 2068 could have constituted two different branches of the race. Assuming that these people began with the Beaker culture and later developed the Urnfield and subsequent Hallstatt cultures, they could nevertheless have been distinguishable from the time they entered Europe and correlative to Celtic inhabitants in the East and West Hallstatt zones. Meanwhile the Oppenheimer theory reflects a third Celtic division who entered Europe at the Rhone or Garonne after 2068 and who owed their distinction to a separate place in early postdiluvian history. In effect three early postdiluvian divisions of the Celts correlate with the Danube, Rhine and Rhone rivers. Owing to the DNA connection between the Etruscans and people of the Caucasus, we can identify the Celtic division of the Rhone as escapees from Aratta to the Caucasus along with the North Teutons and East Slavs. The same article’s section on archaeological evidence opens with a consensus that harmonizes with our view that the Iberian Celts never shared in the mainstream Hallstatt culture because they entered Europe by a radically different route. The Celtic loyalists and exiles entered Central Europe by land and divided the Danube and Rhine among themselves. An internet source shows an archaeological map of a variety of Bronze Age cultures covering Europe as early as 1300 BCE. The map fails to show the Dniester or Dacia but locates the source of the Oder and Vistula in a region covered by the Lusatian culture. The same cultural zone shown in magenta covers most of the east bank of the Elbe where we place Joktan as western leader of the Gotland sextad. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Although the Lusatian culture evidently did not yet exist in the 21st century, those who eventually adopted it figure as descendants of the expeditions of Joktan and Shelah and including ancestors of the West Slavs, West Teutons, South Slavs and even the exilic Hellenes. The Lusation culture, however, probably applies to Slavs more than the other stocks that soon left this region behind. [See Archaelogical Cultures of the Late Bronze Age. --- www.nationmaster.com copied November 29, 2008] The Terramare (ca. 1200) culture is marked in blue in Italy and Illyria; the central Urnfield (1300) in red extending from the Upper Danube and Rhine through the Upper Seine and Rhine as far southwest as the Ebro; the northern Urnfield in orange in Holland and Low Germany surrounding the Lower Elbe; the Lusatian in magenta surrounding the Oder and extending westward to the Elbe and eastward to the Vistula; the Knoviz in blue from the Upper Danube to the Upper Elbe; the Danubian in brown and centering in the right angle bend of the Danube in Hungary extending southwestward into Serbia; the Atlantic Bronze Age in green covering much of Iberia, Gaul and the British Isles; and the Nordic Bronze Age in Jutland and the rest of Scandinavia. As the map shows, the Hallstatt culture has not yet come into existence. Consequently our view of two Hallstatt zones pre-existing the cultures shown in this map by at least 700 years seems anachronistic. But that impression is superficial. What we claim is that ancestors of the Celts took possession of the Upper Danube, Upper Rhine and Rhone in the 21st century BCE no matter what their material, archaeological culture and independently of the exact state of their language. The absolutes of our system, in this case, are genetics, the overarching reality of a seminal Indo-European language and an origin in imperialistic design rather than local haphazard. In the Urnfield period Celts adopted the Central Urnfield culture shown in red as encompassing the Upper Danube and Rhine. No matter what languages were spoken by the original colonists in the 21st century, they and their imperial leaders established a traditional geographic matrix for migrating Teutons, Celts and others millennia later. An example of this principle is displayed in the Wikipedia map of the Teutonic Gepids and Langobards in their regions of settlement at the Fall of the Roman Empire in the Christian era. These settlements lay on the Sava, Drava, Danube and Theiss around the period indicated as 376-567 CE. More than two millennia earlier the Sava and Drava served as the opening point of departure for the Celtic part of the European colonization process under Eber in early postdiluvian times. In the outline on page 468, we attribute the West Teutonic colonization to Eber’s father Shelah. The same patriarch, indexed by the tribe name Dauciones in Gotland, accounted for the Dacians north of the Lower Danube before heading northwest with the West Teutons via the Dniester. Of the two Germanic peoples shown in the following Wikipedia map, the Langobards or Lombards were evidently 477 West Teutons because they appear in Ptolemy’s chart of Germany as the Laccobardi on the east bank of the Elbe southwest of the pivotal town of Susudata. The Gepids were either East Teutons or North Teutons. They fail to appear in Ptolemy’s Germany; but whatever their identity they chose to settle in the former territory of Roman Dacia. The map shows how they complement the Langobards father west extending northward from the Drava and at two points along the Sava. Because both West Teutons and Dacians owed their colonial disposition to Shelah, the Gepids of the Christian era have filled in territory down river from the Eber’s zone of colonization as though deliberate complement to the Langobards in keeping with the identity of Eber’s father. [See Gepidia and the Langobards. --- www.en.wikipedia.org copied December 2, 2008] These migrations of Teutonic tribes to the Lower Danube in Christian times duplicate what we believe to have been southward movement of peoples under the leadership of the Gothic sextad in the 21st century BCE. The same logic applies to the East Teutonic Goths, whose Ostrogoths took over Italy in the Christian 5th century while the Visigoths invaded Iberia. Thus the Ostrogothic migration was to the Italic part of Eber’s process before 2068 what the Visigothic conquest of Iberia was to Eber’s maritime expedition after 2068. The Völkerwanderung of the 5th century BCE duplicated the southward and westward migration plan that concluded the vast enterprise of Noahic times. The colonization of southeastern Europe, however, predated the 21st century as we suggest in summarizing of the Aegean War. A search for evidence that southeastern Europe was distinguished from the rest of the continent through an origin in the Aegean War of 2233-2222 depends on a perennial loose end of Genesis 10— the Aramaean clan of Shem’s four sons in Genesis 10:23. In the final section on “Two Great Circles” of the Noahic world, this concept of a separate and earlier origin of southeastern Europe will figure as a logical necessity; but we will deal with it here. The issue concerns the role of the Shemite section of Genesis 10 in European origins. At this point Ptolemy’s Sarmatian tribes with Joktanite names come into play. Joktanite names also appear among the Italics; so the focus for envisioning a complete process in southeastern Europe remains the four names of 10:23 rather than the Joktanites. We have assigned the Illyrians of the southeastern group to Gomer-Llyr after attempting to connect this people with Shem’s son Hul-Hullr-Hyllos of 10:23. Perhaps these rival names are both relevant to the Illyrian stock. In any case the Getae at the mouth of the Danube as complements to the Dacians suggest that Gether took control of the northeastern quarter of a southeastern system based on Genesis 10:23 just as Hul is indicated for the northwestern corner at Illyria despite the equivocal relationship of Hul-Hyllos (son of Herakles-Shem) to Gomer-Llyr as basis for the ethnic name “Illyroi.” This concept can be tested by determining whether southeastern Thrace and southwestern Hellas or Macedonia associate with some combination of Shem’s other two sons Uz and Mash. In typically diversified fashion, two different Hellenic Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations traditions give Herakles sets of sons. Hyllus is the son of Herakles and Deianira, the wife whose jealously led to the hero’s death. By a separate female he begot the triad of Agathyrus, Gelonus and Scythes, all associated with the Scythian-Sarmatian northeast. As for Zeus’ Olympian sons, these have all been identified with Noahic elite from outside the family of 10:23. In fact the Hellenes distinguished two versions of Shem, Herakles and Zeus, precisely to differentiate between Shem as father of the Genesis 10:23 tetrad and as Olympian leader of the Aegean war era. Shem’s white son Mash is well defined in Northern Europe as Math of the Britons and Madhe of the Teutons. His brother Uz is identified in Teutonic tradition as Thor’s son Magni, brother of Madhe and Hullr. We associate Magni with Uz on the basis of the Scythian tribe variously known as Uzes and Cumans. On this basis, we have identified Uz as the Elamite and Assyrian pantheon figures Human and Umman. We can consider whether he is identifiable with the Thraco-Phrygians Macedonians living directly north of Hellas and part of the southwestern quarter of the tetrad we are seeking to define. The names “Magni” and “Macednus” (eponym of the Macedonians) are conceivable cognates. The career of Alexander the Great illustrates how easily a Macedonian could take on the role of a Hellene. Macedonian membership in the Thraco-Phrygian stock only means that the Macedonians formed a southwestern complement to the southeastern Thracians of the same stock. ThracoPhrygians were the original basis of Shem’s power in the Aegean rather than the Hellenes of the Olympian tradition. The three sons of Thor supply all of the sons of Shem in 10:23 except for Gether. The Hellenes supply Gether as Herakles’s son Agathyrsus. Process of elimination suggests that Mash-Math-Madhe identifies politically with the southeastern corner of the tetrad in Thrace. Here we can search the Thracian pantheon for such figures as the “Thracian Knight.” As setting for this search we can remind ourselves of the Ugaritic-Dardanian equation of Tr Il and Tros-Ilus of Phrygian Troy. That association extends to Thrace owing to Baugh’s label “Thraco-Phrygian” to describe the language type of Phrygia, Thrace and Macedonia. We have already suggested that the Thracians took their name from Durga, Shem’s proper diluvian wife. Apart from the Thracian wine god Sabazios whom we have identified with Seba-Osiris-Dionysus, two names stand out as chief deities of the Thracians and Geto-Dacians to the north of Thrace. A Wikipedia article on these pantheons ties them together: “Derzelas (Darzalas) was a Thracian chthonic god of health and the human spirit’s vitality, probably related with gods such as Great God Gebeleizis, Derzis or the Thracian Knight. Darzalas was the Great God of Hellenistic Odessos (Varna) since the 4th century BC and was frequently depicted on its coinage. . . . Gebeleizis 479 (or Gebeleixis, Nebeleizis) was a god worshipped by the Getae, probably related to the Thracian god of storm and lightning, Zibelthiurdos.” These references to relatedness hardly satisfy our quest for personal identity but serve as a place to begin. The opening five letters of Darzalas agree with the opening five elements of the name Dardanus, a third Hellenic version of Shem. In the next section we will argue equivocally that the name represents Tarshish, not Shem. Colonization of the region involved Javanites prior to their deaths in 2181. We are still searching for Shem’s son Mash-Math as one of the names proper to the Thracian quarter of the southeastern European system. Prominence alone suggests that Thracian Zibelthiurdos and Gebeleizis of the Getae represent Mash. To establish the geographic relationship among these people, we cab dub in a map from the Wikipedia article on the Getae: [See Map of the Getae and Other Peoples of Southeastern Europe. --- www.en.wikipedia.org copied December 3, 2008] The numbers 3, 4, 5 and 6 spell out Hellenic Attica, Peleponnesos and Rhodes. Macedonia, Thrace and Phrygia run west to east and embody the ThracoPhrygian division of the Indo-European stock. Our Genesis 10:23 tetrad can be read off as Thrace in the southeast, Macedon in the southwest, Getae in the northeast and Illyrians of the northwest. If this reading is correct, the Getae represent Shem’s son Gether-Agathyrsus; the Illyrians, his son Hul-Hullr-Hyllos along with Japheth’s son Gomer; the Macedonians, his son Uz-Cuman-Magni; and the Thracians, his UgariticWelsh-Teutonic son Mash-Math-Madhe. Although Mash is conceivably identifiable with the Thracian storm god Zibelthiurdos (Gebeleizis of the Getae), that identification needs to be tested further. Two Great Circles The Completed Early Postdiluvian World 2218-2035 The text of Genesis 10 is a complete, systematic plenitude aiming at numerically fixed totals of nations comparable to the eleven-part First Kish order of 2338-2308. By the 21st century, surviving Noahic elite were still conscious of themselves and their deceased brethren as a plenitude. The river name RhodanusRhone and the Cosetani and Accetani on the Iberian coast were intended to memorialize slain Rodan, Cush and Mizraim as part of a plenitude. The complementary powers of Southeastern Europe and the rest of the continent must be viewed in the light of the same plenitude confirmed as the Noahic elite were dying out. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Genesis 10 offers a complete system of seventy based on fourteen Japhethites, thirty Hamites and twenty-six Shemites. The Hamite thirty requires an omission of Nimrod based on his membership in the Akkadian triad of Reu, Serug and Nahor in Genesis 11. We know that Genesis 10 aimed at a stable set of seventy because of a pair of passages later in Genesis and in the Deuteronomy. Genesis 46:27 establishes a premise for the verse in Deuteronomy: “All the persons of the house of Jacob who went into Egypt were seventy.” Deuteronomy 32:8 reads as follows: When the Most High divided their inheritance to the nations, When He separated the sons of Adam, He set the boundaries of the peoples According to the number of the children of Israel. John Macarthur explains from a variety of passages that the “number of the children of Israel” is the same seventy referred in Genesis 10 and 46:28. Another evidence for the systematic character of Genesis 10 occurs in Joshua 12:9-24 with a summation “all the kings, thirty-one.” Because these kings all belonged to the West Semitic Canaanite stock, they represented the chief people descended from Ham through Canaan in the experience of the Israelites. The explicit total of thirty-one possesses systematic value for the Hamite section of Genesis 10. In this case we add Nimrod on the basis that he was a son of Ham’s son Cush despite his membership in the imperial line of Peleg as Reu. The passage in Joshua 12 demonstrates that the plenitude structure of Genesis 10 possessed many applications in different parts of the world and on different scales of magnitude in geography and population. As for Europe, scholars agree that peoples such as the Celts and Teutons did not appear fully formed in history until relatively late owing to low populations spread over a large region. Individual lands such as ancient Thrace were much more heavily populated than Northern Europe. The most important version of this Noahic plenitude reflected the dual imperial significance of Mesopotamia and Egypt. Two circles of colonization became satellites of these two capital zones. The Mesopotamian circle began with the system of Genesis 10:22 and extending northward to encompass Southeastern Europe and Sarmatia. At the east end the circle extended northward from Elam and Iran to the Caucasus and Volga. The Egyptian circle included Mizraim settlements on the coasts of Africa and Europe. The two circles intersected at Gotland. In effect the Gotland Levonii, Phanonae and Phiresi belonged to the Mediterranean circle; and the Chedini, Dauciones and Gutae to the Egyptian circle. We have seen that those last three tribes correlate with the West Slavs, Dacians and East Teutonic Goths. Although the first two of these belonged to the generally eastern Satem Aryan stock, the acted as the 481 northeastern arc of the western circle including Egypt, Africa and Western Europe. The analogous western arc of the eastern, Mesopotamian circle included Hittites, Lydians, Thraco-Phrygians and the Baltic Uralics— Livonians, Estonians and Finns. The rest of this western arc of the eastern circle included Illyrians, Pannonians and Uralic Hungarians, who settled in Pannonia in Christian times. The system underlying Genesis 10:22 was a variation of the system claimed by the eight survivors of the Flood and then re-claimed as an imperial unit by PelegLugalannemundu in the Dynasty III period. The year 2248 marked the end of the Dynasty III period. Prior to Shem’s overthrow in 2244, he laid out a plan for the next step in colonization of the earth. The system he planned for the next era meant redefining the original domains and placing them under the control of his vassals of the Inanna Succession. Differences between the old and new domain systems included the enumeration of seven rather than eight, the conversion of Noah’s Subaria into Assyria, the omission of “Cedar Mountain” east of Elam, the introduction of the new domain of Lydia and eventually the omission of Sumer and Akkad, reducing the septad to a pentad. As originally designed by Shem, the scheme can be outlined as follows: Domain: Sumer Akkad Elam Subaria Gutium Lydia Syria Old Claimant: Uma Shem Kali Noah Mahadevi [none] Japheth New Claimant: Sidon Heth Eber (Elam) Reu-Sargon (Asshur) Shelah (Arphaxad II) Peleg (Lud) Joktan (Aram) According to this sequence, Sidon claimed Sumer between 2248 and 2244; Heth attempted and failed to claim Akkad between 2244 and 2240; Eber claimed Elam between 2240 and 2236; Asshur-Nimrod claimed Subir-Assyria between 2236 and 2232 during which the Aegean war broke out; Shelah-Arphaxad II claimed Gutium between 2232 and 2228 despite functioning as the Olympian Ares in Shem’s western alliance; Peleg-Lud claimed the new domain of Lydia in the west after becoming Hephaestus of the Olympian faction; and Aram-Joktan claimed Syria between 2224 and 2220 as the war ended. The procedure for establishing domains in this period involved persuading existing populations to accept new lordships. Between 2248 and 2244 Sidon dealt with a Sumerian population that already knew him well as though he were a Sumerian nationalist. At the start of the Dynasty III period in 2278, he had reigned at Kish as the hegemonist Kalbum and no doubt continued to exert influence in Sumer throughout the era. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations This construct explains how the Indo-European Hittites and Lydians came to inhabit Anatolia and Asia Minor. In order to create a domain in Akkad in 2244, Heth brought with him a set of Indo-European but encountered a superior force of East Semites and Sargon’s foreign recruits. Heth was persuaded to lead his followers to settle in Anatolia. By 2236 Sargon invaded Subaria with his Assyrian East Semites and persuaded the Peleg-Lud and the “Subarians” living there to follow Heth to Anatolia before settling farther west in Lydia. The Hittites and Lydians at this time came in small enough numbers to rise to power only after an expansion of population in the second and first millennia. An arrival of the Lydians in the west somehow triggered the Aegean war by 2233. This scenario explains in turn why two different peoples, the Phrygians and Lydians, both represent Peleg under two different names. The two peoples spoke two different versions of Indo-European. The Phrygians derived from the body of ThracoPhrygians whom Peleg led at Kish in the First Kish order. They arrived in the west under the leadership of the Olympian faction after 2244. The Lydians spoke a form of the language closer to Hittite. Driven out of “Subaria” by Assyrians in 2236, they followed the Hittite migration westward. The linguistically kindred Hittites and Lydians were Indo-Europeans distinct from the Thraco-Phrygians because of their locations outside Kish in the First Kish order and subsequent years. According to our analysis of the First Kish order, the Hittites were to the Semitic Amorites of Martu what the “Lydian” Subarians were to the Assyrian Semites who supplanted them. The name “Subar” represents Peleg’s father Tubal-Eber and, therefore, analogous to Eber’s name Atys among the Phrygians. In Genesis 10:22 the name Lud precedes Aram out of geographic order. After Elam, Asshur and Arphaxad in the east, we would expect Syrian Aram to come next and then Lud far to the west. The sequence, however, refers to chronology rather than geography. As Lud Peleg led the Lydians from Subaria to the west before Aram established his Syrian domain. As Olympian Hephaestus (Canaanite Hiv), Peleg had already gone west at the head of the Phrygians. As Shem’s vassal Lud, however, he obeyed Shem’s command to travel to Subaria and recruit the Lydians in 2224 in the closing years of the war. Once the geographic system of Genesis 10:22 was in place, it served to anchor the Mesopotamian circle in the years after 2222. The rest of the circle was created in the eleventh era between 2218 and 2188 contemporaneusly with the colonizations of Altaic Siberia and the Uralic region. At a time whem most of the Noahic elite were in Arabia attempting vainly to overthrow the Akkadian Empire, the fourteen Japhethites were engaged in two different colonizing activities in the northern quarter of the earth. Late in the era, the three Gomerites returned from the East to colonize the regions in Sarmatia where Joktanite tribes are clustered in Ptolemy. 483 On pages 327-330 we outlined the Uralic colonization program by five of the primary Japhethites, three of whom appear in Slavic tradition as the sons of Svarog. Their activities followed in sequence the Javanite colonization of the Balkans including the Macedonian “Kittim” of Hebrew tradition. The Javanites began in 2218 from the Lydian end of the Genesis 10:22 system to build the Genesis 10:23 system in southeastern Europe. In this peculiar stage of Noahic history when all the Noahic elite except the Japhethites were struggling against the Akkadian Empire, the Japhethites took over the task of completing the Shemite (not to be confused with Semite) zone of the earth. They were authorized to perform this task by their alliance with the fifth, sixth and seventh heirs of Shem— the emperors at Agade. This odd interaction between Japhethite leaders and Shemite people can be viewed as a fulfillment of Noah’s prophecy that Japheth would “dwell in the tents of Shem.” The arrangement resulted from the Japhethite view of the authority of the Akkadian Empire. Because the primary Japhethite clan began its corporate history as defenders of the legitimate regime at Uruk, they subsequently allied themselves to whoever prevailed in Mesopotamia as though all these powers were synonymous with the Eanna regime of 2308. They had no designs on Mesopotamia themselves because they always knew that Japheth’s “Hamitic” linguistic stock was destined for Egypt. By colonizing so much of Eurasia after 2218, they sought to bring security to Egypt by carrying foreign elements as far away as possible. That same motive led them to colonize the Americas in the 22nd century with an Amerindian stock who otherwise posed an immediate threat to Egypt. Japheth-Atum Re served the principle of atum or the “totality” of legitimate world order established first in the Sumerian civilization of Mesopotamia and later in dynastic Egypt. If Shem was obliged to make war against his Akkadian heirs after 2244, so much the worse for Shem in the eyes of Japheth. The Japhethites promptly agreed to colonize the Balkans and Sarmatia to establish Shemite names there because atum was embodied precisely in the quota system of the seventy names of Genesis 10. The system called for twenty-six Shemite domains; and the sooner those domains were established the better. The overlapping presence of the doomed Javanite tetrad and Aramaean tetrad in southeastern Europe seems awkward but is logically unavoidable. Hebrew tradition explicitly identifies the Macedonians of Alexander with the Javanite Kittim; and the tetrad of Genesis 10:23 is required to fill in a sequence of Shemites from the Genesis 10:22 at Lydia to the Sarmatian Joktanites. Of the four quarters of southeastern Europe, the two southernmost were Thraco-Phrygian speakers; the northwestern, Illyrian; and the northeastern Dacians, probably Satem Aryans. Shem’s original linguistic stock was Satem Aryan; but all four of these stocks took their identities from Shem’s four sons of Genesis 10:23. Neverthless four Javanite leaders took command of these four quarters pior to their deaths in 2181: Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Quarter: Southeast Northeast Southwest Northwest People: Shemite: Thracians Mash Getae Gether Dacians Macedonians Uz (Magni) Illyrians Hul (Hullr) Elishah Javanite: Rationale: Tarshish god Darzalas [D]odan Moesian Dardania Khetm biblical Kittim Albanian Dukagin (Agenor) As we have seen, a Wikipedia article on Darzalas identifies him as a Thracian god worshipped at the port Odessos (later Varna). The name appears to echo Darazhazh-Tarshish. Although the land of Dardania lies north of Macedonia and east of Illyria, a map shows it as part of Moesia, a province running along the south bank of the Danube to a point west of the confluence of the Drava and Sava. This association with the Danube links Dardania and the Massoretic name “Dodan” more closely with the Getae and Dacians in the northeast than with either Macedonia or Illyria in the west. Of course the name Dardania resembles Shem’s Trojan name Dardanus more closely than does Dodan just as Darzalus calls to mind Tarshish as well as Dardanus. These equivocations between the doomed Javanites and Shem’s four sons in the ethnogenesis of southeastern Europe reflect the rationale behind the formation of the Javanite clan from the family of Sidon. Canaan’s son Sidon schemed to supplant Noah as the spiritual head of the postdiluvian world from the time Noah cursed Canaan. He created the Javanite clan as a means to that end. The Javanite names can be viewed as an attempt to supplant all four diluvian survivors in Sidon’s mystical sense. Tarshish’s identifation with Phoenicia associations this Javanite name with Shem-Aliyan Bal of the same Phoenician-Syrian coast. The original East Indian protoplast of the First Kish period regarded Shem as Brahma the Creator in respect to their Satem Aryan stock. In taking the name “Phoenix,” Tarshish identified himself with Shem as original founder of Phoenicia. Robert Graves’ view that the Hellenic name Agenor represents Canaan calls attention to the close identification of Ham with Canaan as son of Ham’s diluvian wife Uma and therefore his heir. We have already suggested that Sidon’s son ElishahAgenor was conceived as Canaan II. As a further step we can suggest that the name Agenor arose from Ham himself as variation of Sumerian Gurmu (Hellenic Hermes) with an opening vowel as though “Agurmu.” The biblical name Elishah incorporates the God name “El” proper to the Semitic linguistic stock which Ham derived from his mother and transmitted to his Canaanite heirs. In connecting the name Agenor with the Illyrian quarter of the system of southeastern Europe, we can consider the name Dukagin referring to the Albanian province north of Zadrima and west of Puka. Because the names Zadrima, Puka and Fan correspond to the Latin tradition of Saturnus-Hadoram-Arphaxad I, these names 485 in Albanian Illyria are consistent with the presence of Shem’s other four sons at the foundation of the Balkans. If the name “Dukagin” reflects Agenor-Elishah, it complements Zadrima in an instance of the interplay between Javanite and Shemite names. On the eastern border of Puka, the province name Luma recalls Lumma-Elam, the land of Shem’s first vassal in Genesis 10:22. The southwestern province of Albania, Mati, echoes Shem’s Ugaritic son Math, biblical Mash assigned more generally to the Thracians to the southeast. The Japhethite-Shemite interplay in the Balkans recurs in Sarmatia with its lavish representation of the final, Joktanite section of Genesis 10. Because “Aram” and “Joktan” are two versions of the same man known to the Japhethite clan as “Meshech,” the Aramaean Balkans and Joktanite Sarmatia are closely complementary. In this case the overlapping Japhethite presence consisted of the three Gomerites as complements to the Javanites in the secondary Japhethite septad. We have already seen that Ashkenaz and Riphath were members of the Gotland sextad who colonized Eastern Europe in the 21st century. We are now considering an earlier development that brought the Joktanite names to Sarmatia-Russia. A clue to the Gomerite leadership of the Sarmatian Joktanites occurs in one of two titles Ptolemy applies to the Central Russian Uplands. This belt of relatively high elevation runs northwestward parallel to the west bank of the Don to a point at the source of the Volga northwest of Moscow. Ptolemy names the southern part of this upland the Alauni Mons and the northern part the Riphei Montes. That latter name suggests Riphath and brings to mind the thought that this Negroid son of Noah was the Cernobog or “Black God” of the Slavs. Ptolemy’s geography, however, is so inexact that the position of the Riphei Montes equivocates between the Don Joktanites and Baltic Joktanites. It would also be useful to this investigation to determine whether the label of “Askenazim” applied to Russian Jews of the Diaspora refers to a particular region of Russia. Although Ptolemy locates the large region of Scythia to the east of Sarmatia, he places a tribe, the Scythae, toward the source of the Don southwest of the Osyli and between the Alaunus Mons and Sea of Azov. The Scythians are traditionally identified with Magog, but the name suggests Ashkenaz in view of an intermediate form such as Ashkanda. As Vishnu the Great, Ashkenaz was the general leader of the entire Eurasian colonization process of the eleventh era. The location of the Scythae on the northwest coast of the Sea of Azov identifies Ashkenaz as leader of the Don River branch of the Sarmatian Joktanites including the Osyli, Tanaitae, Ophlones and Idrae. The position of the Riphei Montes, in this case, identifies Riphath as the leader of Baltic Joktanites such as the Borusci, Aorsi and Sali. The third Gomerite Togarmah takes the eastern post of the Volga Joktanites as though to signal his identification with the eastern location of his Tocharians in Chinese Turkestan. The Don and Volga Joktanites are difficult to distinguish at the source since both groups feature Hadoram-Arphaxad I and his son Obal at the heart of this family. We have Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations seen that a wealth of Sarmatian tribes bear names derived from Hadoram, eldest of the race. In the 23rd century the Gomerites planted three sets of Sarmatian Joktanites, including a group clustered at the Baltic. They also dealt with three divisions of the Teutons at some time after the Battle of the Orontes in 2178 and prior to the creation of the Gotland sextad after 2098. Instead of identifying the three Gomerites, Eddic mythology, like the Slavic, features Gomer himself— Hler and Dazhbog— together with Magog and Madai as Kari (Stribog) and Logi (Svarogich). In the Scandinavian and Slavic view, the Gomerites were acting in the 21st century as agents of Japheth’s sons, whom the Germans also identified as Istäf, Hermin and Ingäf. The three Gomerites took charge of the three basic divisions of the Teutons; but the relationship does not emerge clearly until we clear up an equivocation involving the island of Scandia-Gotland and trace the Teutons back to the three regions of the Sarmatian Joktanites. All evidence points to the fact that the Teutons came from the east by land rather than the west by sea. Gotland is equivocal because the name Scandia identifies it with North Teutons just as it is incorporated in the Scandinavian nation Sweden; yet the name Gotland suggests that it was once the homeland of the East Teutonic Goths. As we have seen Ptolemy locates six tribes in Scandia. Of these the Gutae are placed in the south of the island as though to show that that are a separate Teutonic people from the North Teutons. To sort out these two Teutonic people, we can turn to Sarmatia and note that the Crimean Goths associate the East Teutons with the Sea of Azov and Don group; whereas Heyerdahl’s theory of Azerbaijan associates the North Teutons with the Caspian Sea and Volga group. In the previous section, we took these positions for granted but account for them here. In two of three cases, the Sarmatian locales we are dealing with involve a major river pouring into a major body of water— Volga into the Caspian and Don into the Azov. In each of these cases, a Joktanite cluster surrounds the river’s mouth and the Teutonic division is located on a coast at some distance from the river. This formula suggests that the West Teutonic protoplast may have been located somewhere on the Baltic coast at some distance from the Dvina. Because the leader of the Baltic Joktanite group was Riphath-Pathrus, the point indicated for the northern homeland of the West Teutons could have been as far west as the Pharodini at the southwest end of the Baltic. We can add to this theory that both Azerbaijan and Crimea are located on the southwest corners of their respective Caspian and Azov Seas. We possess, therefore, a consistent pattern: Teutonic Division: Joktanite Group: North Orinei-Vali Sea: River: Caspian Volga East Azov Idrae-Ophlones 487 Don Coast: Azerbaijan Crimea West Borusci-Sali Baltic Dvina West Prussia The respective leaders in the eleventh era were Ashkenaz over the Don group, Riphath over the Baltic group and Togarmah over the Volga group. The Volga River is ideally suited to fit Heyerdahl’s thesis that the first Scandinavians used small boats to make their way northwestward into historically Teutonic territory. It is sourced far off from the Caspian northwest of Moscow. The Don is sourced at a point southwest of Moscow where it is created by two tributaries. If the Gomerites returned to the same commands as before, Ashkenaz took charge of the East Teutons and led them to the northwest via the Don. A strong clue to why the Teutons were first located in Joktanite Sarmatia lies in the name Suilap, given by Altaic tradition to Japheth as son of Noah-Kudai Bai Ülgön. This name compounds the root forms of the North Teutonic Suiones or Swedes and the Uralic Lapps, who share northern Scandinavia with them. The Joktanite Sarmatian region of the earth is largely the same as the Uralic. Therefore Teutons and Uralics such as the Swedes and Lapps derived from the same process at some point in early postdiluvian history. This process operated independently of the Satem Aryan Slavs who otherwise dominate Sarmatia. The Uralic Finns, for example, settled at the east of Scandinavia where they border on the Sweden and Norway. Furthermore the Finn-Sitones take their name from Siton-Ukko-Noah, the Altaic Noah, father of Suilap. Obviously these relationships suggest some underlying association of Uralics, Altaics and North Teutons. We have taken Heyerdahl’s theory of North Teutonic Azerbaijan to imply an escape from Aratta to a point beyond the reach of forces that sent other Aratta fugitives into Arabian exile. Fugitives captured and sent to Arabia included the Altaics but not necessarily Uralics. The implication is that the body of escapees who reached the refuge of Azerbaijan was made up of Teutons and Uralics. In the Uralic colonization period after 2218 Meshech-Joktan-Odin now appears to have distributed the Teutons in the three centers where Ptolemy’s Joktanite Sarmatian tribes appear. Nevertheless the three divisions of the Teutons were the results of three different historical processes instead of forming a single protoplast in Azerbaijan. They reached Sarmatia from different directions at different stages of early postdiluvian history. The East and West Teutons were drawn there under the influence of the North Teutons who first settled in Azerbaijan. The three divisions can best be placed in respect to three different wars— the Uruk-Aratta, Aegean and Arabian. North Teutons were escapees directly from Aratta to Azerbaijan and that means from the region of Tabriz to Baku. East Teutons descended from Teutonic speakers loyal to Uruk in the first war and involved in the Aegean war. They made their way to Crimea on the Black Sea as a result of the “Argonautic” process in the late 23rd century. Their Burgundian tribe is named Phrygundiones by Ptolemy. That name echoes the Phrygians, Thraco-Phrygian speakers also involved in the Aegean war. In effect they were the people of Peleg- Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations Frey just as the North Teutons of Heyerdahl’s Azerbaijan were the people of Peleg’s brother Joktan-Odin. That last relationship implies that the West Teutons— our own people as English and German speakers— were followers of the third member of the Teutonic triumvirate, Shem-Thor. These people began as Aratta exiles, were involved in the Arabian war and joined Shem-Teutates of the Gallic tetrad in the Battle of the Orontes. Our final interpretive problem is to determine whether the European colonization process deposited them in the Baltic as third of the Sarmatian Joktanite zones or spread them more widely over the rivers of Germany. If they did not colonize those rivers as early as the 21st century, who inhabited all that land during the course of the second millennium BCE? A political answer lies in a comparison of two triads— the Eddic high pantheon just named and the three sons of Mannus in Tacitus’ Germania. These triads represent opposed political factions at the time of the Battle of the Orontes. The Eddic Shem, Joktan and Peleg were all members of the Gallic tetrad that won the victory in 2178. In contrast Tacitus’ Mannus was Manishtushu, Shem’s sixth heir and an Emperor of Agade. Consequently the three colonies in Sarmatia were to the Gallic cause what Mannus’s sons’ locations in Germany were to the Akkadian tradition. Those are the facts; but what are we to make of them? A bold solution is to assign the Mannus tradition to the three locations in Sarmatia before being reapplied to Germany. In this case the Inwohner of IngäfMadai are the North Teutons of Azerbaijan, conceived as an interior position of retreat following the close of the Uruk-Aratta War in 2296. In confirmation Madai’s traditional land Media was inhabited by Satem Aryans on the southwest coast of the Caspian southeast of Tabriz and therefore of Aratta. That location complements Azerbaijan farther up the west coast of the Caspian. The result is that two peoples assigned to Madai— Satem Aryan Medes and Centum Aryan North Teutons— shared lands once adjacent south and north along the west coast of the Caspian. Instead of viewing the North Teutons as escapees from Aratta, it is possible to view them as defeated members of the Aratta faction allowed by the victorious Madai and other Japhethites to remain in the north. The highly Caucasoid appearance of Madai-Khafre suggests that the Scandinavians were Centum Aryan members of his own family, identified as Aratta rebels by their adoption of the Centum Teutonic language. The same logic applies to Gomer and the ironically named “East Teutons.” Despite their Centum language, this Teutonic branch descended from Erechite loyalists engaged in the Aegean war and located in Crimea after that war ending in 2222. Gomer took on the name “Istäf” and the Crimeans Westwohner because Crimea lies west of Azerbaijan and because the Aegean war was fought far to the west of Mesopotamia. Ironically this Teutonic division came to be labeled “East Teutons” by modern scholars because of their eventual location relative to Germany. 489 Reinforcement in this case comes from the Gimarrai or Cimmerians, who took Gomer’s name and settled in Anatolia after inhabiting the region north of the Black Sea between the Don and Dnieper. Believed to have spoken Satem Aryan owing to a king’s name Sandakshatra, they form a close analogy to the Medes in pairing off regionally with the East Teutons of the Crimea. They have also been grouped with the Thracians, not linguistically but through material culture. This Thracian link strengthtens our assumption that both the East Teutons and Cimmerians took a position to the north of the Black Sea in the aftermath of the Aegean war. On the next page is a Wikipedia map showing Cimmerian invasions of Colchis, Urartu and the Assyrian empire in the eighth century BCE. The map gives a good perspective because we can see the unlabelled land of Azerbaijan at the Apsheron Peninisula extending into the Caspian. The Cimmerians have by this time come around from their northern location and are shown invading the south from a point near the Great Caucasus. Colchis is shown in purple, Urartu in yellow and the Assyrian Empire in green. The westward turn by the invaders in Colchis and Urartu eventually led the Cimmerians to settle in Anatolia. We have emphasized a connection between Colchis and the aftermath of the Aegean war owing to the Argonautic tradition. With Gomer at the head of a colony combining Cimmerians and East Teutons at the North Coast of the Black Sea and another combining Medes and North Teutons on the west coasts of the Caspian, we expect to find Magog-Hermin at the head of a similar combination of Satem Aryans and West Teutons somewhere in Sarmatia. The corresponding term Herumwohner has been interpreted as tribes “wandering around” in the interior of Germany. The Sarmatian theory gives this term a new meaning. The adverb herum— literally assumed to be incorporated in the name Hermiones— can mean not only “here and there” but in combination with the prefix um “around a corner.” The term makes sense in reference to a circumnavigation of Europe bringing the West Teutons to the third Joktanite Sarmatian locale in the Baltic State region. In this case the Satem Aryans analogous to the Medes and Cimmerians are simply the Balto-Slavs who inhabit the Baltic and whose association with Teutons led to the equivocal name “Prussian,” referring both to Old Prussian Balto-Slavs and later to the Germans of Prussia. The isochronic schedule relevant to this triad is a long-range one of 120 years spanning the ninth through the twelfth eras from 2278 to 2158. In 2278 Madai consolidated his control of the two colonies on the west and southwest coast of the Caspian. In 2218, four years after the Aegean war, Gomer established the Cimmerian and East Teutonic colonies north of the Black Sea and in the second case on the southwest coast of the Sea of Azov. If we press the traditional focus on southwest coasts, the West Teutons under Magog should have settled at the southwest coast of the Black Sea in Thraco-Phrygian territory. We would also expect them to carry through on tradition by pairing off with a Satem Aryan people analogous to the Medes and Cimmerians. Logically these were the Dacians north of the Danube. Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations The Sarmatian pattern, however, suggests that the West Teutons reached the Baltic where they were coupled with Balto-Slavs. Logically they inhabited the Thraco-Phrygian southwest coast of the Black Sea between the end of the Battle of Orontes and close of the twelfth era in 2158. At that time the Japhethites, including Magog, undertook their circumnavigation of Europe to establish domains. One motive for doing so may well have been their desire to avoid a conflict between the ThracoPhrygians and West Teutons. This scenario also offers an explanation of why Magog appears in Egyptian Dynasty IV only as a prince, Rehotep, rather than a reigning king. Unlike other members of the Japhethite clan, he set out in 2158 to colonize the Baltic rather than just to establish a domain there. In establishing domains, the elite established “deity” in the manner of the eight survivors of the Flood, authorizing all of the Japhethites except Magog to reign as god-kings in Egypt. As a colonist Magog associated with a people rather than a land and, in that sense, fell short of deity. For one thing the West Teutonic settlement on the Baltic was not quite definitive for future time and therefore failed to establish a land claim in Magog’s case. (See Map of the Cimmerian Invasion. --- www.wikipedia.org copied December 12, 2008) If we accept the archaeologically based belief that the entire body of Teutons once inhabited Scandinavia exclusively before entering Germany, the explanation lies in the coastal distribution of tribes bearing names from the Mizraim clan. The same factor explains why the Celts were confined to Central Europe. In the 21st century the elite worked according to an abortive plan to establish domains for the eventual colonization of the continental coastal lands by Hamitic speakers from Egypt. This plan no doubt was intended to relieve the Nile of the tension between Upper and Lower Egypt by leaving the Nile in the possession of just one of the two bodies of Hamitic speakers. The plan never materialized but was sufficient to keep Teutons out of Germany and Celts out of Gaul throughout the second millennium BCE. Two tribes bearing Mizraim names suggest how this scheme impacted the Teutons— the Materi east of the Volga in Ptolemy’s Chart 17 and the Sidini on the Baltic coast of his Chart 5 of Germany. The Materi represent the Japanese Amaterasu, matriarch of the Anamim, second member of the Mizraim clan. The Sidini represent her brother Susanowo in the plural, tribal form given in Genesis 10:13— Zudim (emended from “Ludim”). These two tribes from the head of the Mizraim clan were positioned to inform the migrating North Teutons from Azerbaijan and West Teutons from the East Baltic to stay out of Germany. The third tribe of the clan, Lehabim, are represented by the Levonii which Ptolemy locates on Gotland Island along with the Gutae or East Teutonic Goths. In three cases the first three Mizraim tribes, if not their personal elite ancestors, have somehow prevailed on the three Teutonic divisions to avoid Germany. 491 The Levonii are no doubt a Gotland branch of the Uralic Livonians, whose homeland base is in northwestern Latvia and southwestern Estonia. A Wikipedia article describes them as an ancient people who inhabited the Baltic region long before the arrival of the Balto-Slavs. Because the primary Japhethites were responsible for the Uralic colonization process and also the Dynasty IV heart of Old Kingdom Egypt, it makes sense that Uralics were their instrument in enforcing the European Mizraim scheme. The Materi, if not the Sidini, were possibly Uralic speakers. The two great Uralic (Finno-Ugric) nations of Europe, Finland, and Hungary, are located significantly in respect to this abortive plan to colonize Europe with Egyptians. The Uralic people of these two nations may have arrived only in the Christian era but were following precedents of high antiquity. Hungary holds down a middle segment of the Danube as though to block the Celts from overrunning southeastern Europe. The Uralics of Finland stand guard over the land route from Scandinavia to Germany via East Prussia. This logic may be anachronistic but makes sense as the outworking of a tradition originally intended to limit the Celts and Teutons as old enemies of the Akkadian Empire and its Egyptian satellite. The solution to our problem depends on what peoples corresponded to the Mizraim tribe names around the coasts of Europe. The Hellenic Titan name of Mizraim, Oceanus, is said to have meant “the encircling sea.” That image can and should be applied to three regions of the earth— the Arabian Peninsula, the continent of Africa and the continent of Europe. Furthermore a case can made that the Mizraim tribes are distributed around the European coasts in systematic fashion, in reverse order to the Genesis 10 list from the Caphtorim and Philistines at Crete to the Zudim represented by the Sidini and town of Susudata in Baltic Low Germany. The Anamim of Amaterasu are represented, not just by the Sarmatian Materi, but by the Namnetae in Gaul. Although the Namnetae correspond to Nantes toward the Altlantic side of Gaul, another tribe with a similar name, the Nemeti are located on the west bank of the Rhine, the definitive river pouring into the North Sea. The third Mizraim tribe of the Mizraim list, the Lehabim, corresponds to the Libyans of Africa. Based on the complete form “Glooskap,” this name must have taken the form “Luhabim” or “Lubim” at one time. Ptolemy’s map of Iberia shows the Lubeni in Lusitani on the Atlantic side of the peninsula; so this tribe indexes the Lehabim as the proper Mizraim name assigned to the Atlantic as the third major body of water after the Baltic and North Seas. We have already seen the Anatiali near Massilia-Marseilles as a counterpart to the fourth Mizraim name, Naphtuh-NephthysAnath, wife of Seth-Bal-Shem. The fifth name of the list, Pathrus, is the Mizraim name of Riphath-Seba. In this case the Cushite name prevails over the Mizraim name in placing the Sabini on the Adriatic side of Italy as antagonists of a legendary war against the Latins of Rome. The sixth Mizraim name, Masluh (Massoretic Casluh), refers to Japheth as a member of the Mizraim clan. The name appears in the Massylians of North Africa but Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations not on the Adriatic as the system suggests. If the name Seba replaces “Pathrus” on the Tyrrhenian side, another name might be expected to represent Japheth-Masluh on the Adriatic side. If we identify the Illyrians with Japheth’s heir Llyr-Gomer, they supply the needed Japhethite presence for the Adriatic. That argument seems weak until we observe that Llyr belongs to the same Celtic tradition as Japheth as the god Lugh, who bears a name cognate with the second syllable of “Masluh.” Thus we have covered the coasts of Europe with the Mizraim list in order from the Baltic to the Aegean: Zudim, Sidini-Susudata in Baltic Germany; Anamim, the Nemeti of the Rhine and North Sea; the Lubeni of Lusitania and the Atlantic for the Lehabim; the Anatiali near Massilia, for Anath-Nephthys, the Naphtuhim; the Italic Sabini, for Riphath-Seba, the Pathrusim; the Illyrians, for Llyr-Gomer as representative of Japheth-Masluh on the Adriatic; and the Philistim and Caphtorim on Crete in the Aegean. Instead of suggesting that coastal Europe was once colonized by Egyptian Hamites or looking for some mysterious people to populate the coasts of Europe in pre-Celtic and pre-Teutonic times, we only need to correlate with the Mizraim names an accumulation of non-Centum and non-Indo-European peoples known to have populated Europe, trace these to their known habitats and suggest how these once filled out coastal Europe. The Centum Celts and Teutons continued to be treated as Aratta exiles, transferred in effect from Arabia to Central Europe and Scandinavia and thus kept away from the coasts of Gaul and Germany until the first millennium. The list of relevant peoples includes Minoans, Eneti, Ligurians, Aquitanians, Iberians, Slavs and Uralics. Listing these in the Baltic-to-Aegean order, the process begins with the Uralic Finno-Ugrians, whom the Japhethites had led into colonies north of the Caspian and Black Seas after the Aegean war. In classic Europe these people have given rise to Finland and Hungary. Although those nations were established only in the Christian era, we can interpret this stock as correlative to the Zudim of the Mizraim clan in taking some early position on the Baltic and even filling out Baltic Germany for a time prior to the arrival of the Slavic Wends (Venedae) there. Except for the separate Hungarians far inland, the westernmost of the FinnoUgric people south of Scandinavia is the Estonians located on the eastern Baltic Coast. A variety of Finno-Ugric peoples, the Sami or Lapps, inhabit Scandinavia. Among all these Finno-Ugrics we can no doubt isolate one or more who played the role required by the name Zudim and represented by the East Germany Sidini and whoever was responsible for naming the town Susudata. Together the Finns, Estonians and Livonians blanket the eastern Baltic with Uralic (Finno-Ugric) speakers. That circumstance is consistent with the belief that Uralics of some variety marked the terminus of the European system of the 21st century under the name of Zud at the head of the Mizraim clan. Zud’s only pantheon version is as Susanowo of a Japanese tradition classified as exotic Altaic at the opposite, eastern end of the Uralo-Altaic world from the western Finno-Ugrians of the Uralic stock. Susanowo’s sister Amaterasu identifies with the Materi, east of the 493 Volga and therefore well within the Uralic zone. Of course Ptolemy gives no information about the linguistic polarity of the Sarmatian tribes. We identify Susanowo and Amaterasu’s father Izanagi as Sidon under a Japanese cognate to Sidon’s dynastic Egyptian name Sanakhte. One way to view this perspective is to observe that Sidon’s Sidones, to the west of the Upper Vistula is about equidistant between Estonia to the north and the Chatti near the source of the Weser at Kassel to the west. That location makes sense if we identify Estonia with Sidon’s Mizraim son Zud and therefore find his father Sidon at a mid-point between that son and Sidon’s Canaanite brother Heth, father of the Chatti. Reinfocement derives from the Estonian pantheon in which the chief god Tarapitu is a version of Tar-Thor-Shem. This name identifies Shem’s Ishkurship of Storms. Susanowo happens to be a Japanese storm god consistent with our view of the Estonians as representatives of Zud-Susanowo. The kindred Finns identified their version of Shem’s father Noah as Ukko, not just a forest god but a storm god consistent with Noah’s share in the Yahweh cultus of storms as Indian Indra. The Latvian town of Indra, near Dagda, adds to this complex in which the storm principle is shared by the the two chief peoples of the Finno-Ugric Baltic. Because Amaterasu-Anam is a sun goddess, she indicates the overriding influence of the Egyptian Utuship in shaping the Mizraim clan as solar complement to the Japhethite clan. A search of the Slavic pantheon will probably reveal a goddess equivalent to Amaterasu although the explicit solar deity of the Slavs was JaphethSvarog’s son Gomer-Dazhbog. In order to place the “Anamim” in this process of language distribution, we must determine whether the Slavs or other Satem Aryan speakers ever extended as far west as the North Sea as complement to the Uralics. The classic European position of Slavs between Uralics and Teutons suggests that they were the next step in the process. Of course we are giving a hypothetical high antiquity to suggestions derived from Christian times under the assumption that these peoples were conservative enough and knowledgable about their ancestors to conform to precedents established in early postdiluvian times. Palmer’s map of “The Extension of Christianity” shows three Slavic peoples extending along east bank of the Elbe from the Wends in the northwest through the Sorbs to the Czechs in the southeast. The modern Czech Republic, based on ancient Bohemia, lies at the source of the Elbe-Labe. This river, in its northwest course, empties into the North Sea rather than the Baltic. Granted that Ptolemy locates the Wends (Venedae) along the southeastern coast of the Baltic, we assume that they were driven into that position by the arrival of the Teutons in the mid-first millennium. They then made their way back to the Elbe as occasion arose. We are treating the Slavs in this case as a non-Centum people adopted by the colonists of the 21st century as a means of exiling the Centum Teutons to Scandinavia. If “exile” is too strong, then “segregation” might be the better word. The Japhethite colonists retained the view that Teutons, Celts and other Centum Aryans Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations opposed the unifying Central Powers of Mesopotamia at the Battle of Orontes as they had in the Arabian war and Uruk-Aratta wars previously. As for the non-Centum language assigned to the “Lehabim” and Atlantic, this was clearly the Aquitanian confined in known times to Gascony and Basqueland but conceivably covering a larger part of Gaul prior to the arrival of the Celts from Central Europe. However another factor in this analysis is the tradition that the Ligurians once extended from their traditional land around Genoa to the North Sea. A brief but valuable Wikipedia article on the Ligures contains information with a possible bearing of the Mizraim process of the 21st century. The Ligures were once regarded in classical times as one of three great barbarian peoples encircling the civilized world. They called themselves “Ambrones,” meaning “people of the water”— a title reminiscent of the Amurru “flood people.” The title suggests that they may have played some unifying role in the distribution of the non-Centum nations. It is not certain whether they were non-Centum or Centum speakers: “It is not known for certain whether they were a pre-Indo-European people akin to Iberians; a separate Indo-European branch with Italic and Celtic affinities; or even a branch of the Celts or Italics.” Inhabitants of Coastal Europe Between 2035 and 500 BCE It is impossible to complete our analysis of coastal Europe without finding the correct place for these people. The next Mizraim name that we feature— this time east of Gibralter— is the “Naptuhim,” equivalent to Shem’s wife Nephthys of the Great Ennead and Anath of the Ugaritic mythology. We have marked the presence of this Mizraim element with one of Ptolemy’s tribes, the Anatiali, near Massilia-Marseilles. That location lies either within or quite near Ligurian territory as defined by the article. On the other hand the next non-Centum language of our series is the Iberian after the Aquitanians assigned to the name “Lehabim.” This westernmost step in the Mediterranean phase of the process appears to encompass an extended coastal region from Gibralter northeastward to include Liguria. To give the Ligurians an early postdiluvian identity requires us to associate them in some way with the Iberians and the name “Naphtuh” or Anath. Four points of association are the sonship of Peleg to Eber, the identity of the next Mizraim name “Pathrusim” with Riphath-Seba, the co-membership of Seba and Peleg-Sabtecah as vassals of Cush and the striking similarity between Peleg’s depiction in the Cernunnus Panel and Seba’s in the Indus seal of Shiva Pashupati. The “Naphtuhim” and “Pathrusim” in the Mizraim process correspond to the non-Centum Iberian and Etruscan languages on either side of Ligurian territory. The Etruscans descended from Eber’s son and Peleg’s brother Tiras. The design of the Western 495 Mediterranean and Tyrrhenian Sea emerges as a reflection of Eber’s family as somehow associated with Nephthys-Anath and Pathrus-Osiris-Seba-Riphath. The design turns visible, however, only if the Ligurians are identified with PelegCernunnus, the leader long since dead by the 21st century. We have already suggested that the name “Ligur” may be cognate with the reduction of Peleg’s name to “Lega” in Bantu Africa. The Mizraim clan embodied in the European scheme had served to colonize black Africa as an analogous adjunct to Egypt. The full form underlying “Ligur” may have been a compound “Peleg Urlugal,” combining his personal name with the one he adopted in the Eanna dynasty after the close of the Uruk-Aratta war. The name meant, “Peleg Champion of the King,” referring to his brother Joktan as founder of the Eanna dynasty. It was adopted to declare his political repentance after having made war against the Eanna regime. A fifth point of association between Seba and Peleg is that they were comembers of the Canaanite clan as the “Amorite” and “Hivite” respectively. Seba’s creation of the Amorite “Flood People” suggests, once again, that the Ligures represent an analogous “People of the Water.” Both names suggest the symbolic equation between survival in the Flood and maritime colonization. The Hebrew name “Peleg” means “Division,” a preliminary step to any systematic colonization process. The best explanation of the Ligures is as descendants of persons who regarded themselves as responsible for the colonization process of the 21st century. These persons may well have been genetic descendants of Peleg. A reinforcement of this idea is that the East Teutonic people who took Peleg’s name— Phrygundiones— settled in Burgundy within what may have been the extension of Ligurian hegemony to the North Sea. Nominally the Iberians and Etruscans represent the Japhethite clan— in Tubal and Tiras— rather than the Mizraim clan. Consequently we need to explain why Nephthys and Pathrus-Seba-Osiris became involved in the distribution of languages named for the two Japhethites. Nephthys and Osiris are siblings in the third “generation” of Japheth-Atum Re’s Great Ennead. These relationships are sufficient to suggest why they should interact with two members of the Japhethite clan but not necessarily why they should be singled out to represent members of Eber’s family including Peleg, who never entered the Japhethite clan. Nephthys, Shem’s wife, either married into this family or was reckoned a fellow member of the Shemite clan of Genesis 10:22 made up of Eber-Elam, Peleg-Lud, Peleg’s heir Reu-Asshur, Eber’s father Shelah-Arphaxad II and his son Joktan-Aram. Perhaps this clan regarded Nephthys-Anath as their feudal “mother” as postdiluvian wife of Shem. In any case her nominal tribe, the Anatiali, hold down a place on the Mediterranean coast in supplying her Mizraim name to the sequence in order to make Eber’s Iberians the non-Centum people assigned to the “Naphtuhim.” -Fin- Noah’s Post-Diluvian Colonizations OTHER BOOKS by JOHN D. PILKEY 1. ORIGIN OF THE NATIONS, 1984 Thought-provoking and intelligently written. Great read if you are interested in new ideas from the Creation Science perspective. Dedicated to monogenetic interpretations of world mythology. Researched for over twenty years, the volume contains a wealth of archaeological and mythological material. Critiques of the work abound online. – By nettiespaghettion January 12, 2013. Amazon Books. I will probably like it better when I finish it. It is a little hard to read because of the author's style of organizing information. It does have a lot of information that I find complementary to Ken Johnson's Ancient Post-Flood History: - By Kerenon August 22, 2014. Amazon Books. 2. KINGSHIP AT ITS SOURCE, 2007 Literate world history took shape during the course of the third millennium BCE chiefly in the Mesopotamian land of Sumer. There is a vast difference between the way secular scholars process this data and the way believers in the Bible can and should process it. By accepting at face value both the chronological perspective of the Bible and the high longevities of the Noahic patriarchs, biblicists can make sense of Sumerian data and revolutionize the image of world history at its source. To make good on this premise, it is essential to compare and match names from kinglists and mythological pantheons. What emerges from these comparisons is a set of fifty-four feudal and imperial aristocrats who created world civilization in their own image. Once these persons are known, world history loses its aura of randomness and anonymity and takes shape as a single, variously detailed story. On Barnes & Noble. http://www.barnesandnoble.com 3. A CONTINUOUS NARRATIVE OF EARLY POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY, 2017 497 4. A POSTDILUVIAN TIMELINE , 2017 5. A DESIGNED WORLD, 2017 6. NOAH’S ARK AND THE GENESIS-10 PATRIARCHS, 2014 by Ross S Marshall A Mono-mythological comparison of ancient pantheons and primer to Dr. John Pilkey’s Genesis-10 studies. On Amazon Books. http://www.amazon.com. This is a most unique and, I think, valuable book. The author and a few others came to the conclusion that the only place to find history where none was written as history was to look back to the mythology for clues. When the earliest family had extended lives and were probably larger then those of following generations, you would expect to see them be leaders, heroes, and finally "gods". The problem is determining which people were which gods. This is the journey the author took. He has given me information that I can use to fill in the historical gap from the Flood to about 2000 B.C. in a Biblically oriented chronological chart I have been working on for over 6 years now. Bravo and thank you Mr. Marshall!. – By Mark D. Hornbogenon July 18, 2016. Amazon Books. CONTACTS Ross S Marshall www.WeirdVideos.com [email protected] c/o Dr. Steve Brown: Shasta Bible College and Graduate School 2951 Goodwater Ave, Redding CA 96002 Office 530-221-4275 ext. 23 Toll Free 1-800-800-4SBC (4722) email [email protected] fax 530-221-6929 GENESIS-10 CONTACTS Ross S Marshall P. O. Box 1191, Anacortes, Wa. 98221 www.WeirdVideos.com JOHN PILKEY BOOKS Volume I-VI AVAILABLE ON AMAZON [Go to Amazon and type in sarch “Ross S Marshall”] https://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&fieldkeywords=Ross+S+Marshall