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Democratization, 2018
Despite the vast amount of comparative research on right-wing populist parties over the past decade, there has been little work on non-European parties (as opposed to leaders). In this article, we argue that the international literature on populist parties has largely overlooked a significant non-European case: India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People’s Party). Following the ideational approach to understanding populism, we examine whether the three distinguishing features of right-wing populism – its conceptions of “the people”, “elites” and “others” – are reflected in the views from interviews we conducted with BJP officials and representatives. We find that they are and so then consider whether they have been manifest in actions and statements while in power or whether, as some scholars claim, governing parties like the BJP moderate their populism. We conclude that the BJP can be very fruitfully included in comparative research on right-wing populist parties and propose a series of concrete ways in which this could be pursued.
The 2014 general election results in India were about breaking historical records. The world’s largest democracy has not only witnessed the highest voter turnout so far with 66 per cent, the overwhelming majority of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance with 336 seats out of 543, but also the highest number of women in the Lok Sabha. On the negative side, there are also huge distortions with the winning party getting only 31 per cent of the overall votes, the initially successful and widely supported anti-corruption Aam Aadmi Party winning a meagre four seats, and the number of Muslim Members of Parliament approaching historical lows.
Hindu Radicalism in India and the effect which it take from Globalisation and its trend
2010
Majoritarian State: How Hindu Nationalism Is Changing India, 2019
In this chapter, I offer a preliminary ethnographic and media examination of the ways, and the extent to which, the BJP has been able to (and still is) negotiating its status in the region. I want to suggest that this status has been accomplished by honing a self-sufficient and dynamically structured political machine and by the adoption of an agenda that transcends religious, social and cultural boundaries. But an analysis of their momentary success must be tempered by realities on the ground that highlight complexities with regard to the national-regional dynamic. In order to understand these developments, I present an analysis of two aspects of the BJP’s approach: its utilisation of key alliances that have emerged in reaction to the failures of regional and central governments, and its projection of itself as a secular party that encompasses but also moves beyond exclusively ‘Hindu’ sentiments. This paper higlights this double-think – the situational/regional differences in political self-presentation that demonstrate the malleability of their ideology while at the same time managing the BJP’s complex relationship with the RSS.
India Review, 2005
The paper probes the impact of social media on political communication in low income democracies which have limited internet penetration.
India Review, 2005
India Review, 2009
This paper begins from the theoretical contention that traditional IR theories -most prominently neorealism and neoliberalism -are inadequate in addressing the issues of domestic state identity and its impact on India's foreign policy. Both neorealism and neoliberalism are interested in the study of how actors behave within the international system by way of a system-level analysis rather than on the attributes at the unit level. As such their primary concern is analyzing the role of the international system and the structural constraints it places on individual states, defined as actors, and how they behave. In other words, for traditional IR theories, how actors come to perceive the realm of foreign policy is determined by external factors. Both these theories are therefore theories of outcomes rather than theories attempting to explain foreign policy choices, in large part betraying their focus on great power actions in international politics. In the event of neorealism and neoliberalism even acknowledging the existence of "identity," these ideational factors are either subsumed within the larger explanatory category of "national interests" or they are assumed to be variables endogenous to explanations of foreign policy, or, as Wendt puts it, both theories "bracket" identity in their explanations of state behavior. 1 An attempt to look at the domestic realm in explaining state behavior is thus rendered "reductionist" according to such theories of IR. Even when the literature within IR tried to move beyond such limited renditions of foreign policy and strove to look within states, several questions were still left unanswered. This was the case with the "foreign policy analysis" approach. In this approach, the formulation and execution of a state's foreign policy depended crucially on the oftentimes-competitive contestation between various important state institutions and state agencies involved in various foreign policy issues. The most commonly cited example of such an approach is Graham Allison's work on United States and Soviet Union (SU) foreign policy thinking and formulation during the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. 3 Allison sought to make sense of the foreign policy approach of both states over the 13 days of the October 1962 crisis by looking at the contrasting positions of the various domestic institutions/agencies involved in advising the two heads of states on foreign policy.
Narendra Modi has devoted an unusual amount of time and energy, for an Indian leader, to religious diplomacy. It is arguably one of the few innovations that he has made in the conduct of Indian foreign policy. He has visited a series of significant religious sites, engaged in dialogues between religious communities and made a series of appeals to religious arguments, in various diplomatic contexts. This article argues that Modi's religious diplomacy aims to boost India's public diplomacy and soft power, to promote India as a destination for tourists interested in its Buddhist heritage and sites, and an attempt to engage with India's diaspora communities. But it also observes that Modi's religious diplomacy is underpinned by his personal beliefs and his idea of the image that he wants to project of his leadership and what he thinks ought to be India's place in the world to domestic and foreign audiences.
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