chapter 4
Sappho and Epic
Adrian Kelly*
οὔνομά μευ Ϲαπφώ, τόϲϲον δ’ ὑπερέϲχον ἀοιδῶν
θηλειᾶν, ἀνδρῶν ὅϲϲον ὁ Μαιονίδαϲ.
My name is Sappho, and so far did I surpass female
poets, as the (grand)son of Maeon the males.
Antipater of Thessalonica,Greek Anthology 7.15 (test. 57)
Ancient tradition readily sought to connect Sappho with the greatest of
all Greek epic poets, Homer,1 and a particular and direct interplay
between the two has been prominent in recent scholarship. Yet Sappho’s
relationship with epic poetry as a whole is a larger and more complex
issue, since neither figure was the first or only artist of their sort in the
earliest period, and Sappho certainly knew epics and stories not associated with the Iliad and Odyssey, and may not have known those two
poems at all.2 When one considers the many sources, textualised or not,
with which Sappho and her audiences must have been familiar, then
one must be alive to the depth and range of possibilities for her interaction with this material, and more than a little resentful that almost all of
it is lost.
Formally, archaic epos (epic poetry) and melos (‘melic’ or lyric poetry)
can be differentiated in several ways. The former uses the dactylic hexameter and an artificial dialect which mixes Aeolic and Ionic forms from several different periods, while the metres of Sappho’s melos are more varied
in rhythm and arrangement, and her dialect is basically Lesbian
*
1
2
I am grateful to Bill Allan, Felix Budelmann, Patrick Finglass, André Lardinois, Lucia Prauscello,
Henry Spelman, and to audiences in Cambridge and São Paulo, for their assistance with this chapter.
Maeon is named as either Homer’s father (Contest of Homer and Hesiod 3) or grandfather (4).
Cf. Burgess 2001: 65–7, 114–31, Kelly 2015a: 28–9, Spelman 2017a: 743–5. I do not rehearse my earlier arguments against a direct relationship between Sappho and Homer, since Sappho is interacting with epic poetry for broadly the sorts of reasons scholars have identified.
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Adrian Kelly
Aeolic.3 As in other matters, an appreciation of definitional boundaries is
useful, as long as they are not treated as impermeable. While, for
instance, epic poets usually stand at a distance from the mythical content
of their works, and lyric poets are inclined to refer directly to the contemporary world, some epic poets like Hesiod freely draw upon their own
contexts (however fictively), and lyric poets can tell mythical tales (as we
shall see). In terms of scale, epos generally fosters larger compositions than
melos, and this may also be related to performance setting, with epic more
readily associated with public contexts and lyric with private ones, though
these too should not be considered strict boundaries: choral melos, for
instance, straddled the public/private divide quite evenly, and the sixthcentury lyric poet Stesichorus stands as a notable exception to almost all
the above dichotomies. Now that scholarship has moved beyond mapping
early Greek literary history into discrete periods (where epos simply precedes melos), the possibility for recognising cross-germination and mutual
interaction can only increase if, as some have argued, Sappho and Alcaeus
knew of local epic traditions more thoroughly Aeolic than those which
have survived,4 and we should also remember that the (probably sixthcentury bc) Little Iliad was held in antiquity to have been composed by a
Lesbian epic poet, Lesches of Pyrrha or Mytilene.5 Add to this the island’s
geographical proximity to Troy and its profile in Homer,6 and we might
well think that Sappho’s interaction with epos, particularly to do with the
Trojan War, was unavoidable.
The complexity of that process is clear when we look more closely at
Sappho’s language.7 Scholars have long noted similarities between her
dialect and that of the (largely) Ionian epic poets, as for instance the genitive singular of masculine o-stem nouns in –οιο alongside Lesbian –ω, or
ἐθέλω (‘I wish’) alongside Lesbian θέλω. These epicisms have been
explained as traces of an older Aeolian dialect, simple borrowings from
Ionian epos, or even as the common inheritance of Indo-European poetry
but, whatever the truth,8 the Lesbian singers interacted with epic language as an evolving and contemporary creature.
3
4
5
6
7
8
Cf. Tribulato on language, Battezzato on metre; also below, pp. 56–7, for Sappho’s experiments
with the dactylic hexameter.
West 2002: 218 = 2011–13: i 406–7.
Kelly 2015b: 318.
Iliad 9.128–30, 664–5, 24.544–5, Odyssey 3.169, West 2002: 208 = 2011–13: i 393–4.
Cf. Tribulato.
This is not unconnected to the controversy surrounding the Aeolic elements in the epic language
itself, which have been seen as evidence for a purely Aeolic phase in the evolution of epos: cf. Willi
2011: 460–2.
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Sappho and Epic
55
This applies to the most obvious sign of interaction, the shared possession of the noun–epithet combinations (e.g. Ἔροϲ . . . λυϲιμέληϲ, ‘love
limb-loosening’) so characteristic of hexameter epic.9 Among the usual
links with Homer (Broger, for instance, lists 117 expressions held in common with the Iliad and Odyssey), a large proportion can be paralleled in
non-Homeric epic.10 Indeed, one of the most famous of Sappho’s epithets
for Aphrodite, ποικιλόθρον’, usually translated ‘with cunningly-wrought
throne’ or similar, has also been interpreted to mean ‘wearing a dress with
flowers woven in’ and linked with the depiction of the goddess’s beautification with flowers in the Cypria.11 Comparable too is the phrasing of
Aphrodite’s promise for the human object of Sappho’s prayer (‘since if
now she flees, soon she will pursue’), which may be linked with Zeus’s
pursuit of Nemesis in the Cypria (‘for she fled and did not wish to mix in
love . . . she fled, and Zeus pursued, and desired in his soul to seize
her’).12 One need not assume that Sappho has drawn these expressions
directly from a fixed text – and our uncertainty about the date of the
Cypria, somewhere in the seventh and sixth centuries, allows the possibility that the influence ran the other way13 – but it is a salutary lesson on
the limitations of the surviving evidence. We may see Sappho interacting
with the remains of non-Homeric epic poetry, but only by the merest
chance.
The Iliad and Odyssey dominate the extant records of early narrative
epos, and the former poem in particular plays a prominent role in the
study of Sappho’s epic interactions,14 though one notes the high proportion of obviously formulaic expressions in any list one could compile, as
below for fr. 1:
9
10
11
12
13
14
Fr. 130.1 ~ Hesiod, Theogony 120–1, 910–11. But cf. Archilochus fr. 196 IEG, ἀλλά μ’ ὁ λυϲιμελὴϲ
ὦταῖρε δάμναται πόθοϲ, ‘but I, my friend, am tamed by limb-loosening desire’; associations with
non-epic poetry – much less well preserved in this period – need to be remembered throughout.
Broger 1996: 253–69. Steinrück 1999: 146–9 argues that the Iliad and Odyssey were much less
important to Sappho than other texts, such as the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite. Cf. below,
pp. 62–4 (on fr. 44).
Fr. 1.1; Cypria fr. 5 GEF. Cf. Scheid and Svenbro 1994: 61–7 ≈ 1996: 53–8; contra Jouanna 1999
(with pp. 102–3 on the variant reading ποικίλοφρον’, ‘cunningly-minded’).
Fr. 1.21; Cypria frr. 10.4, 10.7 GEF.
Cf. Currie 2015: 281.
It is doubtful that the Odyssey was known to the Lesbian poets: cf. Meyerhoff 1984: 13, West 2002:
214 = 2011–13: i 401; contra M. Mueller 2016 (below). Winkler 1990: 178–80 reads the makarismos
(‘blessing’) opening of fr. 31 next to Odysseus’ praise of Nausicaa (Odyssey 6.158–61).
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Adrian Kelly
μή μ’ ἄϲαιϲι μηδ’ ὀνίαιϲι δάμνα, |
θῦμον (3–4)
οὐ γάρ πώ ποτέ μ’ ὧδε θεᾶϲ ἔροϲ οὐδὲ
γυναικόϲ | θυμὸν ἐνὶ ϲτήθεϲϲι περιπροχυθεὶϲ
ἐδάμαϲϲεν (Iliad 14.315–16)
δάμαϲον θυμὸν μέγαν (Iliad 9.496)
ἄρμ’ ὐπαϲδεύξαιϲα (9)
ζεύξειεν ὑφ’ ἅρμαϲιν (Iliad 24.14)
ζεύξαθ’ ὑφ’ ἅρματ’ (Odyssey 3.476) etc.
περὶ γᾶϲ μελαίναϲ (10)
γαῖα μέλαινα (8x Homer)
πύκνα δίννεντεϲ πτέρ’ (11)
δινεύουϲαν ὑπὸ πτερύγοϲ βάλε (Iliad 23.875)
ἔνθ’ ἐπιδινηθέντε τιναξάϲθην πτερὰ πυκνά
(Odyssey 2.151) etc.
ἀπ’ ὠράνωἴθεροϲ διὰ μέϲϲω (11–12)
δι’ αἰθέροϲ οὐρανὸν ἷκεν (Iliad 2.458)
οὐρανὸν εἴϲω | αἰθέροϲ ἐκ δίηϲ (Iliad 16.364–5)
οὐρανὸν ἷκε δι’ αἰθέροϲ (Iliad 17.425) etc.
αἶψα δ’ ἐξίκοντο (13)
αἶψα δ’ ἔπειθ’ ἵκανον (Iliad 3.145) etc.
αἶψα δ’ ἵκοντο (Iliad 18.532) etc.
μειδιαίϲαιϲ’ ἀθανάτωι προϲώπωι (14) μειδιόων βλοϲυροῖϲι προϲώπαϲι (Iliad 7.212)
ἐφ’ ἱμερτῶι δὲ προϲώπωι | αἰεὶ μειδιάει (Hymn
to Aphrodite 10.2–3)
φιλομμειδὴϲ Ἀφροδίτη (6x Homer, Hymn to
Aphrodite 5.56) etc.
κὤττι μοι μάλιϲτα θέλω γένεϲθαι |
μαινόλαι θύμωι· (17–18)
ὅϲον ἤθελε θυμόϲ (Iliad 9.177) etc.
ἤθελε θυμῶι (Iliad 16.255) etc.
εἰ ϲύ γε θυμῶι | ϲῶι ἐθέλοιϲ (Iliad 17.488–9; cf.
23.894)
κωὐκ ἐθέλοιϲα (24)
καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλουϲ’ ὑπ’ ἀνάγκηϲ (Odyssey 2.110)
ὅϲ μ’ ἔθελεν φιλότητι μιγήμεναι οὐκ ἐθελούϲηι
(Iliad 6.165)
ἐμεῖο μὲν οὐκ ἐθελούϲηϲ (Iliad 24.289)
οὐκ ἐθελούϲηι (Odyssey 2.50)
None of these parallels is so distinctive as to compel a particular intertextual reference to the Homeric passage(s),15 but they have been taken to
show how thoroughly immersed in epic language and phraseology this
poem is – naturally, given its theme.
It is therefore no surprise that Sappho herself experimented with the
hexameter, of which a few fragments survive. 16 Here the poet’s
15
16
Cf. contra Marry 1979, Rissman 1983: 1–4 (and below, n. 20).
Frr. 105(a), 105(c), 106, 142, 143, perhaps frr. 107–9; see Battezzato p. 125.
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Sappho and Epic
57
interactions extend to prosody and scansion: like the epic bards, she
allows a regular pause (‘caesura’) in the middle of the verse, substitution
of a spondee (two heavy syllables) for the dactyl (three syllables, one
heavy + two light), and the treatment of an otherwise heavy open syllable
as light (‘epic correption’) when that syllable is placed before another
vowel (‘hiatus’). None of these practices is typical in Aeolian versification
and, their size notwithstanding, these fragments are illuminating examples of Sappho’s epic interactions.
In fr. 105(a), perhaps from an epithalamium (wedding song),17 Sappho
deploys a vegetation simile reminiscent of epic examples to compare the
object of her comparison to the ‘sweet apple’ which cannot be plucked
(for lines 1–2, ἄκρωι ἐπ’ ὔϲδωι, | ἄκρον ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτωι, ‘on the top
branch, | top on the topmost’, cf. Iliad 2.312, ὄζωι ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτωι, ‘on the
topmost branch’; also 4.484), but here the forceful polyptoton expresses
the exquisite rarity of the fruit in an obviously erotic way, where martial
epic mainly uses floral similes to suggest mortality and death.18 Fr. 105(c)
does it again, this time with the image of shepherds trampling the hyacinth, and the loss of its ‘deep-red bloom’ (πόρφυρον ἄνθοϲ), to foreshadow the wedding itself.19 Frr. 142 (Λάτω καὶ Νιόβα μάλα μὲν φίλαι
ἦϲαν ἔταιραι, ‘Leto and Niobe were true friends, companions’) and 143
(χρύϲειοι δ’ ἐρέβινθοι ἐπ’ ἀιόνων ἐφύοντο, ‘and golden chickpeas were
growing on the banks’) do not give away much, but show an intriguing
interchange of dialect forms (e.g. Aeolic Λάτω for epic-Ionic Λήτω, but
also epic-Ion. χρύϲειοι for Aeol. χρύϲιοι) to suggest fruitful experimentation in cross-generic and -linguistic composition, seen again in fr. 106
(πέρροχοϲ, ὠϲ ὄτ’ ἄοιδοϲ ὀ Λέϲβιοϲ ἀλλοδάποιϲιν, ‘outstanding, as when
a Lesbian bard among foreigners’), with specifically Aeolic vocalism
(πέρροχοϲ for Ionic περίοχοϲ) and psilosis (ὠϲ / ὄτ’ / ὀ for ὡϲ / ὅτ’ / ὁ).
Sappho’s recreation of themes found in epic poetry is not restricted to
these few formally similar fragments; we can see a range of interactive
possibilities throughout her corpus, stretching from appropriation to
open opposition, sometimes within the same poem. Fr. 1 is the obvious
17
18
19
For this genre, see McEvilley 2008: 186–214, F. Ferrari 2010: 117–33, Dale 2011a, Ferrari pp. 110–11,
Prauscello pp. 227–9. Himerius, Oration 9.16 tells us that Sappho was here contrasting those who pick
the ‘fruit before its season’ (i.e., before marriage) with those who wait until the proper moment: see Bowie.
Kelly 2007: 289–90; also Hesiod, Works and Days 681, Ibycus fr. 317(a) PMGF. For Sappho’s other
vegetation similes cf. frr. 115, 194 with Rissman 1983: 98–104. DuBois 1995: 46–7 suggests a direct
intertext with the Iliad passage above, which would colour the fragment with intimations of
death.
For these two poems, see duBois 1995: 40–53, 2015: 70–1, Snyder 1997: 104–5.
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Adrian Kelly
example, especially given its saturation of epic language (above), and its
theme – a request to Aphrodite for renewed aid in an erotic venture –
invokes a widespread motif in epic narrative, where heroic males summon a helpful god at a moment of distress, and some scholars have
suggested that Sappho is referring particularly to Diomedes’ appeal to
Athena in Book 5 of the Iliad.20 With or without this direct link, Sappho
relocates the usually male-dominated heroic associations of such an
action into a female-centred and erotic context, endowing herself and her
endeavours with an importance usually bestowed upon others.21 Epos is
not unaware of sex, as we can see in the rather prosaic frankness of the
Odyssey or the seduction scenes throughout the tradition,22 but it does
not prioritise or foreground, as Sappho does here and throughout her
work, the female experience and perspective of sexual desire.23
Repurposing of this sort is pervasive in the poem: the sparrows drawing Aphrodite’s chariot (9–13) deliberately counterpart the more impressive beasts of burden we find in analogous circumstances in epic, as the
horses (surrounded by sea beasts) drawing Poseidon’s chariot to Aegae or
those conveying Hera and Athena to the Trojan plain.24 Sappho’s playful
relationship with her patron deity can be compared with that between
Athena and Odysseus in the Odyssey, Athena and Diomedes in the Iliad,
or even Helen and Aphrodite in the same poem; and Sappho’s appeal ‘be
my ally’ (ϲύμμαχοϲ ἔϲϲο, 28) militarises the whole erotic programme.25
The combined effect suggests the poetic seriousness of the theme, that
love is an important endeavour, as well as showcasing the artist’s and
audience’s ability to recreate and play off shared themes and expressions.
If fr. 1 seems to clothe erotic narrative in military garb, other more
directly oppositional stances are possible, as in fr. 16, where Sappho
20
21
22
23
24
25
For this poem, see Marry 1979, Rissman 1983: 1–29, Winkler 1990: 169–76, Greene 1994: 50–4 =
1996a: 243–6, duBois 1995: 7–10, Snyder 1997: 7–17, Stehle 1997: 296–9, M. Johnson 2007: 41–8,
Blondell 2010: 373–7, Swift pp. 203–6.
Thus Winkler 1990: 168–70 plausibly argues that fr. 1 is antipatriarchal in asserting Aphrodite’s
power and influence specifically as a response to her negative portrayal in this portion of the Iliad,
but Aphrodite – unlike her various Near Eastern relatives – is generally treated in early Greek epic
in negative and trivialising terms, so the point remains even without a direct link to this passage in
Homer.
Cf. Forsyth 1979 on seduction scenes, D. Campbell 1983: 1–4 for a summary.
This common theme in Sappho’s epic interactions is not evidence for the theory that her works
were principally intended for and performed in women-only zones, or were only of interest to
women; cf. Parker 1993: 343 = Greene 1996b: 180 (‘there is no theme, no occasion, in Sappho that
we do not find in other poets’), Bowman 2004: 13–15, Lardinois.
Iliad 13.23–31, 5.730–2, 5.767–77. Cf. the swans for Apollo’s chariot in fr. 208, Alcaeus fr. 307(c).
For the unusual nature of Sappho’s relationship with Aphrodite in the context of early Greek
melos, see Swift.
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Sappho and Epic
59
memorably opens by contrasting the highest values of the militaryminded (1–3) with her own valorisation of ‘whatever someone loves’ (κῆν’
ὄττω τιϲ ἔραται, 3–4).26 Keeping in mind the multiform deployment of
military themes in the personal poetry of her contemporary Alcaeus (and
elsewhere in the Greek world, e.g. in Archilochus and Tyrtaeus), the contrast here may well include some epic poetry, and not necessarily just the
Iliad, in its apparent dispreferral of the martial focus,27 and some of its
language may recall epic phraseology: ἰππήων ϲτρότον . . . πέϲδων,
‘army of horsemen . . . of foot soldiers’ (1) resonates with formulaic πέζοι
θ’ ἱππῆέϲ τε, ‘foot soldiers and horsemen’ (3x Hom.), while ἐπ[ὶ] γᾶν
μέλαι[ν]αν, ‘on the black earth’ (2), unusual here as it comes straight after
‘ships’ in the same verse, may represent a fusion of the epic habit of so
qualifying both earth (γαῖα) and, much more commonly, ships.28
Once more, whether referring to a single text or not, Sappho emphasises the independence of the female perspective and its power to create
alternative modes of valuation in a male-dominated world. These reversals tap into the widespread early epic motif of feminine unsuitability for
war,29 and celebrate it as a positive, apparently even superior virtue, foregrounding the female experience of violence in the lives of Sappho and
her contemporaries, while also suggesting once more that love is a powerful and serious topic for poetry (as also in frr. 31, 47, 130, etc.). Yet fr. 16 is
not simply anti-epos.30 Sappho deploys the story of Helen to explore the
poem’s opening contention about what is καλλίϲτον (‘fairest’, 3), but the
continuing presence of the epic background suggests that its apparent
negation in the priamel is not straightforward. While the paradigm
begins by suggesting that Helen is the love object referred to in lines 3–4,
it is Aphrodite (and Paris) who led her to abandon husband and homeland (6–12) and, when the poet compares her beloved, absent Anactoria
(15–16) to Helen, she concludes by casting herself effectively as Menelaus:
Sappho’s new, personalised and eroticised κάλλιϲτον, therefore, is not
26
27
28
29
30
For this poem, see Winkler 1990: 176–8, Tzamali 1996: 130–65, Snyder 1997: 64–71, Pfeijffer
2000a, Hutchinson 2001: 160–8, Pallantza 2005: 61–79, E. Bowie 2010: 67–9, Blondell 2010: 377–
87 (~ 2013: 111–16), Swift 2015: 105–6.
As Hutchinson 2001: 161 puts it: ‘The Iliad may be one element in the male militarism which the
poem dismisses; but the structure of the stanza presents rather a crowd of contemporary men.’
Cf. Rissman 1983: 34–8; contra Tzamali 1996: 135–6. These are, once more, formulaic expressions
in epic, and hard to link with any specific Homeric passage. They are common in melos as well
(e.g. fr. 20.6, Alcman fr. 89.3 PMGF, ‘Theognis’ 878), complicating any straightforwardly epic resonance.
Iliad 8.163, Kelly 2007: 190.
Cf. Hutchinson 2001: 160; contra M. Johnson 2007: 68, ‘a rejection of the Iliad in particular and
its martial heroism.’
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Adrian Kelly
unequivocally celebrated by the end of the poem. Thus, her relationship
with the epic past is not just contrarian, since she relies on the audience
to invoke its characters and their stories to explore the tensions and
uncertainties in the poetic world that she constructs.
The dynamic between love and war tends to dominate discussions of
Sappho’s relationship with epic, but other themes at home in the latter’s
tradition played into the lives and concerns of her audiences. Travel and
trade were vital for the prosperity and wealth of archaic Lesbos,31 and
here as well the epic heritage had something to offer. Narrating the voyage home of a stranded hero, the return song (nostos) was a type long thematised in epic poetry before Sappho, obviously in the Odyssey itself, and
in archaic poems called Nostoi, one an epic, one a lyric by Stesichorus,
which told the other heroes’ returns from Troy.32 Such a story pattern
would have held particular resonance for Sappho and her audiences,
however much Homer or his characters may seem to oppose the heroic
with the mercantile (Odyssey 8.159–64), and her somewhat sceptical attitude towards sailing mirrors the tone with which Hesiod gives advice
about sailing for the purposes of trade (Works and Days 618–94). In several poems, Sappho explores the roles allowed by this theme to those left
behind, waiting for the return of the men upon whom their own safety
and prosperity depended. The new Brothers Poem shows Sappho taking
on a considerably authoritative role, not only rebuking the unreasonably
hopeful attitude of someone (perhaps his lover Doricha; cf. fr. 15) towards
Charaxus’ current voyage (1–4), but also turning her ire upon the unimpressive brother Larichus, in the hope that he should live up to his potential and fulfil his duty towards his family (17–20). The bulk of the poem
between these two points contains a reflection on the gods’ power to save
or destroy those whom they will (9–16) and advice to the unnamed
addressee properly to consider that fact (5–9).
It has been suggested that Sappho may be reflecting Homer’s Odysseus
in her depiction of the absent Charaxus, channelling Penelope in her selfportrait as an anxious woman waiting for the male’s return, even making
Larichus into a Telemachus figure.33 But many female characters in early
31
32
33
See Thomas.
Danek 2015, Davies and Finglass 2014: 470–81.
Obbink 2014b, 2016c: 212. Stehle 2016: 275–7 suggests an intertext between Odysseus’ wish that
he ‘return to find his wife at home with her steadfast friends’ (εὕροιμι . . . ἀρτεμέεϲϲι, Odyssey 13.43)
and Sappho’s desire that Charaxus ‘find us steadfast’ (κἄμμ’ ἐπεύρην ἀρτ̣έ̣μεαϲ, 9), but the adjective
is formulaic in the context of a warrior returning from battle (Iliad 5.515 = 7.308) and in a nostos
setting likely to be an underrepresented formula. The influence of the Odyssey on the Lesbian
poets is generally doubted in most recent scholarship (above, n. 14).
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Sappho and Epic
61
epic and myth – wives, mothers, and sisters – could just as well, or even
better, be implicated in this role (Andromache, Clytemnestra, Electra, etc.).
Sappho once more foregrounds the perspective on this situation of the
family members and specifically, though not only, of the women left
behind. These voices and views are not unheard in epic, since the situation
of the absent hero’s wife, family, and community are constant elements in
epic nostoi, but once more Sappho puts this experience at the poetic centre,
and makes it the determinative voice. She takes an active role in configuring Charaxus’ activity for her addressee, and asserts an authoritative understanding of the gods’ workings – a cautious attitude towards male
behaviour once more familiar from epic, in Andromache’s restraint of
Hector (Iliad 6.407–39) or Hecabe’s attempt to temper Priam’s adventurism (24.200–16). However, unlike those cases, Sappho’s view is not silenced
by male counteraction. There is no attempt to put her back into a confined
space, as Telemachus so forcefully represses Penelope (Odyssey 1.345–59);
instead, Sappho continues by pronouncing on her other brother’s shortcomings as well (Brothers Poem 17–20)! In doing so, she appropriates the
conventions more readily associated with warning-figures like Nestor and
Theoclymenus, and even with poets like Hesiod and Theognis.34
Sappho returns to the nostos theme several times.35 In fr. 5, she prays to
the Nereids directly for the safe homecoming of an unnamed brother
(perhaps Charaxus once more), while in fr. 17 she focuses on Hera as the
source of her family’s safety and prosperity,36 and gives a history for
the goddess’s cult established by the Atridae on Lesbos which differs from
the Homeric version of the Greek army’s nostos from Troy.37 In fr. 15
Sappho turns her ire (once more? cf. above) on Doricha, expressing a
desire that her boasting should end.
We cannot be certain that all of these cases engage with specific epic
exemplars, any more than, say, any story about Helen must draw on the
Iliad. At times, indeed, we may suspect that nothing is owed to epos,
especially but not only when Sappho’s language does not show the same
kinds of saturation as fr. 1 (and even there the use of hymnic conventions
need not only resonate with epic, since prayers and invocations have a
lyric background too). Thus, for instance, there are many points of
34
35
36
37
Cf. Swift 2018 on the brother theme, Kelly 2008 on paraenetic conventions.
Boedeker 2016.
Cf. P.Sapph.Obbink 5–9. For this devotional aspect, see Rösler, Swift.
In Homer, the Atridae quarrel in Troy before they leave, and Menelaus comes to Lesbos without
his brother: cf. Odyssey 3.167–9 with Meyerhoff 1984: 223–6, West 2002: 212–13 = 2011–13: i 399,
Lidov 2004: 401–2, Spelman 2017a: 745–6.
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agreement between her and Hesiod about ‘poetic theology’, including the
notion that Pieria is the home of the Muses (frr. 55.3, 103.8; Theogony
52–4, Works and Days 1) or that Leto was the daughter of Coeus (fr. 44
A(a).2; Theogony 404–8), but it is not at all clear that this ‘derives from
Hesiod’ rather than reflecting simply the same general store of tradition.38
In fact, Sappho’s poetry can sometimes help us to see more clearly the
lively and varied discourse between and within other traditions, and flesh
out our rather exiguous picture of early Greek storytelling. For instance,
her emphasis on the weakness of the aged mortal Tithonus in the
Tithonus Poem suggests a tension with his wife, the goddess Dawn, and
aligns Sappho more closely with Mimnermus (fr. 4 IEG) and the Homeric
Hymn to Aphrodite (218–38),39 against the story assumed in the Homeric
formulae (Iliad 11.1–2, etc.) where Dawn rises from Tithonus’ side each
day without any such hint.
But none of these qualifications seem to apply when it comes to fr. 44,
‘Sappho’s most Homeric poem’,40 which tells the wedding of Hector and
Andromache.41 Once considered an epithalamium even though it does not
refer to any contemporary setting, it tells in deliberately epic language
and style, and with a pronounced dactylic rhythm, the entrance of the
couple into Troy.42 Given that Homer mentioned their wedding on several occasions (Iliad 22.470–2, etc.), it is tempting to follow those scholars
who see here Sappho drawing directly on several Homeric passages to create a pastiche of the Iliad in miniature, to herald their foreboding and
unhappy future even at the moment of their happy marriage. Certainly,
formular expressions abound, such as ‘glory unperishable’ (κλέοϲ ἄφθιτον,
4; cf. Iliad 9.413, etc.) and ‘over the brackish sea’ (ἐπ’ ἄλμυρον | πόντον,
7–8; cf. ἁλμυρὸν ὕδωρ, 8x Hom.) but these are formulae, while the epithet ‘alike to the gods’ (θεοεικέλο[ιϲ, 34; cf. ἴ]κελοι θέοι[ϲ, 21), confined in
the Iliad to Achilles (1.131) and so sometimes interpreted as a pointed reference to Hector’s killer, is used in early hexameter for a number of figures (Odyssey 3.416, Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 279, etc.). Similarly, the
Trojan herald Idaeus, who marks the couple’s arrival into the city
38
39
40
41
42
West 2002: 215–16 = 2011–13: i 403, with more examples, going on to suggest that other similarities
are ‘Hesiodic in spirit, if not in the letter’.
Cf. Faulkner 2008: 270–1. For the Tithonus Poem, see Obbink 2009 and the other essays in
Greene and Skinner 2009.
Rissman 1983: 121.
For this poem cf. Rissman 1983: 119–41, Meyerhoff 1984: 118–39, Schrenk 1994, Suárez de la Torre
2008, E. Bowie 2010: 71–4, Kelly 2015a: 28–9, Sampson 2016, Spelman 2017a.
Page 1955: 64–74, A. Bowie 1981: 32–5, Broger 1996: 54–73.
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Sappho and Epic
63
(fr. 44.3–11), is known to us only from the Iliad, where he conveys to the
Greeks Paris’ unsatisfactory peace offering in Book 7 and accompanies
Priam to Achilles’ tent in Book 24, yet he is also likely to be a traditional
figure in any story concerned with the city before its sack.43
Perhaps, then, we might consider other stories and epic texts, such as
the Cypria or its antecedents, as another or more likely background for
this poem.44 That narrative arc would have naturally included the story
of this Trojan couple, but it definitely contained a far more foreboding
pairing – Helen and Paris – an episode which left an early imprint on the
visual traditions of the Trojan War.45 Weddings in epos are in any case
often rather ambivalent affairs:46 for instance, the Lapiths and Centaurs
quarrel at one (Iliad 1.262–8), the Trojan War was caused by two marriages involving Helen, first to Menelaus in the Hesiodic Catalogue of
Women (frr. 196–204 M–W) and then to Paris in the Cypria
(Argumentum 2 GEF) – not to mention her further marriage to
Deiphobus after Paris’ death (Little Iliad Argumentum 2, fr. 4 B) – while
the slaughter of the suitors in the remarriage contest in the Odyssey is the
most obvious extant case. More directly, the marriage of Hector and
Andromache is inevitably bound up with the destruction of Troy and the
death of Astyanax, which seems to have gained early purchase within literary and visual discourse on war, with e.g. the Iliou persis (Argumentum
20 B) and the Little Iliad (fr. 21 B) bothering to differ on the identity of
the boy’s killer (Odysseus/Neoptolemus).47 Whatever the immediate
inspiration of Sappho’s narrative, fr. 44 still evokes Troy’s destruction, a
generic statement which pointedly contrasts epic subject matter with the
apparent purpose of an epithalamium.
Aside from the question of its mythological sources, the poem shows
us once more the fronting of the female experience, participation, and
perspective: Idaeus’ praise of Andromache’s appearance and her dowry
(8–10) finds its Trojan correspondence in the joyful participation of the
women, including singing from maidens and older women as well
43
44
45
46
47
Wathelet 1988: i 598–600 (§157).
Spelman 2017a; contra West 2002: 213 = 2011–13: i 399–400. For other links with the Cypria, see
above, p. 55.
This story is also treated elsewhere in Lesbian melos, e.g. fr. 16 (above) and Alcaeus fr. 283, so that
once more we should be wary of confining our conception of the poetic background to epos.
Haubold 2000: 137–43, Cingano 2005: 124–7.
Anderson 1997: 54–6, Burgess 2012: 176–82, Davies and Finglass 2014: 438–9. Scodel p. 198 and
n. 21 suggests that Sappho may have known later attested stories of Scamandrius (i.e. a separate
figure, and not simply Astyanax’s original name, as in Iliad 6.402–3) in which he refounds Troy,
intimating a less uniformly negative outcome.
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Adrian Kelly
(14–16, 25–7, 31). The pair’s ‘glory imperishable’ (4) certainly encompasses
the wife’s contribution, and the gloomy future is contrasted with her
promise, so that we can see Sappho positioning her recreations of epic
stories and themes again in an ambitious way, juxtaposing the loss and
violence of that world – in its entirety – through an unbearably heavy
contrast with the hope and expectation represented in the figure of
Andromache herself. Once more, as Sappho asks us to venture into her
reframing of the epic world, it is a version where the female presence is as
prominent, articulate, and visible as the male.48
***
Perhaps the gaps in the evidence do not matter: whether Sappho drew on
her audience’s knowledge of the Iliad (or any other text) and/or simply
invoked a shifting and generic understanding of the stories and norms of
epos, we can still see her thorough and varied engagement with that tradition. This is no straightforward process of rejection or preclusion, but an
(ant-)agonistic and subtle appropriation of an avowedly patriarchal form
to foreground the participation and determinative abilities of women. The
epigraph to this chapter captures something of that reframing, but not all,
since Sappho’s attempts to reorient the epic world and its perspectives are
redolent not so much of a separate poetic aimed at women, but a universalising encouragement to hear and appreciate the vibrant female voices
otherwise kept behind the curtain of early Greek poetry and culture.
Further Reading
The fundamental intertextual examination of a direct relationship
between Sappho and Homer is Rissman 1983 (with counterarguments in
Steinrück 1999, Kelly 2015a), while the broader epic interaction of the
Lesbian poets is surveyed by West 2002 = 2011–13: i 392–407. Graziosi
and Haubold 2009 comment sensibly on the relationship between epos
and melos in early Greek literary history; R. Fowler 1987 remains indispensible for the whole question. The treatment of fr. 44 in Spelman
2017a is particularly illuminating, as is the commentary on early lyric,
including Sappho, in Budelmann 2018.
48
The loss of Sappho’s treatment of the story of Prometheus and Pandora (fr. 207) is to be regretted
all the more keenly for this fact; Swift p. 213.
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