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Introduction to a special issue of Patterns of Prejudice: "Refugees Then and Now: Memory, History and Politics in the Long Twentieth Century"
Reflecting on her voluntary/volunteering work with refugees in Greece, in this piece Sarah El Sheikh highlights how people affected by displacement respond to and resist different narratives and policies developed about (and against) refugees. Echoing other contributions to our Representations of Displacement Series [ie. see here and here], Sarah argues that, in response to narratives that demonise refugees, counter-arguments that intend to evoke compassion are similarly dehumanising. These can sometimes idealise and homogenise refugees, leaving them devoid of their particular, messy and historically-situated experiences. We therefore urgently need to find alternative ways of representing refugees that do not dehumanise them through either of the processes of demonisation or idealisation.
Refugee Survey Quarterly, 2007
This article examines a pressing problem for those concerned with research on forced migration-the absence of refugees from most historical work, and the low profi le of history in Refugee Studies. Using examples from Europe and South Asia, it considers why refugees have been "silenced" by history and how we can develop positive, inclusive approaches to the past.
Georgetown Journal of International Law, 2014
In this Article, I argue that the UN Refugee Agency's global policy for addressing foreignness or xenophobic discrimination is inadequate. By focusing narrowly on harm to refugees resulting from explicit anti-foreigner prejudice, it ignores pervasive structural xenophobic discrimination-rights violations that result from the disproportionate effect of facially neutral measures on refugees due to their status as foreigners. I argue that the international human rights law that the UN Refugee Agency has used to compel regulation of explicit prejudice-based xenophobic discrimination also requires regulation of structural xenophobic discrimination. As a result, the UN Refugee Agency should adopt an inclusive approach that targets both forms of xenophobic discrimination.
2014
In this Article, I argue that the UN Refugee Agency’s global policy for addressing foreignness or xenophobic discrimination is inadequate. By focusing narrowly on harm to refugees resulting from explicit anti-foreigner prejudice, it ignores pervasive structural xenophobic discrimination—rights violations that result from the disproportionate effect of facially neutral measures on refugees due to their status as foreigners. I argue that the international human rights law that the UN Refugee Agency has used to compel regulation of explicit prejudice-based xenophobic discrimination also requires regulation of structural xenophobic discrimination. As a result, the UN Refugee Agency should adopt an inclusive approach that targets both forms of xenophobic discrimination.
Refugees and minorities dominate contemporary international politics and the western humanitarian imagination bringing Hollywood stars to the most devastated parts of the Global South. And yet during the twentieth century, the global south was Europe itself. The collapse of the great multi-ethnic empires, the two World Wars, and finally the end of the Cold War created an unprecedented number of minorities and refugees. Millions of Germans, Greeks, Jews, Russians, and no less Muslims, came to constitute a major humanitarian and political issue for states, international organizations and private humanitarian associations alike. This course draws from the insights of history, minority and refugee studies, and international relations and uses a variety of sources (from parliamentary reports to refugee testimonies, and from films to literature), to examine this phenomenon. Bringing Europe’s ‘periphery’ (the Balkans and East Central Europe), into a closer conversation with each other, it explores state policies and local responses in order to highlight the importance of the minorities and refugees in the shaping of societies, states, and interstate relations in Europe’s twentieth century and no less our contemporary humanitarian sensibilities.
Central European History, 2019
2013
The challenge to humanitarianism posed by the vexed question of refugees and asylum seekers lies at the core of articles in this issue. In Western nations its demise is dramatic. Fanning the flames of xenophobia and racial prejudice to deflect attention from political issues is now a common ploy of governments. The problem is such that in 2012, The Council of Europe passed a resolution concerning the portrayal of refugees during election campaigns. The resolution noted Europe’s long history of emigration and its need for immigrants at a time of population ageing and a general public perception that refugees erode European cultural traditions. The Assembly regarded xenophobia to be responsible for ‘challenging democratic principles and respect for human dignity’ and felt that a strategy was needed to combat xenophobia during election campaigns. The problem was the habitual tendency of some candidates and political parties to present ‘migrants and refugees as a threat to and a burden on society’ (Parliamentary Assembly 2012). The Assembly also pointed out that the use of racist representations as an election ploy encourages the rise of xenophobic populist parties and feeds into more radical government anti-immigration policy. The resolution called for an ‘enhanced ethics in politics to help reduce racist tendencies in society’ (Parliamentary Assembly 2012) and urged politicians to take responsibility for the elimination of negative stereotyping and the stigmatisation of minority or migrant groups in political discourse and election campaigns.
Paper presented to ‘Agents of Internationalism’: first international workshop, Birkbeck College, University of London, 19-20 June 2014
This paper posits that prejudice plays a significant role in the lack of resolve to develop and implement effective responses by the United States and other western governments to refugee populations in developing countries. This discourse examines the construction of racism and prejudice in the United States towards persons of African descent and other persons of color against the backdrop of two phenomena in the 21 st Century. The first is the growing recognition in security literature that human security and global security are interdependent. The second is the realization that one of the greatest human security challenges is the large, ever-increasing refugee population in developing nations and Eastern Europe. Interrelated concepts of: group status, stereotyping, system-justifying beliefs and social identity theory will be included in this discourse.
Humanities and social sciences, 2022
This article demonstrates that the Universal Human Right to asylum is not uniformly guaranteed to all asylum seekers pursuing refuge in Western countries. Many Western countries accept fewer asylum seekers than might be expected based on the relative size of their populations. Furthermore, many Western countries seem biased towards people fleeing from Africa and the Middle East. They too are people trying to escape extremely dire circumstances. To substantiate this conclusion, a tripartite approach was pursued. First, the existing premises used by the West that frame the refugee as not "Our Kind of People" or "Our Kind of Color" were elaborated upon. Second, to actually demonstrate this bias, quantitative assessments were conducted in which forcibly displaced persons from around the world were analyzed using UNHCR data. The premise here, being that numbers do not lie. This analysis shows that only a minority of all refugees (0.119%) obtain legal status (Naturalization + Resettlement Arrivals)/ Total number of Fleeing Persons). Furthermore, this analysis shows that the relationship between the number of refugees to Western countries and the total population of those individual Western countries is an exponential function (Y = 0.0118X 0.9455) with an explained variance of 0.4649 (R 2). In short, there are individual Western countries that accept fewer refugees and that accept more refugees than might be expected based on their total population. But there are also countries that do exactly what should be expected of them based on that country's total population. Lastly, qualitative assessments were made that examined the policy and practices that govern the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers in select Western countries, including Australia, Türkiye, Palestine, the European Union, Canada, and the United States. These three lines unequivocally demonstrate the influence of institutional racism on the mass migration of people seeking asylum.
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