Notes Part 2.docx

NOTES PART 2: Ideologies These notes accompany part 2 of The Stories We Live By: an online course in ecolinguistics, and are based on chapter 2 of the Routledge book Ecolinguistics: language, ecology and the stories we live by. Introduction Ideologies, in the sense of the term used in this course, are stories shared by specific groups. The ideologies reveal themselves through discourses, which are characteristic forms of language used by groups or institutions. Kress (2010, p. 110) describes how discourses construct ‘meaning about the world from an institutional position’ and are ‘meaning-resources available in society to make sense of the world, social and natural’. The types of institution he has in mind include education, medicine, science, law, the church, and ‘less tangibly, institutions such as “the family”’. Even less tangibly, though still usefully, we could include schools of art and writing, such as Chinese Shan Shui, Japanese nature haiku, or New Nature Writing, particularly when the movements are coordinated by members through mutual praise, criticism and imitation. All these institutions have their own characteristic ways of using language and visual images which give clues to reveal their underlying ideologies. Type of story IDEOLOGY What it is a story about how the world was, is and should be, in the minds of members of a group What to look for discourses, i.e., characteristic language features used by members of a group Example: people are selfish. Consumers will want to purchase more of a good as its price goes down. We believe that these assumptions hold for most people in most situations… More is better than less: Goods are assumed to be desirable – i.e., to be good. Consequently, consumers always prefer more of any good to less. Consumers are never satisfied or satiated; more is always better, even if just a little better.People, both rich and poor, want more than they can have (from various economics textbooks). Example: money buys happiness. Life isn’t always neat and tidy. It’s about laughing, crying, loving, dancing. So we’ve developed the new QuickClick tool change system to save you energy and time to enjoy what we’ve all been put into the world to do. Live. (vacuum cleaner advertisement) Discussion question: What stories are we told by the groups that make up our society? By economists, advertisers, conservative politicians, environmental campaigners, bankers, nature writers etc. Are these stories destructive, ambivalent or beneficial? Chapter Summary Chapter 2 of Ecolinguistics: language, ecology and the stories we live by. (Stibbe: 2015) Chapter 2 described discourses as characteristic forms of language used by particular groups which convey the group’s ideology. Ideologies, in turn, are cognitive stories about how the world was, is, will be and should be. Some discourses are destructive, in telling stories which contradict the principles of the ecosophy that the analyst is working with; some are ambivalent in partially aligning and partially opposing the ecosophy; while some are beneficial in aligning with the ecosophy. Based on the ecosophy of this book, the discourses of neoclassical economics, advertising, intensive animal agriculture, and certain lifestyle magazines were given as examples of destructive discourses because of the ideologies they convey: that people are selfishly engaged in maximising their own satisfaction through consumption, that unnecessary products are a path towards satisfaction, that gender is defined by consumption of products, or that animals are machines or objects to be exploited. Certain mainstream discourses of environmentalism, ecology, and conservation were considered to be ambivalent discourses since while they attempt to mitigate the ecological damage caused by the destructive discourses, they are frequently based on similar assumptions. In particular, these discourses rarely call for a reduction in overall consumption, significant changes in social arrangements, or recognition of the intrinsic value of nature, often offering only small technical adjustments as a solution to ecological issues. The chapter turned towards both modern movements such as New Economics and traditional discourses from cultures around the world in the search for beneficial discourses that tell stories that are useful in dealing with the ecological issues we face. Glossary Affect: In appraisal patterns, expressions of affect represent participants as feeling a certain way towards something (e.g., delighted by X or devastated by X). Ambivalent story: A story which only partially accords with the ecosophy of the analyst (e.g. it is seen as having mixed benefits and drawbacks in encouraging people to protect the ecosystems that life depends on). Beneficial story: A story which accords with the ecosophy of the analyst (e.g. it is seen as encouraging people to protect the ecosystems that life depends on). Critical Discourse Analysis: A form of linguistics which brings together social theory and detailed linguistic analysis to investigate how language structures society, in particular the role it plays in structuring relationships of oppression. Destructive story: A story which opposes or contradicts the ecosophy of the analyst (e.g. it is seen encouraging people to destroy the ecosystems that life depends on). Discourse: A characteristic way that a particular group in society uses language, images, and other forms of representation (e.g. the discourse of neoclassical economists, environmentalists, or New Nature Writers). Ecosophy: An ecological philosophy, i.e., a normative set of principles and assumptions about relationships among humans, other forms of life and the physical environment. Analysts use their own ecosophy to judge the stories that they reveal through linguistic analysis. Extrinsic value: Where value is placed on goals such as profit, status, fame, winning competitions or other self-serving goals which, in themselves, make no contribution to the common good. In other words, the goals are not an ethical end in themselves. Hegemony: The exercising of power through acquiescence, e.g. through presenting an ideology as ‘just the way things are’ rather than one viewpoint among many other possible viewpoints. Ideology: A belief system about how the world was, is, will be or should be, which is shared by members of a particular group in society. Intrinsic values: Where value is placed on goals such as alleviating poverty, contributing to the wellbeing of others, protecting the environment, or other altruistic goals which, in themselves, contribute to the common good. In other words, the goals are an ethical end in themselves. Story-we-live-by: A story in the minds of multiple individuals across a culture. References and Further Reading Alexander, R., 2009. Framing discourse on the environment: a critical discourse approach. New York: Routledge. Benton-Short, L., 1999. Environmental discourse and practice. Oxford: Blackwell. Blackmore, E. and Holmes, T., eds., 2013. Common cause for nature: values and frames in conservation. Machynlleth, Wales: Public Interest Research Centre. Bloor, M. and Bloor, T., 2007. The practice of critical discourse analysis: an introduction. London: Routledge. Chawla, S., 2001. Linguistic and philosophical roots of our environmental crisis. In: A. Fill and P. Mühlhäusler, eds. The ecolinguistics reader: language, ecology, and environment. London: Continuum, 109–114. Cook, G., 2001. The discourse of advertising. 2nd Ed. London: Routledge. Van Dijk, T., ed., 2011. Discourse studies: a multidisciplinary introduction. 2nd ed. London: Sage. Fairclough, N., 1992a. Discourse and social change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Fairclough, N., 2003. Analysing discourse: textual analysis for social research. London: Routledge. Gare, A., 2002. Human ecology and public policy: overcoming the hegemony of economics. Democracy & Nature, 8 (1), 131–141. Goatly, A., 2000. Critical reading and writing: an introductory coursebook. London: Routledge. Kress, G., 2010. Multimodality: a social semiotic approach to contemporary communication. London: Routledge. Kress, G. and Van Leeuwen, T., 2006. Reading images: the grammar of visual design. 2nd Ed. London: Routledge. Lakoff, G., 2010. Why it matters how we frame the environment. Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture, 4 (1), 70–81. Meisner, M., 1995. Resourcist language: the symbolic enslavement of nature. In: D. Sachsman, K. Salomone, and S. Seneca, eds. Proceedings of the conference on communication and our environment. Chattanooga: University of Tennessee, 236–243. Stibbe, A., 2012. Animals Erased: Discourse, Ecology, and Reconstruction with the Natural World. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. These notes draw brief extracts from Stibbe (2015: p.183-188), and glossary items from Stibbe (2015: p.200-207). Data examples are from the Ecolinguistics Text Collection (www.storiesweliveby.org.uk/references) Extract From: Stibbe, A., 2003. As charming as a pig: The discursive construction of the relationship between pigs and humans. Society and Animals, 11 (4), 375–392. In this extract, the discourse of the Pork Industry is analysed, revealing the underlying ideologies behind the selection of linguistic features. These ideologies help to justify a form of farming which is both inhumane for the animals and ecologically destructive. The discourse of the pork industry can be characterised as scientific and technical. There are therefore no explicit insults: pigs are never officially described as ignorant, selfish, greedy, nasty or filthy. Yet it is possible, within scientific and technical discourse, to insert hidden ideological assumptions which none-the-less construct pigs in a negative way. It is easy to notice the explicit insults hurled at pigs in mainstream discourse, and counter them with facts about, for example, the cleanliness and sociability of pigs. However, noticing the implicit ideological assumptions in technical discourse requires deeper analysis. This section conducts such an analysis, using the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough 1992, Van Dijk 1993). The analysis focuses on the standard reference manual of the pork industry, the Pork Industry Handbook (PIH 2002), a document which both reflects and propagates pork industry discourse. [The CD-ROM version of the PIH was used for analysis. Numbers in references to the PIH refer to information sheet numbers (rather than page numbers), as these are the same for both the CD-ROM and print version.] According to its own publicity, the Pork Industry Handbook (henceforth PIH) is written by 'more than 800 authors and reviewers', and is used in '45 states representing about 99% of the pork production in the US' (PIH2003: L233). And within the information sheets which make up the PIH, lost amongst countless instructions for the proper raising of pork, is nothing less than the redefinition of an entire species. Analysis of the Pork Industry Handbook (PIH) The PIH states that 'Since the early 1970s, the swine industry has continued to move towards specialisation, mechanisation and enclosed housing for the rearing of livestock' (PIH 2002:104). A similar statement could be made about the language of the PIH, which has become specialised and technologised (to use Fairclough's 1992 term) to serve the goals of the industry. And the goals are clear: 'the business of producing pork is the primary, and most frequently, the only objective' (PIH 2002:83), 'The goal of the workplace is to minimise the amount of time (labor) spent on…each animal unit' (PIH 2002:8), and above all else, 'The success of a swine enterprise is measured in terms of profit' (PIH 2002:100). To achieve these goals pigs have been linguistically re-conceptualised on a fundamental level, starting with a redefinition of the concept of their 'health': Quote 1) Health is the condition of an animal with regard to the performance of its vital functions. The vital functions of the pig are reproduction and growth. They are vital because they are major contributors to the economic sustainability of the pork production enterprise. (PIH 2002:140) Usually, 'vital functions' refer to those bodily functions upon which life depends, such as digestion or the circulation of blood. However, in the redefinition of Quote 1, the bodily functions of the pigs are not vital to the individual animal but to the 'pork production enterprise'. This metaphorically constructs the enterprise as a huge animate being whose life depends on making a profit, with pigs rendered collectively vital but individually dispensable cells making up this larger being. Disease is defined in similar terms: 'Disease is a major risk to farm sustainability, thus protection of herd health is a top priority' (PIH 2002:140). Note that 'health' has been replaced by the term 'herd health', leading to a situation where 'Verbally subsumed into the flock or herd, nonhumans disappear as individuals' (Dunayer 2001:140). PIH (2002:140) describes the way that designing health strategies 'for herds of animals requires a very different approach than those used for individual animals' (PIH 2002:140). And when pigs disappear as individuals, their individual health problems also disappear from official consideration. Individual pigs each have a function in keeping the 'enterprise-being' alive, and their lives are defined narrowly in terms of this function. Linguistically, adjectival pre-modifiers are used to incorporate the function into the designation of individuals. Thus we find nursery pig (PIH 2002:146), grower pig (ibid), farrowing pig (ibid), feeder pig (PIH 2002:6), finisher pig (PIH 2002:146), carry-over sow (PIH 2002:83), cull sow (PIH 2002:123), market hog (PIH 2002:6), and slaughter hog (PIH 2002:12). Health is measured solely in terms of ability to perform the desired function, allowing genuine health problems which do not conflict with the function to be ignored. Examples of this are given in quotes 2-4: Quote 2) Claw injuries have been shown to be greater on total slats than on partial slats. However, the effect of claw injuries on growth rate appears to be slight (PIH 2002:53) Quote 3) Pigs can be subjected to very high levels of ammonia for a relatively long time with little adverse production effect (PIH 2002:54) Quote 4) [about swine flu] Pigs develop high fevers…exhibit rapid forced breathing…a harsh barking cough…pregnant animals frequently abort. Although pigs appear to be quite ill…death loss is minimal (PIH 2002:141 emphasis added) In quote 3 the irritation and respiratory problems associated with ammonia are ignored because they do not affect the 'growth rate'. In quote 4, despite the long list of symptoms, pigs only 'appear' to be ill, because financial loss due to their death is minimal. According to the PIH definition of health, pigs are only 'actually' ill when their health problems have a financial impact…. The death of pigs due to the diseases and injuries associated with intensive farming is rendered not as a tragedy, but as a purely economic consideration through the phrase 'death loss' (eg, in quote 8). Quote 8) …in large continuous flow operations…Death loss and the number of chronically ill poor-doing pigs that result may be quite high (PIH 2002: 141) The use of the expression 'death loss' avoids mentioning who died, and is used elsewhere as a euphemism for the 'dead bodies of pigs' who die from illness or injury (quote 9). Quote 9) In a typical scenario, a bin is filled with three months death losses (133) Among the 'death losses' are animals who, having been ill or injured have been the subject of another euphemism, what PIH (2002:146) calls 'humane euthanasia' (see Dunayer 2001:137, 141). The fact that this is a euphemism is illustrated in PIH (2002:18), quote 10, which describes one method for performing 'humane euthanasia'. Quote 10) hold the piglet by its hind legs and forcefully hit the piglet's head against a hard surface such as concrete (PIH 2002:18) The use of the pronoun 'it' in Quote 10 is perhaps not accidental since it makes the piglet seem more like an object than a baby, making it easier to kill him or her. The pronouns 'he' and 'she' are, in fact, used in the PIH for less violent scenarios, but pigs are often objectified by the pronoun 'it' (eg, PIH 2002:54,140,58,122,128,87 etc). Another way of objectifying pigs is through the use of the metaphor 'pig as a machine' (Coats 1989:32; Stibbe 2002). Singer (1975:126) quotes the pork industry's explicit statement that a sow should be 'thought of, and treated as, a valuable piece of machinery'. However, the PIH itself contains no such direct linking of pigs to machines, perhaps because animal rights activists use such examples to illustrate the cruelty of the pork industry. Instead, the PIH uses expressions which presuppose that pigs are machines, making the ideology both covert and more powerful. Quotes 11-15 are examples of this, with emphasis added. Quote 11) As long as boars remain structurally sound and are aggressive breeders, fertility is generally maintained (PIH 2002: 1) Quote 12) Adequate boar power is critically essential to take advantage of synchronization of postweaning heat. (PIH 2002: 8) Quote 13) Pigs suppress eating and increase water intake during periods of heat stress (PIH 2002: 54) Quote 14) To prevent sow breakdown make sure the lactation ration is properly fortified…(PIH 2002: 8) Quote 15) sow durability and temperament are very important considerations (PIH 2002: 145) There are many other examples of the metaphorical reconstructed of pigs as inanimate objects. Pigs are presented as resources which are 'produced' (PIH 2002:85), have 'salvage value' (PIH 2002:8) and appear in lists with other kinds of resources, eg, 'efficient flow of feed, hogs and waste' (PIH 2002:70). The word 'damage' is used rather than 'injury' (PIH 2002:8); piglets are 'processed' (tails cut off, teeth cut, ears cut, castrated) (PIH 2002:18); boars are 'used' (PIH 2002:83) and sows are talked about in terms of 'volume slaughtered' rather than number (PIH 2002: 132). Finally, there are several cases in the PIH where the distinction between living animals and meat products becomes blurred. Hedgepeth (1998:76) describes this as a difficulty in viewing 'hogs as hogs rather than as neatly packaged collected assortments of ambulatory pork', and Adams (1993:204) captures the attitude with the simple expression 'To be a pig is to be pork'. Quotes 16-18 are examples of expressions where living animals are equated with meat. Quote 16) Some hogs have weak hindquarters, and they are more likely to fall down and "split." The damaged meat has to be trimmed (PIH 2002:116) Quote 17) Choosing a meaty, lean herd sire will probably do more to improve carcass leanness than will altering various environmental aspects (PIH 2002:100) Quote 18) One should incorporate meat-type animals into the breeding herd…(PIH 2002:26) The creation of a high intensity pig farm demands a great deal of technology, including cages, farrowing stalls, and machines to regulate the environment and flow of feed and waste. But as important as the technology is language itself, because language plays a central role in the design, construction, and everyday operation of the farm. Nowhere does the discourse of the PIH explicitly state that pigs should be treated as objects, that their pain and misery should be ignored, that they are just pork rather than animals. Instead, the ideology is covertly conveyed and perpetuated in the equations, tables, technical jargon and, above all else, in presuppositions permeating the book. And the ideology is all the more powerful and resistant to criticism through being covert. References Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press Van Dijk, Teun (1993) ‘Principles of Critical Discourse Analysis’, Discourse and Society, 4(2): 249-283 PIH (2002) The Pork Industry Handbook (electronic version). Purdue University Press Dunayer, J. (2001). Animal equality: language and liberation. Derwood, Maryland: Ryce The Stories We Live By: an online course in ecolinguistics. www.storiesweliveby.org.uk