Cultural Reform – A Review of ABCA Armed Forces

Cultural Reform – A Review of ABCA Armed Forces Major Cate Carter Executive Summary In reviewing Military Cultural Reform in ABCA countries, two things are apparent. First, a significant amount of all social policy reform has occurred in the last 15 years; and second, all four countries have tended to be reactive to public opinion, rather than proactive. Some armies are more vocal about cultural change than others. Arguably, Britain and Canada represent the two poles. The British are vocally resistant to sweeping change. Their position is essentially that the Army is a different creature from society, and therefore should not be expected to adhere to the same moral code. Moreover, they say, if the British people want an aggressive and adaptable force, then they should jolly well leave them alone to get on with it. Consequently, the British are vocal about why they shouldn’t have to change. The Canadian sentiment is predictably more egalitarian. But of course! they say. The armed force is part of the fabric of Canadian society, and should be fully answerable and representative to it. Furthermore, it should provide meaningful careers for Canada’s youth, female and aboriginal citizens. Canada is quick to point out that it is not the army it used to be. It has modernised, jettisoning its old, nepotistic ways; and per capita, it has implemented the most initiatives of all the armies. Consequently, the Canadians are quite vocal about changing. Less vocal are the armies of Australia and the United States. Perhaps not as confident of their ever-changing relationship with the public, their cultural evolution is more a reflection of broader social reform and economic need. In the US, the Generals are encouraging, emphasising the message that it’s not Vietnam anymore. In Australia, military leaders are pushing a message of obligation towards the community. Common to all however, is the practice of bringing about change in response to an atrocity. Typical across the group are incidents of sexual misconduct, torture, bullying, and alcohol abuse; and in the fallout after these incidents, there was a perceived or reported public outcry, and the armies answered the public by commissioning investigations. There is less evidence of organic reform, or peculiar issue identification. Chiefly, each armed force, perhaps through a shared, high operational tempo, has enacted a considerable amount of cultural change in a short time. Review Framework The review begins with a background of each army’s contemporary, cultural reform history. These events set the scene for current cultural dispositions, and go some way to explain the zeitgeist in each army’s cultural thinking. We follow with some discussion about the outcomes of initiative groupings, and the response to their implementation. The review continues with some observations about each army’s relationship with their public, how public perception is measured, and to what extent it influences cultural reform. Finally, it concludes that there are implications for the Australian Army in the way it approaches cultural identification and reform, and recognises opportunities to lead and provide originality in the field. 1 Cultural Evolution Britain In 1990, the end of the cold war brought about a review of the role of the British Army. ‘Options for Change’ was a parliamentary proposal which addressed structural change, and resulted in a reduction in size of eighteen percent. The Army then moved towards organisational change with The Bett Report, released in 1995, which reviewed the Armed Forces’ Manpower, Career and Remuneration Structures. Pressure to conform to European Human Rights Conventions resulted in calls for in-service discussions about independent representation, but were largely not taken up; 1 however, following the election of the new Labour government in 1997, the Army released a piece of doctrine which would act as a safeguard against a perceived political emphasis on international human rights conventions. 2 This became the precursor of the Military Covenant which first appeared publicly in 2000 as a statement published by the Army, which described the triangular relationship between the Army, government, and society. Calls for a strategic approach to ‘people issues’ in 2001, introduced the question of cultural change. Issues of ‘gender’ and ‘sexual orientation’ might be better managed strategically, suggested Christopher Dandeker, and he offered four categories of changes to be considered under this heading: 3 • • • • Changes to be embraced with enthusiasm (equal opportunity and anti-harassment/bullying). Changes to be treated with caution (sexual orientation). Changes that may risk operational effectiveness (military unions – a big point of difference from society – particularly with European policy pressure, women in combat, disabled employment possibilities). Need-to-be-different issues (articulating the differences between Army and society, and Army and other services). On closer scrutiny, this seems to be a framework designed for an organisation that is change resistant. It guarantees some change at least, but only at the first level. Care should be taken before ‘ranking’ changes, lest all under the top level are cast aside. In 2000, the Labor government lifted the ban to allow gay members to serve openly, and introduced a new Code of Sexual Conduct. In 2009, the LGBTI support website and social media network ‘Proud2Serve’ was launched. In 2008, Chief of the General Staff, Sir Richard Dannatt, released the document: ‘Values and Standards of the British Army’, consisting of 6 values (courage, discipline, respect, integrity, loyalty and selfless commitment), and 3 standards (lawful, professional and appropriate behaviour). By 2013 large numbers of troops started to return from the Middle Eastern theatre and a study funded by the Medical Research Council and the Ministry of Defence (MoD), found links between violent offending and alcohol misuse in returned service personnel. In 2015, Prof. Neil Greenberg (military health at Royal College of Psychiatrists) suggested that the military could be encouraging excessive drinking by having ‘customary practices’ that involve alcohol. 4 Debate ensued between military members both criticising and defending the Army’s use of alcohol. In September 2015, the new Chief of the General Staff, General Sir Nick Carter announced a New Leadership Code to address bullying, harassment and discrimination; stating that while there was nothing wrong with Army culture, it needed to evolve. 5 The Leadership Code states that the Army’s Values of Courage, Discipline, Respect for Others, Integrity, Loyalty and Selfless Commitment were “what sets us apart from society”, but goes on to say that “…such laws establish the baseline for the standards of personal conduct of the soldier as a citizen”. During 2016, Nick Carter defended the new Code in the light of the inquest into the Deepcut Barracks deaths in 1995. 2 I would be surprised if it occurred again. I'd never say it cannot happen, because of course it can, but we have put in place a lot of very different processes to ensure those sorts of things don't happen in the future. 6 At the beginning of 2016, the MoD published diversity figures which revealed a decline in Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) officers and none in the Senior Leadership Group. To change these statistics in the long term, the MoD had previously set a target of 10% non-white by 2020, but there was no increase from 5% in BAME recruits in 2016. 7 Cultural Initiatives Summary • • • A New Leadership Code LGBTI social media network Diversity recruiting targets Summary. The messages here are owned by the British Army rather than the MoD. The language surrounding these changes reveal the struggle the British Army has between being ‘of the community’ and ‘outside the community’, ideas of ‘tradition’ and ‘modernism’, policies of ‘inclusivity’ and ‘exclusivity’, and environments of ‘wartime and peacetime’. Aspirational statements abound about achieving this balance, but the sense is they lack conviction, and face some opposition from within the institution. Canada During the 1980s a task force formed to consider unification of the services, found itself dealing with the perception that “the basic fiber of Canadian military society” was being “eroded” by “civilian standards and values”. 8 According to Major General Jack Vance, the problem was that the military had not defined its own ethos, therefore lacked clearly defined values, and consequently had turned to civilian values. Through an attempt to effect structural change, the task force also had to address some level of cultural identification. The cultural questions continued, and by 1989, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal introduced some ‘civilian standards’ by ordering that all roles in the Canadian Forces be open to women with a phased implementation period of ten years. The 1990s for the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) were defined by an atrocity which occurred during the Canadian Airborne Regiment mission in Somalia, as part of the UNPKO. 9 The CAF received much criticism over this from the pubic, and was considered at the time to be fostering conservative and traditional values, and a leadership culture of anti-intellectualism. The government responded by setting up the Somalia Inquiry in 1995, to review leadership and management of the CAF, and monitor progress of the mandated reforms and initiatives. One of these initiatives was the introduction of graduate studies in liberal arts, which met some internal resistance. 10 The other policy of significance during this time, was the 1992 lifting of the ban for homosexuals to serve in the military. By the end of the decade, the government was adamant that the CAF had the job of “carrying Canadian values to the world”; these being: peace, tolerance, security, stability; and a respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. 11 Anthropologist and military commentator, Professor Donna Winslow suggested that a definition of culture needed to be shared by “government, society and those serving”; 12 however, the officer corps was still being perceived as not representative of a diverse Canadian society. What made it worse was the acknowledgement that individuals in the CAF came from Canadian society and brought the values of their families, regions, and linguistic groups with them. But who were they? Were they British, American or Canadian? Were they war fighters or peacekeepers? The task, it was concluded, will define the culture. The new century brought policy on Family Violence, and in 2015, Marie Deschamps conducted an External Review into Sexual Misconduct and Sexual Harassment. The line between military and societal conduct was becoming blurred. 3 ...there is an underlying sexualized culture in the CAF that is hostile to women and LGTBQ members, and conducive to more serious incidents of sexual harassment and assault….Officers tend to excuse incidents of inappropriate conduct on the basis that the CAF is merely a reflection of civilian society. 13 Major General Christine Whitecross was appointed head of The Canadian Armed Forces Strategic Response Team on Sexual Misconduct, created after the Deschamps report. Members of the Canadian Armed Forces response team consulted the US, Australia and France. Senior leadership went to great lengths to convey to the public that it had accepted the findings of the report and was ready to act; however, was uneasy with the idea of an independent body. 14 Deschamps maintained that the creation of an independent centre outside the military (as has already been established in the United States, Australia and France), was essential. There was a sense that the CAF lacked: the intellectual framework to push its officers to question current practices and adapt to the shifting societal, political, and strategic context in which they were operating. 15 Later that year, Operation HONOUR was launched to eliminate harmful and inappropriate sexual behaviour within the CAF, and the Sexual Misconduct Response Centre (SMRC) established. 16 The CAF has not achieved such success in diversity targets, and is still under significant public pressure to better reflect a diverse population. Diversity statistics in 2014 were 14.8% women (12.4% in Army), 4.2% minorities, and 3.4% aboriginals. Consequently, employment equity goals are being revised down from 25.1% to 17.6% for women, 11.8% to 8.2% for visible minorities, and 3.4% to 2.6% for Aboriginal peoples. 17 However, individuals in these groups are not self-identifying, choosing instead to be recognised on merit, but this may have led to a lack of suitable role models for potential recruits. 18 Quite progressively, and in line with broader Government, UN and NATO initiatives in support of ‘Women, Peace and Security’, CAF introduced a tool known as Gender Based Analysis Plus (GBA+) - an analytical competency that incorporates factors such as age, education, language, culture and gender into its operational planning and analysis. 19 The government believes this will increase operational effectiveness. This tool will help understand that operating environments of natural disasters, conflict and humanitarian crises affect men, women, boys and girls differently...operations may change in quality or characteristic when we formally account for gender perspectives. 20 GBA+ is used across all federal departments and agencies of the Government of Canada. Cultural Initiatives Summary • • • • Higher education in arts for members Sexual Misconduct Response Centre Revised diversity recruiting targets GBA+ tool for gender perspectives into operational plans Summary. The Canadian path to Cultural Reform has been a ride of self-realisation. What started as a structural question quickly turned to an ontological one, diving deep into the public concern and weighty deliberations about socio-professional identity and purpose. The CAF have consulted widely, and combined both borrowed and organic measures to develop cultural policy. Unsurprisingly, there appears to be a supportive atmosphere for critical discussion; and a sense of public service. United States Much of the Cultural Reform in the US military during the 1980s and 1990s was focused on the broader questions of what the post-Vietnam and recent All-Volunteer Force, would look like. Adoption of new fighting concepts like manoeuvre and asymmetric warfare provoked discussions about identity, skill sets and 4 leadership styles. These discussions addressed collective cultural identity, and as such, acted as a kind of precursor to the later personnel reforms which addressed individual cultural identity. The first reforms responded to the needs of the large post-Gulf War veteran population (1991-2010); and the later ones (20112016) focussed on reforming social policy for the future. In 1992 the DoD recognised Brain Injury as an important defence matter and established the Defense and Veterans Brain Injury Center. As at 2015, there were 18,066 cases of Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI), 10,362 of those being from Army. Since 2000, the total number of TBI cases recorded is 339,462. 21 Recent TBI initiatives include art therapy at the National Intrepid Centre of Excellence, Bethesda, Maryland; and partnerships with the National Endowment for the Arts. In 2005, the Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO) was established, with Army launching their SHARP (Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention) program. SHARP provides guidebooks and training for all levels in Army. 22 By 2010, different reporting options were made available to victims of sexual assault. A critical addition has been ‘restricted reporting’ which allows victims to report incidents confidentially to certain personnel such as Sexual Assault Response Co-ordinators and Victim Advocates. 23 Recent SAPRO Initiatives include: awards to Units for innovating programs that prevent sexual assault; the “Plan to Prevent and Respond to Sexual Assault of Military Men,” designed to enhance outreach to military men and increase efforts to help them recover; and the Military Investigation and Justice Experience Survey, which assesses the experiences of service members who have made reports. Diversity was advanced in 2010 when The Military Leadership Diversity Commission (MLDC) was created to assess opportunities for the promotion and advancement of minority members of the Armed Forces. At the end of 2010 the MLDC delivered 20 recommendations to improve diversity, and the Army’s Diversity Roadmap was released in December. 24 In 2015, DoD statistics showed 17.3% of the serving force identifying as African American and 12.1% Hispanic. 15% were women; but like Britain and Canada, much reference is made to the relative low representation of minority groups and women in senior leadership positions. 25 26 Also in 2010, President Obama signed the ‘Don’t ask, don’t tell’ Repeal Act, to allow gay members to serve openly. By 2013 the DoD announced its plan to extend benefits to same-sex spouses of uniformed service members and Department of Defense civilian employees. In 2016 DoD ended the ban on transgender Americans serving in the military, stating that personnel could ‘no longer be discharged or otherwise separated from the military solely for being transgender individuals’. In 2011, The DoD highlighted Recognition of Suicide as a defence matter. Following the rising suicide rate (2001 to 2008) among US Armed Forces from 10.3 to 16.1 suicides per 100,000 members, the Defense Suicide Prevention Office was established. 27 In 2016, the DoD expanded support for this issue by establishing a Dedicated Peer Support Call and Outreach Center called the ‘Be There’ Peer Support Line. Army Suicide Prevention Programs include ‘The Home Front’ training video and ‘Shoulder to Shoulder’. Suicide Prevention is part of Army’s ‘Ready and Resilient Campaign’. By 2015, a survey conducted by the Military Times, found that troops ‘increasingly approve of some of the more controversial military social policy reforms instituted under [Obama’s] administration’, including gays openly serving, and women in combat, but are under compensated in terms of pay and conditions, and identify a gap between commitment and results. 28 Cultural Initiatives Summary • • Post-operational responses o Multi-disciplined health support for brain injury o Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office o Suicide Prevention Office Broader Personnel Reform o Military Leadership Diversity Commission o LGBTI Reform 5 Summary. The US path to cultural reform has been rapid and quite radical, considering the size of force. The messages lie firmly within the DoD. The operation tempo since 1991 has driven a number of necessary personnel management reforms; and the political and public support for military personnel (both serving and veterans), has helped bring about the more permanent social reforms. Moreover, the reforms seem to have been assisted by a cadre of Vietnam era leaders, who witnessed the technological evolution into the Middle Eastern theatre, and support the change process. Australia Like Canada, the Australian Government reversed the policy of discriminating against homosexuals in the Australian Defence Force in 1992. 29 In 1994, serving members formed the support group, G-force, which became DEFGLIS in 2002. In 2005, a Senate Review into the effectiveness of Australia’s military justice system recommended the establishment of the Australian Defence Force Administrative Review Board to sit outside of the chain of command and provide defence victims of all military abuse a confidential means to redress their grievances. 30 This idea of an agency lying outside the ADF would be a forerunner of the Sexual Misconduct Prevention and Response Office established in 2012. The Army introduced is first Indigenous Strategy in 2008, which was overseen by the Army Indigenous Strategy Steering Committee, and later, the Army Indigenous Cultural Advisory Board. The board includes Army Indigenous representatives from remote, regional and urban areas; representing all rank, gender, regular and reserve categories. Since then, Army has developed an Army Supplement to the Defence Indigenous Handbook which provides commanders with cultural information and specific guidance on how to incorporate Indigenous protocols into Army procedures. Indigenous Liaison Officers have been appointed at formation and regional levels, and the first Army Indigenous Elder was appointed in 2015. 31 Following the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) Review of Treatment of Women in the ADF in 2012, The Department of Defence established the Sexual Misconduct Prevention and Response Office (SeMPRO) to provide support for uniformed and civilian members of the ADF who could now report confidentially, incidents of sexual misconduct. 32 The following year, the Chief of Army released a video address on unacceptable behaviour which stated the consequences of disrespect to colleagues, and drew significant public support. In 2013, the ban was lifted for women currently serving in the ADF to apply for a combat role, provided they met all the requirements. New roles in Army include Infantry, Armoured Corps, some Artillery roles, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Squadrons and Combat Engineer Squadrons. The following year, the Army established the Army Gender and Diversity Council (AGDC) to support the Chief of Army by providing leadership and direction on Army's cultural progress. In 2015, Army Headquarters developed the values and behaviours training package: ‘A Matter of Respect’, and in 2016, introduced its Cultural Renewal Program which includes initiatives such as the Jonathan Church Ethical Soldier Award, Mentors in Violence Prevention Leadership Program, Our Contract with Australia, the Army Values, Behaviours and Ethical Conduct Statement, and the Family and Domestic Violence Action Plan. This last initiative is supported by the Army made training film, “Silence is the Accomplice” which features Army personnel who have been involved in domestic violence. Cultural Initiatives Summary • • • • Indigenous Strategy Sexual Misconduct Prevention and Response Office Women in combat enablers Ethical behaviour and values program 6 Summary. Cultural Reform in the Australian Army has advanced notably in the last ten years. Some social policy has followed parallel public policy in government, but a significant amount has been driven by calls from members themselves. Australia has followed the ‘incident-review-amendment’ process for many of its behavioural reforms, but has led the way in Indigenous, Gender and Domestic Violence strategies. Discussion Now each country’s initiatives have been separated and described, it would be useful to bring them back together again to measure their success. Responses from both within the respective organisations, and from the public, will inform the evaluation. Sexual Misconduct The Canadian Sexual Misconduct Response Centre has been plagued by a revolving door of directors, and restricted by limited operating hours; but since its establishment, 51 investigations on 148 non-criminal matters have been completed, and administrative or disciplinary action has been brought to 30 members. In 106 criminal cases, six people have been tried and convicted. In 2016, reports of sexual misconduct increased 22 percent from 2015. 33 There remains, however, skepticism within and outside the CAF about the repercussions for members, and level of visibility to the public. The US Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office reported that in 2015, of those members who went to trial, 254 were convicted of different kinds of offences. It also reported that 20 percent of reports were from men, and as a result, SAPRO has since introduced male to male mentors and an outreach program to the 1921-year-old group considered most vulnerable. 34 The ADF can follow this example regarding support to men. In the light of the military cases being heard in the current Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse, specific assistance for male victims of sexual assault should be an area for further development. Helpful and supportive information for male victims on the SeMPRO webpage would be a good start. Brain Injury and PTSD Predominant in the US, research into brain injury is advancing at a remarkable speed with new and repurposed therapies being introduced to the field. The recently congress-passed ‘No Hero Left Untreated Act’ is designed to create a pilot program at two veterans’ medical centres, in Magnetic EEG/ECG-Guided Resonance Therapy. 35 The Art Therapy program at NICoE has received broad media coverage and gained an international following from former combatants of numerous conflicts. The progress of such TBI and PTSD programs is partly due to the increased influence and support of veterans in US government, something which the US enjoys to a greater extent than the other three cases. Concern about TBI in the ADF has been a matter raised more in the civil sphere than the Department of Defence. Professionals working in neuroscience and psychiatry have drawn parallels between brain injury of sportsmen, and veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan. 36 New testing regimes have been introduced to ADF members, but brain injury remains largely under reported. PTSD in Australia is currently a matter shared between the Departments of Defence, Veterans’ Affairs, the ADF, Military Charities and civil Health and Rehabilitation Centres. Reassuringly, there is increasing awareness of the disorder and mental health in general by those in the ADF, and those supporting them. The place where TBI and PTSD meet Cultural Reform is at the point of the civil-military relationship, which is poorly understood and seldom addressed by the organisations listed above. A deeper understanding of ADF conditions by the public is essential to anticipating future heath epidemics, and this interest is certainly being demonstrated by the civil health sector. Diversity British Army diversity recruiting messages are currently focused on the Muslim community. At a recent address to multi-faith community event in Leicester, Army Chief General Sir Nick Carter invoked the Army’s ‘Values and Standards’ as the binding element between the Army and its communities. He even stated that the 7 Values being taught to British Soldiers were ‘exactly the same’ as those being taught in a local madrasa. 37 While the BA is attempting to increase its community engagement, it is not translating into a diverse recruiting base. Community pressure, discrimination in the regiments and conditions of service are all regularly cited as reasons BAME members do not choose to join the services, and similar responses are being heard in Canada. There is a renewed effort in the CAF to recruit from aboriginal communities. A (white) recruiting officer was recently awarded for successfully recruiting 100 recruits each year from 2005 to 2015. 38 Advised by the Canadian Army Aboriginal Advisor, he travelled widely to outlying communities and promoted soldiers from those communities as ‘success stories’ of whom the community could be proud, and who could act as role models for potential recruits. The Canadian Army has three dedicated programs through which it engages with aboriginal youth as future members of the force. The Aboriginal Leadership Opportunity Year (a tri-service program), acts as a kind of gap year at the Royal Military College; and ‘Bold Eagle’ and ‘Black Bear’ are summer intensive camps which include aboriginal cultural activities run by local elders. Despite these fully Government funded activities, CAF is not meeting its aboriginal recruiting target of 3.3%, instead stalling at 1.9%. 39 Advancement of women is also meeting obstacles. Specifically, the GBA+ tool for incorporating gender perspectives into operational plans is now mandated training for CAF personnel, but is reportedly confusing and inefficient in its scoring methods. In addition, it is not being taken up by federal government departments, and support units have been disbanded from some. In the US, there is little reporting on the success of the Military Leadership Diversity Commission, but diversity in the Officer corps is not improving to the extent that drastic measures like affirmative action (for instance the NFL’s Rooney Rule) are being touted. 40 The Australian Army is achieving success in diversity initiatives, particularly with the Indigenous Strategy. There was a reported 200% increase in indigenous recruit applications following the ’See Yourself’ add campaign aired during the Rio Olympics. 41 The ADF has also taken a comprehensive approach to Women in Combat enablers, incorporating examination of myths and assumptions of gender barriers, in concert with increased combat positions. Ethics and Values The British Army’s 2008 document ‘Values and Standards’ on which its Leadership Code is based, has come under criticism from the ‘SO1 Ethics’ at the Army’s Land Warfare School. The Reverend Dr PJ McCormack argues that the Army Values need to be grounded on a specified ethical foundation, or else risk becoming dislocated phrases which are applicable to every culture – including that of the enemy! 42 The Australian Army values of Courage, Initiative, Respect and Teamwork, point to an ethic of service (implying selflessness); which goes some way towards a common foundation, but they would do well not to become too abstract. The Canadian attempt, to instil what might be called ‘classical values’ in members through higher education in arts, has also come under criticism. David Last, former registrar at RMC Canada, warned against the practice of professions taking over schools; …which has the effect of preserving the status quo... Insistence on degrees, rather than education, risks too general an education, and no foundation in a discipline… Caution should be applied so academic and profession degrees are not interchanged. 43 Lessons to be learned for the Australian Army are clear. Educating members in critical thinking and logical reasoning helps define ethical arguments, and consequently guides us to ethical behaviour. Australian soldiers typically question why they should act accordingly, and giving them the tools to galvanise their argument will mitigate against the ‘dislocated phrase’. Army’s ‘Values, Behaviours and Ethical Conduct’ initiative means that soldiers understand that as members of the Profession of Arms they are permitted to use lethal force with discipline and control, as long as they are guided by a fundamental ethical baseline which they can test with logical arguments. 8 Public Influence on Cultural Reform Each military force has been built on different traditions, and has a unique and changing relationship with their public. Armies are more or less interested in the civil-military relationship, and more or less engaged with their communities. Consequently, they position themselves culturally, in relation to them. Some Armies however, are finding their cultural identity shaped and influenced by an increasing, civilian, contracted workforce. Britain An IPSOS Mori survey in 2015 revealed that the British public had “variable and nuanced perceptions of the armed forces, with elements of hero, victim and villain dominating in different questions”. The conclusions were concerned with getting the balance right between the identities. As Managing Director of IPSOS Mori commented: Too much emphasis could have implications for future recruitment, the life chances for armed forces as they return to the civilian world, and the extent to which the public support or even “revere” the armed forces. 44 The veteran identity dominates discussion. As in the US, the definition of ‘veteran’ is a moot point. Everyone who has performed military service for at least one day and drawn a day’s pay is termed a veteran, and their dependents also qualify for certain benefits as part of the ex-Service community. Other countries may determine veteran status on the basis of completion of a minimum period of military service (e.g., the US) or deployment to a conflict zone (e.g., Australia). 45 Earlier commentary speaks of the diminishing degree of ‘otherness’ of the armed forces and the influence of the wider employment of civilians and contractors; 46 however, the need for the Army to play a key role in civil-military understanding in order to legitimise the need to be different, is acknowledged. Certainly, the 2011 enshrinement into law of the British Military Covenant reinforced the need to be different, however the initial agreement became more contractual in nature, and subsequently used by various parties including the public, to hold the government to account. A 2011 study found that negative attitudes towards military matters were mainly concerned with opinion about the wars in the Middle Eastern theatre rather than military personnel; and the public was able to disassociate the members from the political decisions. 47 In fact, their opinion of the British Armed Forces was high and had improved since 2009. The British debate continues to be focussed on the appropriate cultural distance the Armed Forces need to be, from the public. Canada Commentary in the public arena about the CAF, generally concerns itself with the broader role of the force as seen through the debates of ‘domestic vs international’ and ‘peacekeeping vs warfighting’. Departmental strategic tracking of Canadian perceptions of CAF in 2014, demonstrated that Canadians had a “limited” overall familiarity with the Canadian Armed Forces, and that “problems for veterans” and “soldiers returning home” were what came to mind when asked about the armed forces. 48 Some public reaction however, has been focussed on more individual experiences. Meetings in 2013 organised between women in the community and serving CAF women, revealed that many participants had considered a military career, but “were dissuaded by their families or other key Influencers in their lives”. Many also 9 believed they would be subject to harassment or assault, and that they would have to conceal their femininity and relinquish motherhood. They also had concerns about the physical fitness requirements. 49 The CAF is actively trying to communicate a message of generational change as a basis for cultural reform, to remove the stigma of ‘old, white male’ homogeneity they believe is their legacy. They continue to battle the broader questions of purpose and identity in the public arena, while reaching out to a wider recruitment pool. United States In the last ten years, military-sociologists have observed the closing of the civil-military gap through the increased use of contractors. 50 At the same time, lengthy operations and time spent away from home, have led to perceptions of a widening of the gap between civilians and military, by military members themselves, and commonly described in terms of ‘moral corruption’ and selfishness. 51 A 2009 study of USMA Cadets showed that the cadets perceived themselves to be politically more conservative than the general public. They believed a civil–military gap existed, and thought that civilians saw this gap as well. However, a political compass metric actually revealed the cadets to be more economically and socially liberal than the sitting president at the time! 52 At that time, the president still spoke of “the spirit of service [and] a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves,” 53 The conclusion was that within the environment of the rise of the private security contractor, the ‘citizen soldier’ concept lived on in rhetorical practice. In 2014, one US Army sociologist wrote of an emerging post-modern military culture that “allows for multiple highly influential and sometimes conflicting cultural orientations and tools…” and that a post-modern military means: ambiguity, multiculturalism, the information age, increased civilians in military positions, greater questioning of traditions, authority, ideas, and plans, and the rise of a multi-mission…military that bears prominent and influential warrior and peacekeeper–diplomat cultural orientations. 54 Indeed, the rise of US military civilians, he argued, represents: a kind of hybrid organizational experiment where only time will tell whether the advantages to the organization ultimately outweigh the resultant cultural contradictions, challenges, and detriments to the US armed forces. 55 As in the UK, the ‘otherness’ of the military organisation is being challenged in the US, by the civilian culture infiltrating the military culture, through the necessity of a hybrid force. Australia Australia provides little commentary on the civil-military relationship, and most of it from the media, concerns treatment of veterans or reaction to scandals. Occasionally, this has raised apparent contradictions in the public understanding of the civil-military gap: Are we asking too much of young men in the military where they are asked to be warriors but then to behave in a way that doesn't offend our civil sensibilities? 56 The few military sociologists who do comment on military culture observe that the Department of Defence has not yet succeeded in forming a ‘genuine engagement with civil society’ which would galvanise their moral legitimacy. 57 The current Defence Cultural Intent statement “trusted to defend, proven to deliver, and respectful always’ attempts to articulate an aspect of the social contract, but is aimed more at uniting elements within the Australian Defence Organisation, than assuring the public. There has been some call to reproduce the British Army ‘Covenant’ (Alliance of Defence Service Organisations), but not from any of the three organisations who 10 would be party to it. The Australian public opinion on ADF culture remains largely unknown, and is primarily interpreted through their actions. 58 Conclusions This brief review has mentioned some of the cultural changes implemented in recent years by the armies of Britain, Canada, the United States and Australia. An increased operational tempo, the changing nature of warfare, and evolving public and social policy has influenced these changes; and it is a difficult task to isolate and analyse them objectively. A number of conclusions however, can be drawn from the comparison of the four case studies. First, much cultural reform has developed in response to perceived public reaction, or negative publicity to socially unacceptable behaviour; however, this has had the benefit of informing Armies of public opinion, in the absence of targeted polls. Second, some initiatives have been based on imported public policies such as gender, diversity, equity, and sexual and domestic violence; and may need to be modified to fit the military context. In particular; peculiar organisational culture such as isolation, level of risk, performance, promotion, and the transient nature of postings; is generally ignored. Third, there has been a tendency to form cultural policy at a senior, centralised level and then distribute it ‘down and out’, however, there has been a welcome increase in involving external agencies as partners to assist in policy formation. Fourth, cultural reform pathways have often led to unintended developments. For instance, Sexual misconduct response frameworks have led to specific assistance to male victims, examination of values have led to public opinion polls, and neurological treatments for brain injury have led to therapies for PTSD. These conclusions have implications for the Australian Army in the way it continues its cultural reform. The strengths of Army’s policy platform have undoubtedly been the things it has done differently from the other Armies; namely Indigenous policy and the focus on ethics and values in behaviour. As the recent AHRC report revealed, there are dangers of creating ‘cultural reform fatigue’ 59, but if the desire is to make meaningful change to ensure the future of the profession, then engagement with both soldiers and public needs to be increased. Those things that make the Army different from society need to be identified and articulated in a way that is more than invoking ‘the ultimate sacrifice’, and local, decentralised solutions need to be encouraged. This should result in creative and original reforms driven by those who will inherit their benefits. 1 Richard Bartle, ‘Independent Representation - The Time is Right’ in New People Strategies for the British Armed Forces, Frank Cass & Co Ltd, London, 2001, p. 141. 2 Anthony Forster, ‘The Military Covenant and British Civil-Military Relations: Letting the Genie out of the Bottle’, Armed Forces & Society 38(2), Sage Publications, 2012, p. 274. 3 Christopher Dandeker, ‘On the Need to be Different: Military uniqueness and civil-military relations in modern society’, The RUSI Journal, vol.146, no. 3, 2001, p. 7. 4 Sima Kotecha, ‘Armed forces alcohol abuse strategy criticised’, Today Programme, BBC News, 2 Feb 2015, viewed 25 Oct 2016, <http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-31101559> 5 Carter quoted in Ministry of Defence, ‘Army Launches New Leadership Code’, Army News and Features, 2015, viewed 14 Nov 2016, <http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/+/http:/www.army.mod.uk/news/27973.aspx>. 6 Carter speaking to the British Broadcasting Commission, ‘Army's 'culture change' following Welsh soldiers' deaths’, Sunday Politics: Wales, BBC 1, 14 Feb 2016. 11 7 MoD, ‘UK Armed Forces: Biannual Diversity Statistics’, 1 October 2016, viewed 25 Jan 2017, <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/574734/Biannual_Diversity _Statistics_1Oct16.pdf> 8 MGen Jack Vance, quoted in Peter Kasurak, ‘Concepts of Professionalism in the Canadian Army, 1946 – 2000: Regimentalism, Reaction, and Reform’, Armed Forces and Society, Vol 37, no. 1, 2011. 9 Bernd Horn and Bill Bentley, Forced to Change: Crisis and Reform in the Canadian Armed Forces, Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2015. 10 Katie Domansky, ‘Battling Cultural Norms in Canada’s Armed Forces’, Conference of Defense Associations Institute, 4 Jun 2015, viewed 18 Oct 2016, <https://www.cdainstitute.ca/blog/entry/battling-cultural-norms-incanada-s-armed-forces> 11 COL Mike Capstick, ‘Defining the culture: The Canadian army in the 21st century’, Canadian Military Journal, Spring, p. 51, 2003. 12 Ibid p. 49 13 Marie Deschamps, External Review into Sexual Misconduct and Sexual Harassment in the Canadian Armed Forces, Government of Canada, 27 Mar 2015, viewed 19 Oct 2016, <http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/cafcommunity-support-services/external-review-sexual-mh-2015> 14 Lee Berthiaume, ‘Military culture ‘hostile’ to women, gays, says damning Canadian Armed Forces report’, National Post, April 30, 2015. 15 Katie Domansky, ‘Battling Cultural Norms in Canada’s Armed Forces’, Conference of Defense Associations Institute, 4 Jun 2015, viewed 18 Oct 2016, <https://www.cdainstitute.ca/blog/entry/battling-cultural-norms-incanada-s-armed-forces> 16 See <http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/caf-community-support-services/sexual-misconduct-responsecentre.page> 17 Chantal Fraser, ‘Diversity Recruiting: It’s Time to Tip the Balance’ Canadian Military Journal, Vol. 13, No. 4, 2013, . 26. 18 Lee Berthiaume, ‘Military culture ‘hostile’ to women, gays, says damning Canadian Armed Forces report’, National Post, April 30, 2015. 19 Eimi Harris, ‘The Canadian Armed Forces: Integrating Gender Perspectives into Military Culture’, The NATO Association of Canada, 17 Feb 2016, viewed 21 Oct 2016, <http://natoassociation.ca/the-canadian-armedforces-integrating-gender-perspectives-into-military-culture/> 20 Government of Canada, ‘CAF integrates gender perspectives into military planning and operations’, 15 Feb 2006, viewed 20 Oct 2016, < http://news.gc.ca/web/article-en.do?mthd=index&crtr.page=1&nid=1034249> 21 See <http://dvbic.dcoe.mil/> 22 See <http://www.sexualassault.army.mil/> 23 Australian Human Rights Commission, Review into the Treatment of Women in the Australian Defence Force Phase 2 Report, 2012, p.18. 24 ibid 25 Kristy Kamarck, ‘Diversity, Inclusion, and Equal Opportunity in the Armed Services: Background and Issues for Congress’, Congressional Research Service 13 Oct 2016, p. 40, viewed 22 Jan 2017, < https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R44321.pdf> 26 United States Department of Defense, ‘2014 Demographics: Profile of the Military Community’, Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (Military Community and Family Policy), 2014, viewed 22 Jan 2017, <http://download.militaryonesource.mil/12038/MOS/Reports/2014-Demographics-Report.pdf> 27 See < http://www.dspo.mil/> 28 Raphael Cohen, ‘Iraq, Afghanistan, and the U.S. military’s morale “crisis”, Markaz, in Brookings, 2015, viewed 10 Jan 2017, < https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2015/06/29/iraq-afghanistan-and-the-u-s-militarysmorale-crisis> 29 Government of Australia, ‘Statement by the Prime Minister, the Hon P J Keating, Australian Defence Force Policy On Homosexuality ‘, 23 Nov 1992, viewed 22 Jan 2017, http://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-8740> 30 Government of Australia, ‘Media Release - 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Woodhead, A. Iversen, S. Wessely, C. Dandeker and N. 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Archer, J. Barr, A. Belkin, M. Guerrero, C. Hall, and K. Swain, ‘Conceptualizing the Civil–Military Gap: A Research Note’, Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 38, No. 4, 2012, p. 672. 52 Rachel Milstein Sondheimer, K. Toner and I. Wilson, ‘Cadet Perceptions of Military and Civilian Ideology: A Research Note’, Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2013, p. 130. 53 Obama Note 47 in Ronald Krebs, ‘The Citizen-Soldier Tradition in the United States Has Its Demise Been Greatly Exaggerated? Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 36 No. 1, 2009, p. 163. 54 Remi Hajjar, ‘Emergent Postmodern US Military Culture’, Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 40 No. 1, 2014, p. 122. 55 ibid p. 129. 56 Chris Uhlman in Australian Broadcasting Corporation, ‘Military analyst reflects on ADF issues’, The 7:30 Report, 29 Feb 2012, viewed 2 Jan, 2017, < http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2012/s3442782.htm> 57 Ben Wadham, ibid. 58 Chief of the Defence Force, Air Chief Marshal Mark Binskin, address to the Pathways to Change Forum, Australian National University, Canberra, 10 Nov 2016. 59 Kate Jenkins and Emilie Priday, ‘Taking the cultural temperature in combat brigades: Thematic findings from the Australian Human Rights Commission Collaboration for Cultural Reform’, 2017,<http://www.army.gov.au>. 13