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2017, Etruscology. Ed. A. Naso. Boston/Berlin: De Gruyter
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3 pages
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Abstract: In economic terms the clearest features for Etruria during EIA 1 (1000/950–800 BCE) are: – The increasing role of a landlocked network of exchange crossing from northeast to southwest Italy with Etruria at its core. This network was managed by part-time traders who gained advantages over the rest of the population by dominating exchange and communication. – The growing exploitation of the local metal ores due to a gradual substitution of copper-alloy tools and weapons by those of iron. For EIA 2 (800–730 BCE) there is evidence for: – Accelerated population growth. – Craft specialization on account of politically motivated demands of the emerging upper classes for prestige goods. – The definite opening of the existing exchange network to overseas merchants/craftsmen from the Levant and Euboea. Food, shelter and clothing are the three economic necessities of life. In Etruria, everybody seems to have had access to these necessities. Shelter during the whole Early Iron Age consisted of huts that were probably constructed with communal labor by extended families or by clans. Clothing and textiles were produced in most households, mainly as additional—though labor-intensive—tasks for women. For the rest, the production of food or agriculture constituted 90–95% of the labor. The remaining 5—10% was for activities such as mining, metalworking, salt production and a limited amount for trade and political-religious services. Agricultural land in Etruria was predominantly collective and probably belonged to clans. Some rising families within each clan, possibly those managing long-distance exchange, started to control labor of their fellows and thus claimed part of the productivity. For economic progress, it seems to have been essential that the rising upper class found ways to collect and dispose of surplus production. This probably gave rise to economic inequality in return for social-economic protection. Keywords: Exchange network, craft specialization, land, agriculture
2008
In this paper we use possibilities of interdisciplinary work between archaeology and economics, focusing on the development of European living standard in terms of nutritional status in long-run perspective (1st to 18th century AD), and its determinants. We applied anthropometric methods using a data set of nearly 9500 human height measurements as proxy for mean nutritional status, and a data set of more than 2 million animal bones to measure the impact of changes in cattle production. Milk cattle husbandry, interacted with sparse population density, has had positive effects on mean height: (1) Proximity to protein production resulted in a low local shadow price of milk, as it could not be transported over distances. (2) This low price resulted in a low inequality of nutritional status; in contrast pork induced nutritional inequality, because it could be preserved and traded, thus becoming expensive and affordable only for the rich. Impact of the Specialization in Husbandry on Mean ...
2018
Most a-cephalic societies identified by anthropology are described as being poor in absolute (material) terms, but rich in time for leisure or other activities. Affluence is generally understood as a situation where material needs remain limited and where the idea of necessity governs economic production. In this stoic understanding of human existence, social equality is inevitably linked to limited economic wealth and, hence, to hunter-gatherer societies. According to this logic, the development of individual needs not only requires a greater input of labour, but also leads to social inequality, political institutions, etc. This dominant civilisational narrative is being challenged by archaeology, as increasing evidence is provided of prehistoric societies with an exceptional demographic and economic development, including a high level of specialisation and coordination, but where no or few signs of political centralisation can be identified. These societies engaged in substantial joint enterprises, extended over large territories, organised large-scale distribution networks, and developed exceptional technical skills. No convincing interpretative framework has yet been developed for these archaeological complexes, which evade the conventional labels of chiefdom, state, social complexity, etc. The various spatial and material expressions used in archaeology to identify political institutions, centralised power, or social hierarchies remain elusive in these cases. Although settlement areas may have reached considerable sizes, they did not develop into urban centres. The production of substantial surplus is the common feature of these groups. This production was utilised in very different social, ideological, or political realms, but was not transformed into private property. Consequently, we can speak here of cooperative affluent societies, where substantial material benefits were shared and enjoyed collectively. In our presentation, examples of several archaeological case studies, ranging from the Near East to the western Mediterranean, will be used to discuss the strategies adopted by these societies in relation to surplus production and obliteration, as well as their political forms. Ultimately, this will also allow us to understand why it proves difficult to find equivalences in the ethnographic record.
Modern scholarship dealing with the economy of the ancient world has developed rapidly in recent decades. Studies of ancient economic structures and history have in many respects achieve standards as a discipline comparable to those of economic history, using models and scenarios exactly as it is frequently seen in studies of later periods with better sources. The best example is perhaps the historical demography of Roman Italy. It was a marginal field of research until the early 1990s, but is now one of the key subjects in the study of Roman economy with a lively debate between the followers of a low count reconstruction of the demographic development in Roman Italy versus the scholars who favour a high count. Furthermore, quantitative studies have become serious scholarship and are no longer despised as only number games' as is apparent, for instance, from the new Oxford Roman Economy Project.' This is due to the great amount of published archaeological material such as terra sigillata, amphorae and shipwrecks. It is also illustrated by the shift from the predominant orthodoxy of the primitivism in the 1970s and 1980s to theoretical and methodological orientations inspired by the so-called New Institutional Economics and a diversity of approaches. But it has also rightly been pointed out that the struggle between primitivists' and modernists' , which still, a century later, continues to haunt scholarly discussions, often under the revealing name of minimalists and maximalists, signifying that the problem has often wrongly been reduced to one of quantities, mainly of trade. All the chapters of this book were originally published as articles or contributions to proceedings of different conferences between 1990 and 2010.
Archaeological evidence for economic transformations, pre-monetary exchange and urbanisation in central Italy from 800 to 400 BC Contents List of illustrations Acknowledgements Preface Chapter I FRAMEWORK 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Theoretical background 7 1.3 Chronology 15 1.4 Method of study 18 1.5 Agricultural foundations 20 1.6 Urbanisation 24 1.7 Economic development 29 1.8 Social and cultural development 46 Chapter II POTTERY 2.1 Introduction 50 2.2 General geological perspective 58 2.3 Preparation of raw materials 62 2.4 Forming and finishing methods 64 2.5 Firing 73 2.6 Archaeological evidence 79 2.6.1 Satricum 79 2.6.2 Lavinium 91 2.6.3 Laurentina-Acqua Acetosa 96 2.6.4 Caere 99 2.6.5 Acquarossa 111 2.6.6 Poggio Civitate 113 2.6.7 Marzabotto 118 2.7 Ancient literary texts 126 2.8 Conclusion 128 Chapter III METALS 3.1 Introduction 135 3.2 Gold and silver 142 3.3 Copper alloys 144 3.4 Iron 150 3.5 Resources 162 3.6 Archaeological evidence 165 3.6.1 Pithekoussai 165 3.6.2 Satricum 168 3.6.3 Caere 184 3.6.4 Acquarossa 185 3.6.5 Gran Carro 187 3.6.6 Lago dell'Accesa 188 3.6.7 Populonia 189 3.6.8 Poggio Civitate 193 3.6.9 Marzabotto 196 3.7 Conclusion 202 Chapter IV STANDARDISATION AND PRE-MONETARY EXCHANGE 4.1 Introduction 207 4.2 Weights 210 4.3 Volume 223 4.4 Length 229 4.5 Marzabotto 230 4.6 Conclusion 233 Chapter V EPILOGUE Samenvatting 247 Appendix Iron artefacts which are recorded at Satricum 257 Bibliography 262
Current Anthropology, 2010
Premodern human societies differ greatly in socioeconomic inequality. Despite much useful theorizing on the causes of these differences, individual-level quantitative data on wealth inequality is lacking. The papers in this special section provide the first comparable estimates of intergenerational wealth transmission and inequality in premodern societies, with data on more than 40 measures of embodied, material, and relational wealth from 21 premodern societies representing four production systems (hunter-gatherers, horticulturalists, pastoralists, and agriculturalists). Key findings include (1) the importance of material, embodied, and relational wealth differs significantly across production systems, with material wealth more important in pastoral and agricultural systems; (2) the degree of wealth transmission from parent to offspring is markedly higher for material wealth than embodied and relational wealth; (3) aggregate wealth is transmitted to a higher degree among pastoralists and agriculturalists; (4) the degree of inequality is greater for material wealth; and (5) the degree of intergenerational transmission of wealth is correlated with wealth inequality. Surprisingly, horticulturalists exhibit no greater wealth inequality or intergenerational wealth transmission than do huntergatherers, while pastoralists are very similar to agriculturalists. We discuss how these trends may have favored the emergence of institutionalized inequality, as intensified forms of production made material wealth transmission increasingly important.
Economia Poltica, 2018
Mulryan, M. & Lavan, L. (eds.) LAAJ 10: Local Economies? Production and Exchange of Inland Regions in Late Antiquity, 2013
Networks and Neighbours, 2021
The different perspectives brought by disciplines such as economics, sociology, and history have emphasized different aspects and characteristics as essential components of what makes "capitalism." This variety of definitions has, in turn, raised the question of whether "capitalism" can be identified in past historical periods, including classical antiquity. This essay will be largely informed by the archaeological evidence from the Roman world and will explore two key components of capitalism: accumulation of capital and production. The aim of the paper is to discuss the motivations behind the desire to accumulate wealth in the Roman early imperial period as revealed by archaeological examples. By focusing on casestudies, the paper will investigate the mechanisms behind the accumulation of capital in connection to the development of viticulture in Gaul and in Hispania Tarraconensis in the early imperial period; the growth in investment related to large-scale fishing and processing of fish products; and the intensification and growth of horticulture and arboriculture attested for the early first century AD. The key questions the essay will investigate concern who was able to accumulate capital in the Roman world and if, and to what degree, social mobility impacted on capital accumulation; and whether capital accumulation allowed for investment in innovation
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