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The title of this article isn't a new question, but, even after Islam Awareness Week and the launch of statistics about Islamophobia and attacks on Muslims (mostly women) it's one that is still being asked. It would be fair to say that some people in the UK are uncomfortable about Muslims, others are actively opposed to Muslim communities and of course others, thankfully, are living and working harmoniously alongside UK Muslims. The Christian Muslim Forum stands in the hospitable middle-ground.
The International Spectator, 2013
This piece examines the relationship of Muslim communities to the UK mainstream between 2005 and 2010. Using the dual backdrop of the country's embedded multiculturalism policy and its counter-terrorism strategy implemented through the Prevent agenda, the authors brush a picture of a tense yet ultimately resilient relationship. While Prevent was often accused of leading to a securitisation of community policy, it is arguable that tensions have led to increased visibility and leadership capacity from the Muslim community, and a recognition of their role and diversity on behalf of the public and the government.
2015
While several volumes have been published on the subject of Islamophobia, less attention has been given specifically to non-Muslim views on Islam as a faith, and how these views relate to the phenomenon of Islamophobia as a whole. Studies on Islamophobia tend to use the terms 'Islam' and 'Muslims' interchangeably, but making a distinction between attitudes towards the faith versus attitudes towards its adherents is relevant particularly in the British context, where religious hatred legislation (the 2006 Racial and Religious Hatred Act) explicitly protects "expressions of antipathy, dislike, ridicule, insult or abuse of particular religions" from legal penalty. So where insult and abuse directed towards Muslims may be illegal or even frowned upon, similar expressions towards Islam as a faith, strictly speaking, are not. This thesis shares a study which aims to isolate views on Islam expressed online by non-Muslims in response to representations of Islam on mainstream British television. Can hatred or contempt towards Islam be considered Islamophobic? And if Islam is 'not a race', how does Islamophobia relate to racism? These are some of the questions this paper aims to address. Furthermore, it discusses the implications of the findings in the context of a secular, 'postracial' society. INTRODUCTION: ISLAM IN BRITAIN Multicultural Britain remains in a state of conflict over issues such as integration versus freedom of identity, assimilation versus freedom of expression, and tolerance versus equality. Ethnic, racial and religious minorities continue to struggle in the face of prejudice and bigotry, and no clear remedy to these social ailments appears to be forthcoming. Further research into the issue of anti-Muslim bigotry and anti-Islamic sentiment should therefore remain within the primary foci of the social A F Zaidi-Jivraj May 2014 Page 2 of 68 sciences, and it is hoped that this study will succeed in making a positive contribution to this field of enquiry. Research Questions: the 'Islam' in 'Islamophobia' Over the course of the past few decades, as issues of immigration, assimilation and cultural integration and the post-9/11 and 7/7 terrorist threat from Islamic fundamentalism have arisen, the subject of Islam has become both pervasive and unavoidable. Everyone seems to have an opinion on
Relations with Islam constitute one of the greatest challenges facing the contemporary church. Ida Glaser considers the situation in the UK, and issues an eloquent call to the church to seek to understand Islam better, and to cooperate on questions of common concern, while not being afraid to share faith in Jesus honestly and sensitively. At the same time, she offers very helpful practical guidance to churches in this difficult area.
This essay will review two chapters from Muslims of Europe: the ‘Other’ Europeans by H.A. Hellyer, a research fellow for CREF at the University of Warwick. It will also summarise the author’s findings, followed by an assessment of the conclusions, and will provide critical and analytical remarks. The approach taken by the author is mainly qualitative; thus, working within the inductive research framework and paradigm. Additionally, Hellyer’s approach is textual based and theoretical; supplemented with a wide corpus of data analysis and empirical evidences. The background of the study is a research into the prospects for Muslims living in the West, residing in pluralistic and multiculturalist societies. Recently, however, due to the large increase of Muslims in Western Europe – and the controversies aired via the media about Islam – this has resulted in an ever growing and, yet to be, resolved challenges and complications. Therefore, rethinking terms like integration, assimilation, pluralism and what it means to live in a multicultural society have become the centre of debate and contention for many Muslim-Europeans. This, in turn, has had a negative impact on the Muslim community within Europe.
The following is based upon an article from a specialist institute and starts to deal with the British government's naïve response to the Muslim attacks in London in 2005. The article is quoted here at length as it opens up a number of issues, which will emerge from this article and its sequels, as essential for an understanding of the slide into political and educational acquiescence to Islam and so, the dhimmitude of the British government and people.
Journal of Islamic Studies, 2006
This article proceeds on the basis of an argument that an awareness of the wider ways in which discrimination on the grounds of religion has operated and been challenged in British history can help illuminate our understanding of such discrimination as faced by Muslims in the UK today, and indicate how it might be tackled. Both because of the passage of time and also because it is Muslims who are now under consideration, there are likely to be distinctive features in their experience that are significantly at variance with what, historically, was experienced by other religious minorities. However, it is precisely through comparison and contrast with this broader historical inheritance that the potentially distinctive aspects of contemporary Muslim experience may come into sharper relief. That inheritance is rarely discussed in any depth in analyses of contemporary discrimination on the grounds of religion, and awareness of it among Muslim citizens in the UK and beyond is not as widespread as might be. The rise of liberal democracy and the overcoming of historic forms of discrimination on grounds of religion is often seen, par excellence, as an expression of the emergence of the secular spirit in European societies. While in continental Europe this was undoubtedly the case (and often accompanied by a strong current of anti-clericalism) in British history the picture has been somewhat more complex. Thus alongside, and to some degree in interaction with, the rise of political and economic 'liberalism', there were also strands of emancipatory thinking that emerged from the religious ferment of the times.
Revealing the findings of the 2014 survey of Muslims in the UK and comparing them with the results of 2010, this book lays out the deterioration of the situation using the Domination Hate Model of Intercultural Relations.
In 'lslamophobia: Still a challenge for us all' (Runnymede Trust)
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