INTR O D U C TIO N : B E YOND HA J J
The annual journey to Islam’s holy city includes men, women,
and children of all ages and nationalities. Thousands of tents
mark the path, offering everything from food and water to
phone stations and resting places. The pilgrims wear veils,
turbans, and modest clothing – abayas, jallabiyas, niqabs,
and caftans – offering protection from the desert heat. It is
important that they approach their destination in a pious state;
while some walk, others may crawl. Once they reach their
destination, the pilgrims say prayers, read the Qur’an, weep,
and ask for forgiveness of their sins. The holy pilgrimage is
a major life event, strongly encouraged by religious clerics.
It is the largest pilgrimage in the world. This is not hajj. It
is arbaeen, the annual pilgrimage to Karbala in Iraq. Over
twenty million pilgrims a year travel to the shrine in Iraq
where Husayn, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad, is buried.
For some, the journey to Karbala is secondary to hajj, but for
others it supersedes the pilgrimage to Mecca.1 As one popular
Shi‘i tradition says, “A single tear shed for Husayn washes
away a hundred sins.”2
Husayn’s tomb is rarely mentioned alongside hajj in introductory textbooks on Islam and world religions. Nor is the
shrine of Sayyida Ruqayya, or Rumi’s tomb, or the graves
found in Damascus where some of the Prophet’s closest
companions are interred. Such oversights misrepresent the
huge variety of pilgrimage traditions in Islam. This book
remedies this problem, providing an expansive study of
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Islamic pilgrimage that is inclusive, geographically diverse,
and attentive to the rich traditions that characterize Muslim
religious life.
The roots of arbaeen and many of the other journeys examined in this book are often, but not always, situated in early
Islamic history. For Shi‘i Muslims, the Battle of Karbala is
the seminal event that inspires numerous pilgrimages in Iraq,
Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and elsewhere. In 680, Prophet
Muhammad’s grandson Husayn went to battle against the
entire ’Umayyad army at Karbala. The story of this battle is
told in great detail on the anniversary of Husayn’s death, the
tenth day of the month of Muharram, also known as ‘Ashura’.
When pilgrims visit the tombs of Husayn and other members
of Prophet Muhammad’s family, they commemorate the past,
mourning the death of a pious and just Islam, and pray for
the return of the Mahdi, the messiah who announces the End
Figure I.0 Sayyida Ruqayya’s Shrine, Damascus, Syria (photo courtesy
of author).
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of Days. Husayn’s statement, “I see death as salvation, and
life with the oppressors as misfortune,” is apropos here, for
Shi‘i pilgrimage is not just about the past but also about the
present conditions of life.3
In addition to Husayn and the other martyrs of this battle,
survivors of Karbala became the focus of other pilgrimages.
Among these was a little girl named Ruqayya – Husayn’s
young daughter. Stories of her death include one version I was
told when visiting the shrine in 2010. In this telling, Yazid,
the ’Umayyad caliph, showed little Ruqayya her father’s
decapitated head and she immediately dropped dead. Another
version of the story claims that she died at the age of four
while imprisoned by Yazid, as a result of her ill treatment at
the hands of her captors. The shrine of Sayyida Ruqayya is
newer than many Shi‘i sites and probably dates from the ifteenth century. The iconography of the site includes numerous
inscriptions that relect Shi‘i beliefs about the Prophet’s family,
although non-Shi‘i Muslims also visit the shrine.4 Visitors are
often struck by the intense display of emotion for the child
buried within the tomb. As is the case for most Shi‘i shrines,
men and women have their own sections, allowing for public
performances of grief that are unconcerned with expectations
and boundaries surrounding gendered behavior.
Millions of Muslim pilgrims have visited Ruqayya’s tomb.
Within the walls of this shrine, pilgrims have said prayers,
mourned the death of the Prophet’s relatives, wept tears of sadness and grief, and asked for healing, relief, and forgiveness.
Shi‘i are not the only Muslims who have extensive networks
of pilgrimage sites, however. Located near Ruqayya’s shrine
is the ’Umayyad mosque in Damascus, which houses the
heads of Husayn, John the Baptist, and other martyrs. This is
one of the thousands of pilgrimage sites worldwide that are
focused on the dead. Muslim pilgrims often visit these places
to receive a blessing (barakah; pl. barakat) from the saint or
holy person, a tradition that dates from the Prophet’s lifetime.
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The association of barakat with pilgrimage traditions was
an established practice by the ninth century. When Sayyida
Naisa (the daughter of al-Hasan b. Zayd b. al-Hasan b. Ali
b. Ali Talib) died in Cairo in 824, the people asked that her
body be kept in Fustat so that her blessing/barakah would be
present for them.5
Pilgrimage in Islam goes far beyond the great pilgrimage to
Mecca, although the rituals performed by Muslim pilgrims at
other sites often mirror what happens at hajj, some of which
are often rooted in pre-Islamic practices. “Many of the rites
associated with the pilgrimage to Mecca and visitation of other
shrines parallel funerary and mourning practices attested in
other contexts, such as circumambulation of the tomb, the
wearing of certain sorts of clothing, and restrictions on certain
types of behavior.”6 Muslim pilgrimages also involve religious
and cultural traditions adopted from Christianity, Hinduism,
and local practices in their rituals, relecting the myriad ways
that Muslims adapt to and borrow from the communities they
have conquered, or who have conquered them, or, in some
cases, communities among whom Muslims live. As one example, in Java, Brawijaya V’s life story employs both Hindu
and Islamic beliefs: “the last episode of Brawijaya’s life is
depicted both in terms of Javano-Islamic mystical anthropology of sangkan paran as well as in the Hindu understanding
of moksa.”7 Indonesia is by no means the only place where
there is such a mixture of cultures, practices, and religions.
This book includes practices that inform pilgrimages more
identiiable with Islam, as well as those more closely aligned
with traditions that are associated with non-Muslim igures
and historical sites.
Muslim pilgrims travel to a wide variety of places.
Countless holy sites (mazarat) – graves, tomb complexes,
mosques, shrines, mountaintops, springs, and gardens – can
be found across the world, in large cities like Mashhad,
small villages in Turkey, trade outposts in the deserts of
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Samarkand, African metropolises like Fes, and the forests
of Bosnia. All of these places are located within an Islamic
universe that is present with the spirit of Allah and holds
the promise of barakat – the blessings that pilgrims seek.
Although monumental sites exist, such as the great shrines
at Mashhad, Karbala, and Konya, Islamic pilgrimage sites
are more often established according to religious qualities,
such as the popularity of a saint, the amount of barakah, and
the numbers of miracles witnessed, rather than the magnitude of the site’s architecture. “Muslim writers frequently
mention other sacred qualities manifesting themselves at
sacred places which were not perceived visually, but spiritually, in particular pilgrimage places possessing a friendly
atmosphere (uns), awe (mahāba), reverence (ijlāl), dignity
(waqār), and blessing (baraka).”8
This book makes a sincere attempt to be inclusive of the
great varieties of Islamic pilgrimage, journeys that cross sectarian boundaries, incorporate non-Muslim rituals, and involve
numerous communities, languages, and traditions. In the interest
of providing accessibility to a variety of readers, I incorporate
the reiied categories of “Sunni,” “Shi‘i,” and “Sui,” while
simultaneously observing how scholars attach these identities
to Muslim ritual and community in over-simpliied ways. This
tension is crystallized when we look at the complexities of
Muslim religious experience – a Sunni site visited by Shi‘i, the
cohabitation of Shi‘ism and Suism, and the problems inherent
in deining who is and is not a Sui. For example, the concept
of sainthood is involved in many Islamic movements including
those within the Sunni and Shi‘i traditions. “This blurring of
lines with regard to deining walāyah [sainthood] has engendered a Sui tradition that celebrates many such igures whose
teachings, upon closer inspection, are actually found to be
copied word-for-word from the Imams but without any credit or
reference given.”9 Shi‘i and Sui pilgrimages – including those
popular with Sunni Muslims – have numerous commonalities,
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from the belief in the power of the dead to the importance of
visiting those close to Prophet Muhammad. These commonalities point to larger questions about the ways in which Muslim
communities and their traditions are constructed in Western
scholarship. My work interrogates these constructions through
an examination of pilgrimage.
Islam encompasses a huge variety of sects, rituals, traditions, languages, and communities. The vast majority of
the world’s Muslims go on pilgrimage to places other than
Mecca. This has been true from the very beginning, when
visiting Jerusalem was viewed as an alternative to Mecca,
equal in religious merit.10 Annemarie Schimmel is one of
many scholars who point to these replacement hajjs.11 The
performance of pilgrimage outside of hajj is not typically an
arbitrary choice in which one tradition eliminates the other.
For example, Maqbaratu al-Baqi and Masjid an-Nabawi, the
cemetery and mosque in Medina that are often part of the great
pilgrimage, are also part of a larger collection of sites held
sacred by Muslims.12 Hajj is often one of several pilgrimages
that Muslims undertake over the course of their lives. Most
Muslims never see Mecca during their lifetime, due to inances,
geographical distance, or poor health. Many communities have
vast networks of pilgrimage sites that function as the central
practice in their lives. One example is found in the Ughyur
context, where pilgrims frequent shrines ranging from “low
mud lumps decorated with rags to monumental mausoleums
with green-tiled domes.”13 The large number of these places
and traditions means that they cannot all be covered in one
volume; however, every effort has been made to include pilgrimages from every region of the world.
Scholarship on Islamic pilgrimage is mostly focused on
hajj and ‘umrah (the lesser hajj) and occasionally on Shi‘i
Twelver traditions, especially in introductory texts on Islam
and world religions. I include scholarship from religious
studies, anthropology, and other ields to provide an opening
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up to these different scholarly voices, as well as to the great
variety of experiences that fall under Islam. Scholars often
adopt a myopic focus on their subject, as J.Z. Smith points
out when he writes, “We may have to be initiated by the other
whom we study and undergo the ordeal of incongruity. For
we have often missed what is humane in the other by the very
seriousness of our quest.”14 This book is an effort to respond
to this critique.
Academic studies often classify religious practices into
different categories depending on community, but Islamic
pilgrimage is often a nonsectarian activity. It is true that
Shi‘ism has a distinct set of pilgrimage traditions that surround
the tombs of the Prophet’s relatives, but these sites are not
as restricted as some would think. Sunnis visit the shrine of
Sayyida Zaynab in a suburb of Damascus, although not in the
numbers that Shi‘i Muslims do.15 This is far from the only case
of mixed intra-religious sites. Sunnis and Shi‘i visit the shrine
of Husayn in Cairo and Sunnis visit numerous “Shi‘i” tombs
in Syria, Iraq, and Iran. When ‘Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulusi did
a series of ziyarat (pilgrimage; see p. 103) journeys between
1688 and 1701, he did not limit the places he visited by sect
(he was a Sunni) nor by tariqah (he was a member of both the
Qadariyya and Naqshbandiyya orders), in part because Suis
do not perform pilgrimage in these ways.16 This is a problem
when considering the ways Islamic pilgrimages are typically
represented – the presentations do not accord with history or
agree with the realities of Muslim religious life.
The vast majority of Islamic pilgrimage traditions are commemorative, focused on the dead and the power of the bodies
being visited. This is one reason why the material aspect of
pilgrimage is so important. As Elizabeth Hallam and Jenny
Hockey have written, material objects have a great capacity
to “bind the living and the dead, to hold a fragile connection
across temporal distance and preserve a material presence
in the face of embodied absence.”17 Holy people, including
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Prophet Muhammad and his relatives, Sui shaykhs, and others,
remain important after their death because they are believed to
have the power to offer blessings to their followers. Pilgrims
visit the graves of the dead for a number of reasons. In the
case of Chor Bandi and Shahi Zinda in Uzbekistan, sick people
(dardmand) go to the graves in search of good health, childless people (bifarzand) ask for fertility, and others go to ask
for a successful marriage or business.18 In Islam, bodies and
associated relics function as religious and political symbols:
“Objects that confer legitimacy may do so merely because
they belong, or once belonged, to a person whose sanctity
inheres in his possessions as well as in himself.”19 Other sacred
places visited by Muslims include those associated with births,
miracles, and other wondrous events, such as the dreams
associated with Khidr/Hizir in Turkey, in which pilgrims go
on dream-quests (istikharah) in the hopes of encountering the
mysterious igure of Khidr.20 Pilgrimages may also involve
shared sites, including Mary’s house near Ephesus and John
the Baptist’s tomb in Damascus, also visited by Christians.
Furthermore, pilgrimages may be more seriously focused on
ecology and the natural world. In Bangladesh, several shrines
are associated with wildlife, resulting in pilgrimages that
involve not just the memory of the saint but the preservation
of animals and entire ecosystems, and the Muslims, Christians,
and others visit these sites and feed and observe the wildlife –
ranging from monkeys to birds – all in the hope of gaining a
blessing from God.21
In addition to physical pilgrimages like hajj and the visitation of tombs, graveyards, shrines, and nature reserves, this
book includes traditions that imitate these journeys, often
described as symbolic substitutions or virtual pilgrimages.
These cases are not to be confused with cyber-pilgrimages,
journeys involving technology like computers, the Internet,
and mobile devices, which are also part of this study. Virtual
pilgrimages and cyber-pilgrimages are distinct categories of
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experience. Virtual pilgrimages are physical activities that
reenact or imitate the pilgrimage to which they correspond.
One example is the Hussainiya that Shi‘i sometimes construct
in their homes or communities that serve as miniature replicas of Karbala. Cyber-pilgrimages use the worldwide web to
journey to a pilgrimage site, often through a live camera feed
or virtual landscape. All of these journeys – physical, virtual,
and cyber – represent some of the different ways that people
perform Islam, conduct ritual, and perform pilgrimage.
Islamic pilgrimages number in the thousands. In the Kotan
prefecture in China alone, there are more than two thousand
mazars and of these, only a small number, perhaps twenty, are
known to Muslims outside the region.22 Due to the fact that this
book covers such a large corpus of material, I have made an
effort to organize the subject in a way that gives equal weight to
the experiences of different Muslim communities. I admit this
is not perfect, but I have made considerable effort to include a
geographical and cultural diversity of sites and traditions. In
this spirit, I begin with a discussion of Islamic pilgrimage and
its examination in the ield of religious studies. This includes
a discussion of some of the challenges faced by scholars who
study Islam or pilgrimage, issues that are revisited in the
afterword. Chapter 2 examines the holy cities of Jerusalem,
Mecca, and Medina and includes a lengthy discussion of the
importance placed by Muslims on Jerusalem in Islam, hajj,
‘umrah, and related traditions in Medina. Chapter 3 examines
the pilgrimage traditions surrounding Shi‘i Muslims, including
Zaydis, Isma‘ilis, Twelvers, and two groups that are associated
with Shi‘ism – the ‘Alawis and Alevis. The following chapter focuses on Sui pilgrimages, traditions that exist in many
corners of the world and are undertaken by Sunnis, Shi‘i, and
other Muslim sects. This chapter addresses the problems in
studying Suism, a ield of enquiry inluenced by Orientalist
notions of “mysticism.” This chapter also looks at some of the
pilgrimages that are shared among Muslims and other groups,
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such as Christians, Hindus, and Jews. Chapter 5 focuses on
the topics of materiality and modernity – commodiication,
tourism, pilgrimage mementos, and virtual pilgrimages. It
also examines the topics of technology and cyber-pilgrimage, offering a relection on the ways in which modernity
is changing Islamic pilgrimage and offering new ways of
experiencing sacred sites. A careful relection on the entire
project, including some of the theoretical issues it presents, is
contained in the afterword. These chapters are designed to be
used independently or collectively in academic courses. As a
whole they present a comprehensive study of the topic, one
that I hope engenders more discussion both in the classroom
and in academia on the subject of Islamic pilgrimage.
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