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This study investigates factors responsible for payroll fraud in Bayelsa State Civil Service, Nigeria. The study adopted ex-post-facto research design. Data were gathered mainly from secondary sources. Robert K. Merton's anomie theory was adopted as the study's theoretical framework. The study found that the crime of payroll fraud persists in Bayelsa State civil service despite measures taken by government to stem the fraud. It also discovered that challenges such as inadequate funding and corruption confronting the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) are responsible for the futile prosecution of culprits. Based on these discoveries; the study recommends amongst others that Bayelsa State Government should train Forensic accountants to man all her Ministries Departments and Agencies (MDAs) as a proactive measure to check fraud. Introduction Section 206 of the Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) provides for the establishment of State Civil Service. The Civil Service provides the machinery and acts as a springboard for the development, consolidation of programmes and policies of the government of the day. However, these realities are far from being achieved in Bayelsa State Civil Service largely due to widespread corruption. In Bayelsa State Civil Service, it has been observed that some unscrupulous civil servants put in names of non-existing workers (ghost-names) in the payroll of government for pecuniary gains. This has over the years accounted for loss of billions of naira due to over bloated recurrent expenditure at the expense of capital expenditure and significantly weakened the State's capacity to function optimally. Available data reveals that the practice is common in the state particularly at the Local Government level, State Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) (see 2009 Biometrics report in Appendix 1 for details). In each of these levels, as observed, names of non-existing workers are stuffed up the payroll as ghosts that are paid salaries for doing nothing, yet the qualified youths roam the streets of Bayelsa state in a desperate search for white collar jobs. The syndicates have increased the monthly wage bill to a staggering N5.46 billion for civil servants alone, a trend that has gravely undermined the capacity of the state government to carry out its developmental functions (Dickson, 2013). This is because the payroll fraud appears to have blocked channels to socioeconomic development of the state. In Bayelsa state, between 2009 and 2013, biometrics screening and verifications have been conducted by successive governments and administrations, yet the practice has still not reduced or stopped (Utebor 2014). Financial experts argued that there is no financial fraud committed in government without the knowledge of civil servants. They create the loopholes for monies to leave the treasury and sometimes devise dubious means to earn above their monthly income (Odiegwu 2012).According to Odiegwu, people are however worried that the rot in the public service has continued despite the basket of promises by successive government to reform the system. But observers believe that political office holders benefitting from the decay have shown lack of the required will to transform the service and get rid of corrupt practices. Modugu (2013) asserts that the war against fraud and financial crimes in Nigeria will not be won because of the following factors: syndicates and collaborators are organized and are within the system, as well as failure by the anti-graft agencies to smash the gang, arrest perpetrators and prosecute culprits to serve as a deterrent to others. This poses serious concern to many observers of this problem, knowing full well that if the problem is allowed to continue, the socioeconomic conditions of the state would not improve and the citizens will continue to wallow in poverty while a few feed fat on the financial resources of the state. It is on this basis that this study was undertaken.

This paper examines the phenomenon of kidnapping in Nigeria with a view to underscore its implications for national security. This is against the backdrop of the rising incidence and prevalence of the crime in contemporary Nigeria. By way of qualitative analysis, predicated on secondary sources, the paper posits that kidnapping has been motivated and sustained by criminal quest for material accumulation. The paper adds that the situation has been compounded by the growing trend of criminal impunity in Nigeria wherefore the government's capacity to sanction and deter crime is abysmal. The paper observes that kidnapping portends dangerously for Nigeria's national security in view of its untoward impacts and implications. The paper submits that crimes like kidnapping would continue to prevail in Nigeria until pragmatic measures are taken to deter their occurrence as well as penalize their commission.

PhD Thesis, 1998

© Felicia Nwalutu This dissertation examines the role of gender in politics in ibibioland from 1900 - 1983. Gender is used here as a social and not a biological category and refers to the social and organization of the relationship between men and women and between culturally defined norms of femininity and masculinity. Politics is defined as the process by which resources and values (human, material and spiritual) are allocated within a social unit (in this case Ibibio) for the purpose of meeting the needs and desires of its members. In the reconstruction of Ibibio history, this thesis explores the position of Ibibio women and relates it to the theories on gender. As an integral background to the whole study, Ibibio pre-colonial society is analyzed and found to be dynamic; the factors of change included the slave trade and wars. There was an overall dual gender division of labor but it was always mediated by a flexible gender construct, such that gender conception and perception were flexible and suspended in secret societies as Ekpe, idiong, Ekpo, Inan, Ebiowo etc. membership of social organizations and cults was also differentiated along gender lines, but again suspended for women above a certain age. The colonial period introduced major changes within the society, as a result of the coming of Christianity, western education, foreign economic activities and institutions, new political associations and a different gender ideology. Overtime, the Ibibio traditional flexible gender construction began to hang along the line of the British role rigid gender conception. For instance, virtually all the colonial officials were men, so too, their counterparts, in the European private firms. The Nigerians who were involved in the colonial administration were also men. Women were ignored by and excluded from the colonial administration. This meant that roles were strictly gendered; breaking gender rules therefore carried a stigma. The marginalization of women led to various anti-colonial mass-demonstrations by women in defiance of their economic, political and social rights and interest, from 1903 to 1957, which are fully documented in the thesis. The dominant pattern presented in these case histories of women’s political action and organization was that of gender segregation. These changes are analyzed and their impact on Ibibioland assessed. Ibibio women in decolonization were excluded from politics Ibibio station union took the lead. Ibibio women in second republic followed the same pattern and under the military, the women were again excluded from politics in comparism with other societies especially Igbo and Efiks. However, with civil war in Nigeria 1967-1970, gender lines became more flexible than during the colonial and post-colonial period with women participating in ‘new’ ventures that had been assumed to the domain of men. This work is concluded in chapter eight which extends gender analysis to other Nigerian and African societies.

Abstract Violent conflicts have been a characteristic feature of Nigeria’s polity since the recommencement of democratic rule in May 1999. The various dimension of conflict witnessed ranges from ethno-religious, inter-communal, post-election violence, and so on. Over 187 ethno-religious conflicts were reported between May 1999 and April 2009; and since 2009 boko haram activities have been on the increase and over 115 attacks reported in the north. Nigeria is thus seen as a conflict prone society as no geopolitical zone is immune. Scholarly account points to youth as the prosecutors of over 90% of these violent conflicts and the youth constitute about 70% of Nigeria’s population. But are the youth victims of these violent conflicts or the perpetrators? A critical analysis of the situation using secondary data revealed that over 60% of youth lack access to employment and development opportunities. 90% of the 1,430,000 youths that graduated from tertiary institutions between 2004 and 2014 roam the streets and become victims for manipulation by corrupt political elites and their associates to perpetrate and persecute violent conflicts on their behalf in order to strengthen or legitimize their political and economic positions. Critically, youth are more of the victims of Nigeria’s democratic process that deny them opportunities and being the perpetrators of violent conflicts is but a manifestation of this denial. Therefore, value reorientation for political elites and more job creation programs for youths in both private and public sector of Nigeria’s polity is strongly recommended. Key words: Conflict, Democracy, Electoral Process, Victims, Violence, Youth

Abstract The mean aim of this paper is to examine the nexus between oil theft and corruption as it affects development in the region. Niger Delta is the store house of petroleum resources, which accounts for more than 80 per cent of Nigeria’s revenue and more than 90 per cent of the total exports. Oil theft is the criminal act of siphoning crude oil from government oil facilities. The study findings shows that there is quest for personal wealth accumulation, criminal tendencies by the local and international oil traders, security lapses, stakeholders negligence for the region development among others were responsible for oil theft and corruption. The findings shows that there is increase in state insecurity, Economic loses, Environmental degradation, fire disasters explosions, lost of life and material resources. The paper concludes that, until oil theft and corruption are curbed, the Niger Delta region will still be underdeveloped and the region will be elusive of sustainable peace and development. KEYWORDS: OIL THEFT, CORRUPTION, NIGER DELTA AND DEVELOPMENT

ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the role of gender in politics in ibibioland from 1900 - 1983. Gender is used here as a social and not a biological category and refers to the social and organization of the relationship between men and women and between culturally defined norms of femininity and masculinity. Politics is defined as the process by which resources and values (human, material and spiritual) are allocated within a social unit (in this case Ibibio) for the purpose of meeting the needs and desires of its members. In the reconstruction of Ibibio history, this thesis explores the position of Ibibio women and relates it to the theories on gender. As an integral background to the whole study, Ibibio pre-colonial society is analyzed and found to be dynamic; the factors of change included the slave trade and wars. There was an overall dual gender division of labor but it was always mediated by a flexible gender construct, such that gender conception and perception were flexible and suspended in secret societies as Ekpe, idiong, Ekpo, Inan, Ebiowo etc. membership of social organizations and cults was also differentiated along gender lines, but again suspended for women above a certain age. The colonial period introduced major changes within the society, as a result of the coming of Christianity, western education, foreign economic activities and institutions, new political associations and a different gender ideology. Overtime, the Ibibio traditional flexible gender construction began to hang along the line of the British role rigid gender conception. For instance, virtually all the colonial officials were men, so too, their counterparts, in the European private firms. The Nigerians who were involved in the colonial administration were also men. Women were ignored by and excluded from the colonial administration. This meant that roles were strictly gendered; breaking gender rules therefore carried a stigma. The marginalization of women led to various anti-colonial mass-demonstrations by women in defiance of their economic, political and social rights and interest, from 1903 to 1957, which are fully documented in the thesis. The dominant pattern presented in these case histories of women’s political action and organization was that of gender segregation. These changes are analyzed and their impact on Ibibioland assessed. Ibibio women in decolonization were excluded from politics Ibibio station union took the lead. Ibibio women in second republic followed the same pattern and under the military, the women were again excluded from politics in comparism with other societies especially Igbo and Efiks. However, with civil war in Nigeria 1967-1970, gender lines became more flexible than during the colonial and post-colonial period with women participating in ‘new’ ventures that had been assumed to the domain of men. This work is concluded in chapter eight which extends gender analysis to other Nigerian and African societies.

Colomilicivilian is a coinage that describes the three eras of political experiences of Nigeria, captured as Colonial Era, Military Era and the Civilian Era; characterised with series of manifestations in the establishment of universities during each of the eras. The paper was written on the demonstration of efforts and commitments of Governments at different times from the missionaries/colonial days of Nigeria, 1800-1960; through to the post colonial efforts of the civilian administrations at different times and those efforts of the various military governments in the promotion of university education from post 1960; through the establishment of universities of various kinds – regular/conventional (running all programmes, combined); specialised ones (of science, technology, open, technical, petroleum resources, military, police, marine and medical); even the projected Information and Communication Technology (ICT) University were accorded chronological documentation. This historical study chronicles from pre-independence to the entire post-independence efforts of the governments of Nigeria at federal and state levels, as well as the role of private proprietors from the initial effort during 2 nd republic in 1979-1983, which was truncated and later resuscitated. The paper also captured the ultimate resurgence of private establishment of universities, now considered a sustained effort of the private individuals, corporate organisations, faith-based (Christian and Islamic) organisations. The paper concluded with mixed submissions, first commending the demonstration of commitment to a sporadic and astronomic increase in the universities establishment and secondly, berated all sorts of inadequacies that only left the country with quantity and not quality in the operations of universities.

2018

The study looked at the perceived influence of peace communicating music among the students of University of Uyo. The objectives of the study were to: examine whether students of University of Uyo are exposed to peace communicating music, examine the gratification they derive from these peace communicating music, determine if there is a relationship between listenership to peace communicating music and determine if there is a relationship between listernership to peace communicating music and peaceful coexistence among University of Uyo students. The survey research method was used for this study with a population of 18,926 students. Data for thus study were gathered using questionnaire from three hundred and eighty one respondents. However, three hundred and sixty copies were completed and returned valid for the study. The research was under pinged on the theoretical framework of individual differences and reinforcement theories. The paper among other things found out that: students of the university of uyo are well exposed to peace communicating music, with a frequency that can be considered to be high and intense. Arising from this exposure therefore, the study gathered that university of uyo students derive gratifications from peace communicating music. Also there is a relationship between listenership to peace communicating music and peaceful coexistence among students of university of uyo on campus and there are myriad of ways which can be utilised for the engendering of peace among students of University of uyo apart from music. Based on these findings, the study recommends thus, music artistes should see themselves as ambassadors of peace and try to incorporate lyrics that engender peace in their music so that, the campuses as well as the society at large, get to learn from them and live in peace and harmony.

Election is a very important component of a democratic process in any country because, it is a formal decision-making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office, and hence all the other variables of democracy revolve around elections. Elections represent a medium through a country can project its international image either positively or negatively through several means, particularly the electoral processes. This paper examined the influenced of 2015 general elections on Nigeria's international image. The paper is essentially qualitative in its approach and documentary sources were the major instruments used for data collection. The paper found that what made the 2015 Nigeria's general election credible was proper conduct of the election and general acceptability of the candidates competing for different political post. The paper argues that series of elections have been conducted in Nigeria; but the 2015 general elections actually determine the stand of Nigeria is the global support for democracy. The election not only received global commendations but also placed Nigeria as leading role of African democratic trends which many learn lesson from it their future conducts of elections. The paper concludes that violence is the greatest enemy of democracy, being the bane of Nigeria's march to democracy. This is because there can be no democratic elections, democratization, consolidation of democracy, growth in democratic culture or internalization of best democratic practices in any country if electoral violence is prevalent. The paper recommends among others that there is need for Nigerian state to build on the existing institutions that would ensure credible elections so that future elections would be more violent-free than the recent elections.