Book Review
Pp. xiv + 288. P/b £18.99.
Karl Jaspers famously maintained that no adequate understanding of psychopathological phenomena could be achieved without genuinely philosophical
reflection (the result would be ‘disastrous’ he noted). Equally, we might say,
no philosophical understanding of the mind is comprehensive if it fails to
take into consideration those aspects of the mind that reveal themselves in
mental disorder. In his illuminating book, George Graham takes this view
seriously, investigating the intimate relation between psychiatry and philosophy while offering an original introduction to the philosophy of mind in
which central topics like mental causation, mind–body problem, consciousness, and rationality are introduced and discussed through the lens of mental
disorder. Besides this innovative angle, the book is clearly and engagingly
written, complex discussions are elucidated by hypothetical examples and
case-studies, and the reader is provided with helpful chapter summaries
and suggestions for further reading. In addition to presenting an innovative
introduction, Graham also develops and defends a non-reductive theory of
mental disorder. In fact, the majority of the book (six out of the full roll of
nine chapters and an epilogue) is devoted to laying out and defending his
account. It is this well-articulated aspect of the book that I shall focus on. The
last three chapters discuss topics like addiction, delusion, and thought insertion, culminating in considerations about the metaphysics of the self and the
nature of mental health. Graham closes the book by reflecting on whether the
elimination of a distress through medication may diminish the sense of personal achievement.
Graham puts forward an account of prototypical mental disorders, according to which a mental disorder involves a partial impairment (not complete
destruction) in the reason-responsive operation of one or more of the basic
psychological capacities of a person. Moreover, the impairment afflicting a
basic psychological capacity is brought about by a mix of mental activity and
a-rational neural mechanisms, and has harmful consequences for the person
(p. 156). While Graham’s careful development of this idea over the course of
six chapters involves drawing on a broad range of philosophical sources, his
commitment to what he calls realism about mental disorder functions like a
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The Disordered Mind: An Introduction to Philosophy of Mind and
Mental Illness, by George Graham. London and New York: Routledge, 2010.
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thread that runs through the book. This general realist view is rich on details,
but has two central components that I shall be concerned with in the following. It entails (a) that mental disorder cannot be fully comprehended in
‘mechanistic’ terms and (b) that while mental disorders may have fuzzy
boundaries, they have discoverable and objective standards and norms.
Let us consider (a) first. Graham’s realism involves a rejection of
approaches that aim to reduce mental disorder to neurological or chemical
problems. The language of somatic disease provided by brain science is inadequate to account for mental disorders, since they are characterized by the
interactions between brute, a-rational forces and mind-centered-rational factors: ‘the mind qua mind puts its inscription on the sources of a disorder. We
cannot recognize a mental disorder without uncovering that mark’ (p. 11).
Graham acknowledges that Alzheimer’s disease or Down’s syndrome possess
psychological symptoms, but claims that these are non-mental, neurological
disorders. This is because a reference to intentionality and rationality is not
part of ‘the best explanation’ of their ‘origin, source or developmental propensity ’ (p. 128). Consequently, Graham argues that an adequate explanation
of mental disorder must include reference to both brute, a-rational neural
mechanisms and to impaired or truncated rationality and reason-responsiveness (pp. 7, 129). This position is defended against those sceptics who believe,
on ‘empirical’ or ‘metaphysical’ grounds, that the use of mental terms to
explain mental disorder should be and/or will be replaced by neural, chemical, or otherwise non-mentalistic descriptions (p. 71).
However, at times this defence lends itself to misunderstanding — something that could have been avoided by stressing the difference between metaphysical and (what we might call) ‘empirical’ scepticism. The latter has a long
history, starting with founding figures of psychiatry such as Emil Kraepelin,
Eugen Bleuler, and Wilhelm Griesinger, who all maintained that eventually
mental disorders would be explained as distinct brain diseases. Their view
became increasingly popular on the threshold of the twentieth century, as
technological advances made it possible to prove that some mental disorders
were caused by physical factors. For instance, laboratory studies clarified the
etiology of the mental disorder of general paresis (usually involving delusions
of grandeur, dementia, paralysis, and defective speech), and revealed that it
could be traced back to brain tissue damaged by syphilitic infection. After this
discovery, biological treatment was developed which ultimately resulted in
the elimination of the disorder. Now, the relevant point is that such empirical
scepticism does not have to entail any metaphysical commitment; just
as Graham (p. 86), the empirical sceptic, may very well subscribe to a metaphysically agnostic strategy, and to the idea of the causal efficacy of states
with intentional content (p. 86), only adding that it is very likely that at some
point the relevant bio-chemical agents will be discovered. It seems as if
Graham wants to counter empirical scepticism by rejecting metaphysical
scepticism — a view that the empirical sceptic does not necessarily hold.
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Whoever intends to refute the position of the empirical sceptic needs to prove
that mental terms are necessarily part of an adequate explanation of mental
disorders. Indeed, some passages in The Disordered Mind do sound as if this
were the objective, for example:
Passages like this could easily be understood as conveying that mental disorders are entities of a certain kind that are necessarily best understood in
terms of reference to rationality and intentionality (pp. 79–80). However,
Graham only provides evidence for the view that given our present knowledge
about mental disorders, mental terms are part of an adequate description.
Suppose that, one day, strong evidence is discovered in favour of the view
(as proposed recently) that inflammation plays the major causal role in the
pathophysiology of depression. In that case, following Graham’s account, we
would have to redefine depression as a biological-neurological disorder that
can be fully specified and comprehended in mechanistic terms. So lastly,
while Graham rejects the position of the metaphysical sceptic, there is no
significant disagreement between Graham and the empirical sceptic.
Now I will turn to (b). Another issue connected to Graham’s realism
concerns the claim that, while mental disorders may have fuzzy boundaries,
they have discoverable and objective standards and norms: ‘[t]o qualify as a
disorder a condition or disturbance must meet certain standards or norms.
Success or failure in meeting such standards or norms also is discoverable’
(p. 10). Graham rejects positions in which mental disorders figure as socially
constructed or merely reflect cultural conventions (p. 108), and he affirms
‘the existence of objective truths about mental disorder attributions and
diagnoses’ (pp. 154, 9). In other words, ‘there are facts of the matter as to
whether someone is depressed’ (p. 59). This realism, if true, ensures that a
mental disorder is something that detects a clinically significant disability or
impairment in rationality, not mere distress (as the philosophical despair of
Augustine) or a mere performance lapse, error or anything that is undesirable
only within a certain cultural horizon. Rather, mental disorders are ‘undesirable period — unwanted in any or virtually any context or cultural environment’ (p. 113), ‘no matter when or where we are’ (p. 113). At this point it is
apparent that Graham’s realism entails a universalist position: a condition is
significant or serious enough to qualify as a mental disorder if there is an
impairment occurring in a fundamental psychological competence, which is
basic because leading any kind of a ‘decent or personally satisfying life’ requires it (pp. 131–2). Using Rawls’s thought experiment, Graham argues that
basic mental capacities are like ‘primary goods’ that each person would
choose independently of any access to knowledge concerning their social
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On the approach I am recommending, there is something different about disorders
associated with brain damage (neurological disorders) and disorders not associated
with brain damage, the difference being that in the former case the (proximate)
sources of a disorder can be fully comprehended in mechanistic (brute a-rational
neural) terms, whereas in the latter case they cannot. (p. 127)
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status, talents, abilities, or specific views concerning what constitutes the
good life. Rawls assumes that regardless of ignorance about their personal
characteristics and ideas of the good, individuals in the ‘original position’
would nonetheless strive to advance their interests and exhibit a preference
for more rather than less primary goods. Graham’s list of what we could call
‘primary psychological goods’ (pp. 147–9) includes the ability to locate oneself bodily/spatially and historically/temporally, the ability to comprehend
self and world, the ability to communicate, to engage emotionally, to
assume self-responsibility and to make decisions.
One problem with Graham’s approach is its susceptibility to arguments
reminiscent of those launched against Rawls. In short, the problem is that this
method of universalizability or objectivity yields a determinate set of human
goods that either clash with standards embedded in the traditions of particular societies (Taylor; MacIntyre) or become far too vague and abstract to
provide useful standards (Walzer). In a similar manner, the basic psychological capacities that Graham puts forward are both too vague and too
narrow. On the one hand, talk of self/world comprehension, and of communication and decision-making capacities, is too vague if no specification
is given of the capacities for comprehension, communication, and decision-making that individuals need in order to lead a good life. For instance,
it is not clear whether and at what point intense feelings of care or love that
alter self/world comprehension and decision-making should count as an impairment. On the other hand, less vague descriptions and further specifications of the relevant psychological capacities would most likely make these
too narrow, thus excluding particular ideas of the good life. It is extremely
difficult to eliminate the possibility that rational individuals may be hindered
in pursuing their vision of a good life by possessing a particular primary
good. Take for instance the ability to have emotional commitments to others
that Graham includes in his list. A warrior or a devoted monk might both
hold that in order to achieve a ‘personally satisfying life’ it would be better for
them not to have emotional commitments to other people. In short, the
ability for emotional engagement is not neutral: it is not only not necessary
for particular understandings of being a devoted warrior or monk, but it may
even be a hindrance in pursuing their idea of a good life.
In sum, it seems near impossible to identify universal psychological capacities that are needed to realize any type of good life, without the choice of
those capacities itself being led by a particular idea of the good life. Graham
does not deal with such potential objections. Surely, he would grant that the
notion of mental disorder is value-laden, but argue that so too is the notion
of somatic illness (p. 12). As he says, we attribute somatic disease on the
background of norms and standards of proper functioning parts of the
body (p. 92), and hence ‘the notions of bodily health and physical well-being
are evaluative or normative through and through’ (p. 93). However, it is
important to differentiate between the normativity involved in the standards
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Department of Philosophy
University of Memphis
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SOMOGY VARGA
doi:10.1093/mind/fzt002
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that govern the attribution of bodily disease, such as hypertension or infection, and the normativity involved in the standards that govern the attribution of mental disorder. The latter directly reflects fundamentally contestable
value judgments that are often moral and political in character.
These concerns notwithstanding, The Disordered Mind is an admirably
wide-ranging book that provides a rich and stimulating introduction to central topics in the philosophy of mind, and shows the crucial role of philosophical reflection in providing an understanding of mental disorder, while
identifying shortcomings in current psychiatric classification. One must applaud Graham for taking on the highly ambitious task of outlining those
universal basic psychological capacities against which impairments of rationality can be identified. At the same time, one may wonder whether the context of an introductory book on the philosophy of mind is the right venue for
such an ambitious task. But despite these concerns, The Disordered Mind
should be essential reading both for those who are sympathetic and those
who are antagonistic to the idea of a non-reductive notion of mental disorder. Graham’s book is highly recommendable to anyone working on (or
merely interested in) these issues. Not only is it a welcome addition to the
rapidly increasing literature on the philosophy of psychiatry, but it also contributes to establishing its legitimacy as a sub-discipline of philosophy.