24 From Pen to Print –
a Revolution in
Communications?
Angela McShane and Mark Knights
Today’s digital media have transformed the lives of people across much of
the world. Digitized images, text and sound mean that we have new ways of
accessing what we want to learn about or enjoy, while the range of voices and
opinions we can hear has expanded exponentially. Yet the book you are reading
(even if it’s online!) is testament to the long reach of another early modern
technology that had a similarly transformative effect: print. The printing
press was one of three inventions – alongside gunpowder and the compass
(Chapter 30 and Chapter 18) – that politician, intellectual and essayist Francis
Bacon claimed had ‘changed the whole face and state of things throughout
the world’ (Bacon 1620, Bk. I, cxxix). This chapter considers Bacon’s claim in
relation to print and investigates its role in the intellectual, religious, political,
and cultural revolutions that accompanied the RENAISSANCE, Reformations and
Enlightenment.
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The coming of print
Medieval societies employed a wide range of interconnected oral, written and
visual media. Face-to-face exchange, ceremonial rituals, symbols and images
predominated, while correspondence and written records pervaded literate
culture.
In some respects, printing was nothing new. The ‘codex’ or book form
had almost replaced unwieldy scrolls; expensive vellum was largely replaced
by cheaper, more adaptable paper; and fixed inks made written records more
stable than ever before. MOVABLE TYPE made of clay, wood and metal was an
early Chinese invention, while woodblock books were printed in China, Japan,
and Korea from the 1200s. What was new was Europe’s systematic exploitation
of mechanical printing technologies from the fifteenth century onwards. The
DOI: 10.4324/9781003140801-30
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277
CHAPTER
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ANGELA McSHANE AND MARK KNIGHTS
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Figure 24.1
Beginning of Jerome’s Epistle to Paulinus from the Gutenberg Bible of 1454–55
(vol. 1, f. 1r). Note how Gutenberg produced pages that replicated, as far as possible,
typical scribal productions of the period: British Library, London.
Source: British Library Board. All Rights Reserved / Bridgeman Images
breakthrough came in the 1440s, when Johannes Gutenberg of Mainz combined
movable metal type, a new oil-based printer’s ink, and a wooden hand press,
and in so doing, led the way to the mechanical mass reproduction of a myriad
of printed goods (‘How was it made’ in web resources). Indeed, Gutenberg and
most of those following in his wake mostly earned their livings by producing
short ephemeral works, such as official proclamations, papal INDULGENCES and
moralizing texts (Eisermann 2017; Würgler 2019). A defining moment came in
1454–55 with the printing of Gutenberg’s Bible (see Figure 24.1 and ‘Gutenberg
Bible’ in additional web resources). Gutenberg’s achievement also served to
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FROM PEN TO PRINT
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24
highlight printers and booksellers (the early modern equivalent of publishers)
as central to creating and supplying a broad market for print that could far
supersede scribal production (Grafton 2020).
The printing industry expanded rapidly. By 1500 there were more than 1,000
printing shops across Europe including William Caxton’s in England, from
1476. The rate of increase was uneven and depended both on the degree of
press freedom that governments and churches allowed, and on the temperature
of religious, political, or cultural debate at any one time. In England some 400
book titles were published by 1510; 6,000 in the 1630s; 20,000 in the 1640s;
21,000 in the 1710s and 56,000 by the 1790s (Houston 2002, 175). In contrast,
the Thirty Years War curbed book production in Germany. Extraordinarily high
levels of production in 1620 were not achieved again until 1765, when output
became buoyant: of 175,000 titles, two-thirds were published between 1775 and
1800. In France, where censorship was stronger, the number of titles increased
less dramatically, from just 500 in 1700 to 1,000 per year by the Revolution of
1789; while Russia reached 250 titles a year only in the 1780s (Blanning 2002,
140–42; Box 1).
BOX 1
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Estimates of European book production:
Before 1500
20 million copies
1500–1600
150–200 million copies
1700–1800
1,500 million copies
(Houston 2002, chapter 8)
The figures in Box 1 are only estimates because evidence about print runs is
fragmentary. Two or three hundred copies of a first edition may have been
common, though runs of thousands were produced for official, controversial,
or best-selling items. Books were also reprinted if there was demand (Eisermann
2017; Munck 2019). For example, Italian, German and French towns produced
vast numbers of schoolbooks in pocket-size formats: 1,125,000 copies of Virgil’s
Aeneid alone between 1469–1599 (Wilson-Okamura 2010, 20–25). Printing
presses catered for many different markets. Bookshops sold books of all shapes
and sizes, from large (folio) editions to small (octavo) sizes, while other kinds
of cheap print, such as ballads, pictures, and pamphlets were hawked by itinerant traders and could achieve widespread dissemination (Salzburg, 2014;
Eisermann 2017; Würgler, 2019; Meertens, ‘Ballads’ in web resources). In this
way, the printed word both assisted and reflected an increase in literacy. For
example, in 1668, a popular German novel, set in the period of the Thirty Years
War, explained how print led to literacy: the hero Simplicissimus describes how
he was taught to read by his hermit mentor (Box 2).
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ANGELA McSHANE AND MARK KNIGHTS
BOX 2
‘Now when I first saw the hermit read the Bible, I could not conceive with whom he
should speak so secretly … when he laid it aside I crept thither and opened it … and
lit upon the first chapter of Job and the picture that stood at the head thereof. [When
Simplicissimus demanded to be taught to read, the hermit wrote out for him] an alphabet
on birch-bark, formed like print, and when I knew the letters, I learned to spell, and
thereafter to read, and at last to write better than could the hermit himself: for I imitated
print in everything.’
(Grimmelshausen 1989, 21)
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Simplicissimus’s story shows how both pictures and words could act to spread
knowledge among all classes of people, and how the form of printed letters
began to affect people’s writing. Though the ability to read was increasingly
considered essential, for religious as well as social purposes, writing ability was
less prevalent, since it took longer to learn and was only deemed necessary for
trades or professions that required it.
Literacy rates (by which historians generally mean the ability to write a
signature) were certainly on the rise in Europe, albeit with significant social,
regional and gender variations (Houston 2002). Between the 1680s and
1780s, French literacy increased from 29 per cent to 47 per cent for men, and
from 14 per cent to 27 per cent for women, among adult males in Germanspeaking countries, the rise was from 10 per cent in 1700 to 25 per cent by
1800 (Blanning 2002, 112–13). High rates were achieved later in Eastern and
Southern Europe, but earlier in England, where male literacy was 30 per cent
in 1640, and 45 per cent by 1715, while in London, under 10 per cent of males
were illiterate by the 1720s (Cressy 1980, Table 7.3). The focus on signing
underrepresents reading literacy among women, however, who often taught
children in the household to read, as well as being active in the printing
trades (Munck 2019).
Rises in literacy alongside increased variety and availability of printed texts,
changed reading habits from an intensive experience of a few texts to an extensive one, sampling many (Munck 2019). Reading was a sociable experience,
with material of all kinds being read out aloud to companions, encouraging
discussion. For the expanded reading public, print became a form of entertainment as well as a means of disseminating information, fostering new genres,
such as the novel, that particularly appealed to female readers. Solitary reading
became more common in relation to religious introspection and as notions of
privacy gained sway in the eighteenth century.
Can the many revolutions of the early modern period be attributed to the
coming of print?
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FROM PEN TO PRINT
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The case for a ‘printing revolution’
In 1979, a seminal text that continues to reverberate argued that the
‘transforming powers’ of the printing press had fundamentally changed the
early modern world (Eisenstein 1979). The central arguments of this book were
that the printing press brought about:
•
•
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•
Standardization: exact reproductions of texts were important to the acquisition of new knowledge, e.g., in astronomy, since a ‘single text might
enable scattered observers to scan the heavens for the same signs on the
same date’.
Diffusion and dissemination: growth in the numbers of printed texts,
facilitated by new institutions like libraries and book fairs, increased scholarly exchange.
Preservation: print was ‘the art that preserved all other arts’, enabling the
accumulation and comparison of texts, data and opinions, with the potential to destabilize the established order (Eisenstein in Grafton, Eisenstein
and Johns 2002).
Print, Eisenstein suggested, aided the gathering and disseminating of knowledge across geographical borders. These features created a new Europe-wide
‘print culture’ that shaped the processes we call the Renaissance, Reformation
and Scientific Revolution.
To an extent, Eisenstein’s important book created its own historiographical revolution, causing historians to look up from their manuscripts and to
give more attention than ever before to the vast array of early modern printed
works – from bibles to songs, from learned treatises to administrative forms,
from maps of the world to simple woodcuts – and all the rich complexities
that they revealed. For example, Reformation scholars were quick to note the
importance of print, arguing that it was intrinsic to the dissemination and contestation of new beliefs (Chapter 11, esp. Figures 11.1–11.3). Protestantism was
a religion of the word and print allowed vernacular bibles to be disseminated all
over Europe, even in areas where literacy levels had been traditionally very low.
For example, King Gustavus Vasa (reigned 1523–1560), determined to promote
Lutheranism, encouraged the Swedish publishing trade, and the first bible in
Swedish appeared in 1541 (see ‘Nordic Bibles’ in web resources and additional
web image 24.4).
Although large books were expensive both to produce and to buy, shorter,
cheaper texts, such as primers, pamphlets and even ballads, operated as media
through which to inculcate piety, or, as in the case of poetical and visual
satires, to ridicule religious opponents. Print enabled religious debates to reach
a much wider audience and encouraged people to question what they read
(Box 3).
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BOX 3
In his Book of Martyrs, the English Protestant John Foxe believed printed texts and images
were central to his campaign against Catholic superstition and ignorance:
‘hereby tongues are known, judgement increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scripture is
seen … times be compared, truth discerned, falsehood detected … and all … through
the benefit of printing. Whereof I suppose, that either the pope must abolish printing,
or … he must seek a new world to reign over: for else as this world standeth, printing will
doubtless abolish him.’
(1583 edn, 707; Web resources)
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By contrast, Eisenstein argued, in Catholic territories religious questioning
and scientific advance were hampered by the papal INDEX LIBRORUM PROHIBITORUM
(web resources; Chapter 13), comprising titles that Catholics were forbidden to
print or read, including important scientific books by Galileo and Brahe. Yet,
here too, print fed the imaginations of those relatively low down the social
scale. One fascinating example is the testimony of a sixteenth-century Italian
miller named Menocchio, whose heretical reflections on the numerous texts he
had read were exposed by the INQUISITION (Ginzburg 1980).
Both historians and literary scholars see print as central to the ‘news revolution’ of the mid- and later seventeenth century (Pettegree 2015; Raymond and
Moxham 2016). From the seventeenth century, serially printed newspapers,
alongside single topic pamphlets, became vital conduits through which ruling
governments and opponents alike could seek to inform, persuade, and manage
public opinion. The earliest known serial newspaper was published in Germany
in 1605, but it was in Britain and the Netherlands that the widespread dissemination of printed news and opinion played a significant part in the intellectual ferment of political revolutions (Knights, 2006; Reinders, 2013). Moreover,
the regular reporting of global news created the basis for revolutions in trade
and finance that began in the 1690s (Ogborne 2007). In 1695, German writer
Kaspar Stieler argued (at length) that newspapers had become essential to all
aspects of social and economic life (see additional web source Box 4).
Print also played an essential role in the Enlightenment, which thrived
on the dissemination of ideas and challenges to existing authorities. By the
eighteenth century, a new pan-European genre of periodicals brought together
compendia of information on topics such as fashion, literature, science, and
international news, helping people to keep in touch with new developments,
and encouraging scholars to share and debate new discoveries. In France there
were 15 periodicals in 1745 but 82 by 1785; in Germany, just 58 can be traced
up to 1700, but in the 1780s alone, 1,225 new journals appeared (Blanning
2002, 158–9).
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FROM PEN TO PRINT
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Although early modern states clamped down upon those that they
considered dissident intellectuals, it was possible to bypass state censorship
by taking advantage of improved travel and communications systems and the
international distribution networks of the print trade. For example, after an
early spell in prison for libel in 1718, the Enlightenment PHILOSOPHE Voltaire,
moved nearer Switzerland, giving him access to publishers and printers who
were free from French government censorship (see additional web source Box 5).
It has also been argued that cheap print, even the semi-pornographic books
of eighteenth-century France, played a key role in carrying Enlightenment
ideas (Darnton 1995). Cheaper, pirated adaptations of important texts became
common. Unofficial editions of the multi-volume ENCYCLOPÉDIE collectively
ensured a far greater and wider impact than the highly priced ‘officially’
produced original could ever have done alone. Thus, the French Revolutionaries
looked back not just to the philosophes but also to their popularizers for helping
to lift the veil of ignorance and tyranny.
The growth of ‘print communities’ allowed scholars, intellectuals and political
and religious radicals to communicate across the Atlantic world. Enlightenment
print was at the heart of a growing European and American sociability that
had political and cultural repercussions: contemporaries in eighteenth century
Britain, France and Germany, shared their reading in clubs, COFFEE HOUSES and
SALONS, spreading ideas that chipped away at the established order. These new
spaces for bourgeois sociability, alongside the market for printed news, enabled
‘publics’ to newly engage in rational debate, while ‘public opinion’ began to
act instrumentally on the state and society, effectively creating a ‘public sphere’
(Chapter 29). ‘Print communities’ also facilitated the emergence of national identities, especially in states such as the Dutch Republic, Spain, France and Britain,
by fostering similar imaginative boundaries and shared national cultures.
Print also offered an important platform from which new, marginalised,
or hitherto-unheard voices could emerge, including the Muslim traveller,
Leo Africanus (1550) (Davis 2006); the Spanish conquistador, Bernal Diaz
del Castillo; professional playwright, Mrs Aphra Behn; and writers who had
suffered enslavement, such as the autobiographer, Olaudah Equiano, and poet,
Phillis Wheatley.
By distributing new knowledge and encouraging debate, print can be seen to
have contributed towards cultural and political transformations across Europe.
Print revolutionized scientific and religious ideas and widened support for
political revolutions that brought down governments in seventeenth-century
England and ANCIEN RÉGIME France.
The case against a ‘print revolution’
Reluctant to place so much emphasis on one new technology, some scholars
argue that print was just part of a wider revolution in early modern
communications. Print depended on systems of distribution for its impact (and
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ANGELA McSHANE AND MARK KNIGHTS
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profitability), requiring improvements in marketing and in transport. Better
roads, ships, canals, and postal services served to shrink space and time; and these
networks were a precondition for the growth of printed news (Schobesberger
et al. in Raymond and Moxham 2016; see additional web image 24.5).
Between 1500 and 1800, the Habsburg postal system had expanded to
include about 2,500 stations across Germany and France. Travelling time was
cut dramatically. Whereas in 1500 it took thirty days to go from Hamburg to
Augsburg, by 1800 postal couriers made it in just five days (Behringer 2006,
364). It was along these routes – and particularly through the urban nodes in the
communication network – that manuscript newsletters and printed newspapers
flowed. Indeed, without these developments in transport infrastructure, the
coming of print might have been much less revolutionary. Similarly, mercantile
communication continued to rely heavily upon hand-written letters, usually
conveyed by ships (see ‘Prize Papers’ in web resources).
Historians argue that Eisenstein’s claim of a sudden shift from a scribal and
oral culture to print has been exaggerated (Crick and Walsham 2004). Handwritten copies of texts continued to flourish at least until the late seventeenth
century, especially where censorship restricted the activities of authors and
publishers, and the volume of letters grew rather than diminished. Whereas
Simplicissimus believed the character of print shaped the way he wrote, printed
works, like the Gutenberg bible, aped scribal letter forms and formats. For much
of the early modern period developing a literate culture was what mattered, as
the key divide was not between those who did or did not possess or have access
to texts, but between those who could or could not read them.
Moreover, oral culture was neither undermined nor replaced by ‘print culture’ (Chapter 26). Rather, print and oral cultures coexisted in mutually reinforcing and stimulating ways: what was talked about found its way into print,
and what was printed was talked about, while most popular print was ‘performative’, especially sermons, plays, dialogues, stories, and ballads (Salzberg
2014). Periodicals, aimed at the middling and upper sorts, whether fashion
magazines – like Le Mercure Galant – or learned journals – like the Royal Society’s
Philosophical Transactions – shared the same intention of providing men and
women in clubs, salons, markets, coffee houses, inns and taverns, with topics
of conversation and discussion.
The case for a print revolution argues that it was instrumental in spreading
knowledge and information. Yet it could also spread disinformation and uncertainty (see image web resources). Paradoxically, although print ‘fixed’ texts, it
could also disseminate errors. Far from verifying and establishing ‘truth’ and
‘reason’, print could be used to distort and invert them (Johns in Grafton,
Eisenstein and Johns 2002). Indeed, partisans of all stripes believed their rivals
engaged in deliberate attempts to mislead readers (Knights, 2006). Distrust was
further boosted by the ubiquitous anonymity of the medium allowing writers
to lie without fear of reprisal. Especially in France and England, the book trade
developed a ‘grub street’ of impoverished authors, printers, and publishers,
who pandered to popular tastes by inventing stories or writing on both sides
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FROM PEN TO PRINT
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of an argument. In these circumstances, traditional forms of gauging credit, for
example, through social or religious status or by the reputation of those who
delivered information, remained important (Shapin 1994).
The print revolution did not necessarily undermine the Ancien Régime and
even strengthened it. Printed satires may have helped to weaken notions of
a sacred monarchy or an infallible Church (Figure 24.2), but traditional religious texts, sermons, schoolbooks, proclamations, and government apologists
served to defend it, and were trusted (Figure 24.3). Better communications and
standardized printed forms facilitated processes of bureaucratization, centralization, and fiscal militarization. Moreover, the financial revolutions of the eighteenth century, which attracted private money into governmental debts and
loans, leaned heavily on information supplied by newspapers (Ogborn 2007).
Finally, although there was a revolution in levels of production, availability,
and consumption of the press, it is hard to establish any clear correlation
between text and action. If the French Revolution was the result of the
Figure 24.2
A satirical Dutch Tijding (news-sheet) in which
Louis XIV has been taken ill on receiving the news
that rumours of his enemy William III’s death were
untrue. He is attended by a crowd of physicians
representing different nations, enemies and allies
alike. Etching after P. Bouttats (c. 1690),
Source: Wellcome Collection CC BY.
Credit: Wellcome Collection.
Figure 24.3
On the right, an Italian ‘Health advice
broadsheet’. These official publications,
depicting the authority of state and church,
literally saved lives by warning people to
avoid places infected by plague.
Source: Wellcome Collection CC BY.
Credit: Wellcome Collection.
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ANGELA McSHANE AND MARK KNIGHTS
Enlightenment, can we be sure that the Enlightenment was brought about by
the press?
Assessment
It is certain that, from the fifteenth century onwards, there was a huge Europewide increase in the distribution and accessibility of printed texts, yet, how
far this change amounted to a revolution remains a hotly contested question.
Many see the press as instrumental in fostering Protestantism and disseminating ideas that undermined the established religious, scientific, and political order; contributing to the rise of the state and development of national
identities, as well as a shared culture of information and entertainment. But
sceptics stress that print did not provoke a radical break with the past and that
its impact was often dependent on other technologies, especially transport. Far
from undercutting an oral and scribal culture, print merely reinvigorated it.
Moreover, print was not always available to the poor and less well-off; it did not
only fix truth and reason, but also promulgated lies, propaganda and polemical
irrationalities (see additional web images 24.6-7).
Yet these interpretations are not mutually exclusive. We may want to build
caveats into our analysis of the transformative power of print. In this respect
it is helpful to think of the ways in which modern digital technologies coexist
with older ones, are taken up at different rates with varying degrees of enthusiasm and foster new ways of thinking and behaving. When we evaluate such
questions today, we are thrown back to problems faced by those who lived in
the early modern period. Do changes in communicative practices change the
way we think and what we say? Are there justifiable limits on the freedom of
expression? How do we discern lies and misinformation, and what can we do
about them? These are early modern questions that have a twenty-first-century
urgency.
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Discussion themes
1.
2.
3.
In what way might the term ‘print revolution’ be misleading?
How did new communicative practices change beliefs and behaviours in
early modern Europe?
Was print necessarily subversive of authority?
Bibliography
(A) Sources
Bacon, Francis (1620), The New Organon: Or True Directions Concerning the
Interpretation of Nature. London
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FROM PEN TO PRINT
CHAPTER
24
Grimmelshausen, Johan Jacob (1989), Simplicissimus [1668/69], trans. S. Goodrich.
Sawtry
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(B) Literature
Behringer, Wolfgang ed. (2006), ‘Communication in historiography’, special issue
of German History 24 (3)
Blanning, T. W. (2002), The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime
Europe 1660–1789. Oxford
Cressy, David (1980), Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and
Stuart England. Cambridge
Crick, Julia and Walsham, Alexandra eds (2004), The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–
1700. Cambridge
Darnton, Robert (1995), The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France.
London
Eisermann, Falk (2017) ‘Fifty Thousand Veronicas: Print runs of Broadsheets in the
Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries’ in: Broadsheets Single Sheet Publishing in
the First Age of Print, ed. Andrew Pettegree. Leiden
Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. (1979), The Printing Press as an Agent of Change:
Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, 2 vols.
Cambridge
Ginzburg, Carlo (1980), The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century
Miller. Baltimore
Grafton, Anthony (2020) Inky Fingers The Making of Books in Early Modern Europe
Cambridge, MA
Grafton, Anthony, Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. and Johns, Adrian (2002), ‘AHR
forum: How revolutionary was the print revolution’, American Historical Review
107, 84–128
Houston, R. A. (2002), Literacy in Early Modern Europe, 2nd edn. London
Knights, Mark (2006), Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain:
Partisanship and Political Culture. Oxford
Munck, Thomas (2019), Conflict and Enlightenment: Print and Political Culture in
Europe, 1635–1795. Cambridge
Ogborn, Miles (2007), Indian Ink: Script and Print in the Making of the English East India
Company. Chicago
Pettegree, Andrew (2014), The Invention of News: How the World Came to Know about
Itself. New Haven
Raymond, Joad, and Noah Moxham eds (2016), News Networks in Early Modern
Europe, Leiden
Reinders, Michael (2013), Printed Pandemomium: Popular Print and Politics in the
Netherlands, 1650–1672, Brill
Salzberg, Rosa (2014), Ephemeral City: Cheap Print and Urban Culture in Renaissance
Venice, Manchester
Schobesberger, Nikolaus et al. (2016), ‘European postal networks’, in Raymond and
Moxham eds. News Networks
Shapin, Steven (1994), A Social History of Truth; Civility and Science in SeventeenthCentury England. Chicago
Wilson-Okamura, David S. (2010), Virgil in the Renaissance. Cambridge
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Würgler, Andreas (2019), ‘“Popular Print in German” (1400–1800) Problems and
Projects’, in: Crossing Borders, Crossing Cultures, ed. Massimo Rosprocher et al.
Oldenburg, 53–68
Davis, Natalie Zemon (2006), Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim Between
Worlds. New York
(C) Web resources
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‘How was it made? Printing and binding a book’: www.youtube.com/watch?v=
k4j_McrUmqM
‘Index Librorum Prohibitorum’ (1557–), IHSP: www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/
indexlibrorum.html
‘John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs’, Humanities Research Institute, Sheffield: www.dhi.
ac.uk/projects/john-foxe/
Meertens Instituut, ‘Broadside Ballads’: www.geheugenvannederland.nl/?/en/col
lecties/straatliederen
‘Nordic Bibles’: https://blogs.bl.uk/european/2017/11/the-earliest-nordic-vernacu
lar-bibles.html
‘Prize Papers Project’: www.prizepapers.de/
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The European World 1500-1800 : An Introduction to Early Modern History, edited by Beat Kümin, Taylor & Francis Group, 2022. ProQuest Ebook
Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/warw/detail.action?docID=7127487.
Created from warw on 2023-06-25 23:10:55.