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After the deadly chemical attack in Ghouta, last August 2013, the Syrian government agreed to destroy all of its chemical weapons. Even though by April 2014, 92,5% of Syria's chemical arsenal had been destroyed and as Syria approaches the end of the chemical arms removal program, the world has witnessed a sudden resurgence of chemical strikes, with a marked hike last April. This report summarizes the latest chemical attacks and concludes that the Assad regime is using chemical terror to advance its military goals, becoming a state we can define as a non-conventional terrorist actor.
International humanitarian law sets rules for humanitarian reasons to limit the effects of army conflicts and seek to bring a balance of military necessity against the fundamental principles of humanity. It does not ban armed conflicts, but limits weapons application basing on their nature and possible consequences. Among others, it is prohibited to use explosive weapons in densely populated areas, which is the right stand due to their effects to civilians. However the major tug is on control of this use, how does the international regime bring an equilibrium between the extensive technological (explosive) weapons generation plus acquisition and war outbreaks which do not choose the battle fields. With such direction, this writing centers on making a critical examination of the consequences and contentment of the legal initiatives taken so far, to regulate the effects of explosive weapons to civilian population and their environment.
What began in Syria as a series of nonviolent demonstrations demanding freedom and dignity has, in the words of UN Special Envoy to Syria Stafan de Mistura, morphed into the worst humanitarian disaster since World War II. This dismal situation is a testament to the international community's failed policy towards the conflict, specifically in adopting measures to protect civilians and to establish accountability for gross human rights violations. In light of the failed international reaction, this document offers UK policy makers a guide to understand, devise, and implement effective policy towards Syria. Included within the document are seven core policy proposals advanced by Rethink Rebuild Society and endorsed by Syrian groups across the UK. We are seeking the support of UK policy makers, political parties, and the Government to endorse these proposals and to adopt them as official UK policy. 1. To establish a no-fly zone over the entirety of Syria which will create safe havens for civilians and protect them from regime brutality. Once this has been done, expand UK involvement within the US-led coalition against ISIS to include Syria as well as Iraq. 2. To strengthen the Syrian National Coalition (SNC-political opposition) and the Free Syrian Army (FSA-military opposition) which will enable a smooth transition to a post-conflict Syria, and to actively encourage the emergence of a united and democratic Assad-free Syria that adheres to international human rights standards. 3. To enable humanitarian aid work through providing clear guidelines for the collection and distribution of humanitarian aid to Syria, and through advocating for the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 2165 and 2191 which authorise humanitarian aid distribution within Syria across borders and conflict lines without regime consent. 4. To provide comprehensive support for Syrian refugees which will allow them to live a dignified and productive life in the UK; 5. To rehabilitate and educate (rather than prosecute) foreign fighters and people holding violent extremist views who have not committed any crimes. 6. To require banks to provide and maintain services to Syrian individuals and entities unless there is clear evidence of a violation of the law. 7. To cease the routine airport stops of Syrian residents within the UK upon their return to the country. Given that the UK has vested interests within the Syrian conflict and the wider regional dynamics, this document takes into account UK national interests in the policy proposals advanced. Such interests include alleviating economic pressure upon the UK (as a donor country) for the provision of humanitarian aid, stemming the tide of refugees, protecting the UK from blowback, removing the incentives of British nationals from going to Syria to fight, reducing global terrorism, and reinforcing the UK's image abroad as a champion of human rights. Additionally, and perhaps most critically, the UK's solidarity with the Syrian people and their desire for freedom and dignity will translate into greater opportunities for the UK to help shape and to benefit from Syria's post-conflict political and economic environments.
Master's Thesis, 2017
In my study, the implications of prohibited or restricted weapons in international law are examined in the field of international relations with their applications in air forces. The law of weaponry has an important place as a sub-branch of international humanitarian law or the law of war as part of international relations and international law. Contemporary international organizations, non-governmental organizations, world public and states are more sensitive towards the implementations of the humanitarian law or the law of armed conflict (LOAC) compared to a century ago. The law of weaponry has progressed significantly through the development of weapon technology, the introduction of new concepts of LOAC and the adoption of the universal principles for the St. Petersburg Declaration. Because of the increasing use of air power in armed conflicts and its decisive role in the outcome of the wars, the bound and interaction between the law of weaponry and the concept of air power is more apparent. The disregard of law of weaponry by the air forces can cause issues of judicial, political, and humanitarian in both international and national arenas. It is a good example that the ignorance of the law of weaponry and armed conflict by the USA during the Vietnam War and its violations and the resulting wide media coverage caused the change of the US war policy. Particularly, significant progress has been made in the law of weaponry since the second half of the 20th century. The chemical and biological weapons are strictly prohibited and almost all of the states signed and ratified the Conventions. In a possible use of weapons of mass destruction in the conflicts, even international intervention can come into the agenda. Concerning with conventional weapons, the prohibition of the anti-personnel landmines and cluster bombs should be considered as two most important steps. Today and in the future, the use of DU munitions, Unmanned Aerial & Combat Vehicles, Cyber War and Autonomous Weapon systems with Nanotechnology, which are all subjects of the law of weaponry, have created concerns in terms of humanitarian law. In conclusion, the implications of humanitarian, international politics, and international law of use of air power are evaluated on the basis of the law of weaponry in this study.
Ernest Uzia, 2014
The literature of this dissertation has based on the ongoing Syrian armed conflict, it tries to address various issues of IHL, and however, it aims to address the issue of the legal status of the members of the armed groups in Syria when they are captured or find themselves at the hand of the enemy. Since no body in the enemy‘s hand can be outside the law, therefore, this dissertation lays the way forward to the establishment of the legal status to the members of organized armed groups in the Syrian armed conflict, as have been discussed in the upcoming chapters.
International Review of the Red Cross, 2011
Every day, and in a range of contexts, the use of explosive weapons in populated areas harms civilians. Evidence is growing that elevated levels of civilian harm fit a recurrent pattern, suggesting that more coherent and effective humanitarian responses are needed to enhance civilian protection, especially changes in behaviour of users of explosive weapons. This article describes the effects of explosive violence, critically examines how the existing humanitarian law regime tends to address this issue and explores some current developments in building a research and policy agenda to try to reduce civilian harm from the use of explosive weapons.
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