Stelae from Tuwana

Leggo! Studies Presented to Frederick Mario Fales on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday Edited by Giovanni B. Lanfranchi, Daniele Morandi Bonacossi, Cinzia Pappi, and Simonetta Ponchia 2012 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden Stelae from Tuwana Clelia Mora – Silvia Balatti 1. There are different terms which mean “stele” in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from the 1st millennium BC: wani(d/t)-, tanisa- and tasa-.1 According to Hutter’s analysis (1993: 96f.), wani(d/t)-,2 which is the most attested term, was a cult and boundary marker, and its function was similar to the function huwaši had in the 2nd millennium.3 But the HLuwian wani(d/t)- may have also had funerary and commemorative functions (cf. for example the funerary inscription KARKAMIŠ A18h4 and KARKAMIŠ A4b, stele commemorating a victory5). This specific commemorative and memorial function has been connected to a Mesopotamian influence.6 Some examples of these terms in the HL inscriptions are: 3 (Hawkins 2000: 490f.): STELE-ni-za (funerary function); (Tomb-stone, cf. Hawkins 2000: 178挑180): STELE wa/i-ni(d/t)-; ERK1LET 1 (cf. Hawkins 2000: 494: “Only attestation found without determinative STELE”): the term is wani(d/t)- (memorial inscription); SHEIZAR (Hawkins 2000: 416挑419): STELE tanisa- (funerary function); KARAHÖYÜK (Hawkins 2000: 288挑295): STELE (only ideogr.), dedication to the Storm-god KARKAMIŠ A6 (Hawkins 2000: 123挑128, building inscr.): tasa-. KULULU T1LSEVET In the following contribution, dedicated to our friend Mario, a small case study – the stelae from Tuwana – will be examined. In certain aspects these Late Hittite stelae preserved the Hittite tradition, but there is also evidence of innovation and external influences. 1 See Hawkins 2000: 179f., 418, 490 for a discussion on the terms and the determinatives, with previous literature. 2 Cf. also Starke 1990: 187f.; Aro 2003: 317. 3 On huwaši in Hittite texts cf. Puhvel 1991: 438, with references; cf. most recently Taracha 2009: passim. 4 Hawkins 2000: 180f.; on the Late Hittite funerary stelae cf. also Hawkins 1980; on the Syro-Hittite “Grabdenkmäler” cf. Bonatz 2000. 5 Hawkins 2000: 80f. 6 Hutter 1993: 99; Börker-Klähn 1982: 77. On the function and meaning of the celebrative stelae in Mesopotamia and ancient Near East see also Liverani 1990: 59挑65; Morandi Bonacossi 1988 (with ref.). On function, typology and location of HLuwian stelae, Aro 2003: 317. 528 Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti 2. The land of Tabal, which is the name the Assyrians (9th–7th centuries BC) gave to the south-east corner of the central Anatolian plateau, was the “heritage” of the Hittite Lower Land, at least partially.7 There are very few sources from the centuries 12th–10th BC on the history of the territory that later was named Tabal. After this break in archaeological and written records that lasts about three centuries, the information on the history of this area restarts with a report of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (836 BC).8 The long gap makes it difficult to find links with the documentation of the last years of the Hittite history (13th century BC); there are obviously some elements of continuity, such as the use of Anatolian hieroglyphic script and the use of the Luwian language, and some place names (Tuwanuwa > Tuwana; Nahita > Nahitiya), that seem to show that some Hittite political or religious centres survived.9 It is not easy to understand the political organization of Tabal and to define the boundaries of its territory.10 Concerning the late 8th century BC, we know that “two larger units had coalesced from these city states: Tabal proper, known in the reign of Sargon II as B t-Burutaš, embracing much of the Kayseri and Nev3ehir provinces; and Tuwana, the classical Tyanitis”.11 In the land of Tuwana the most prominent king was Warpalawas. The Tabal hieroglyphic inscriptions of the Iron Age are divided into two groups:12 a northern group, which includes the inscriptions where Tuwatis and his son Wasusarmas are mentioned as rulers, and a southern (Tuwana) group; the most important ruler in this southern group of inscriptions is Warpalawas. In this southern region, a number of stelae (or fragments of stelae) were discovered, which are listed and shortly described in the following section.13 3. Stelae from Tuwana BOR (Hawkins 2000: 518挑521, no. X.44, pl. 296). 1stanbul, Ancient Oriental Museum. Two fragments (one from the upper part and one from the lower part) of an obeliskshaped stele from Kemerhisar (ancient Tuwana?). On the obverse, figure of the king Warpalawas, son of Muwaharanis(?);14 on the background of the figure, an engraved 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 For a summary of the sources and recent studies cf. Mora 2010. Hawkins 2000: 426, with notes 29, 30. Cf. Aro 1998: 57; Hawkins 2000: 426, 432. The Assyrian sources, which come from different reigns, probably reflect different political and social contexts. Hawkins 2000: 425. Hawkins 2000: list on p. 424. In the notes that follow we will mainly consider the stelae (or fragments of stelae) from the Tuwana area. We will also refer to other types of monuments and inscriptions, for example the monuments from Ivriz or the inscription from Bulgarmaden, for historical, art-historical or palaeographical information. For information about other anepigraphic stelae or fragments not quoted in this text, cf. Çinaro0lu 1989 and Berges & Nollé 2000. For the same genealogy, cf. 1VR1Z 2: Hawkins 2000: 520; 430, n. 63. Stelae from Tuwana 529 Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription. According to some scholars,15 the two remaining fragments are from the right hand side of the original stele; a figure of the god Tarhunzas must have been on the left hand side, according to the pattern of the wellknown relief of 1VR1Z. Hawkins thinks that this hypothetical reconstruction of the original stele is impossible, because of the preserved obelisk point.16 The text is about a celebration of the plantation of a vineyard; in addition, the text says that a (statue of?) Tarhunzas of the vineyard is set up. Hawkins suggests dating the monument to the beginning of the reign of Warpalawas, attested as king from 738 to 710 BC. N1/DE 2 (Hawkins 2000: 526f., no. X.47, pl. 301). Ni0de Museum. Stele with figure of the Storm-God, holding a trident and a double-axe in his hands; behind the figure there are vine branches; at the top of the stele, an elaborated winged sun disc. Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription on the right side. The stele was found broken into two parts. The inscription is very brief: “This Tarhunzas Muwaharanis [ma]de?, the Hero, the king loved by Tarhunzas (and) the gods, the son of Warpalawas, the Ruler (IUDEX-ni-sa), the Hero”17. Proposed date: end of the 8th or beginning of the 7th centuries BC (because Warpalawas’ son is mentioned).18 KE2L1K YAYLA 1 (Hawkins 2000: 531, no. X.51, pl. 305). Ni0de Museum. Stele with figure of a Storm-God, holding a vine stock with grapes and stems of barley in his hands. In the background, traces of some lines of an engraved, now illegible, inscription. Found at Bayõndõr yayla, a few km north of the village Ke3lik, the stele had fallen down from its original location. Height ca. 120 cm. Date: probably late 8th century (Warpalalawas’ reign).19 ANDAVAL (Hawkins 2000: 514挑516, no. X.42, pl. 291). Ankara, Anatolian Civilizations Museum. Circular fragment cut down from a stele. The fragment was found in 1890 in a church at Andaval (now Akta3). Diameter ca. 48 cm. 15 Cf. for example Berges & Nollé 2000: 99: this reconstruction is based on the reference to “this Tarhunzas” in the text of the inscription. 16 See Hawkins 2000: 519. 17 Hawkins 2000: 527. 18 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 527, who adds that the piece is the latest datable Neo Hittite sculpture and Hieroglyphic inscription except for KARATEPE. On the problem of the dating see below. 19 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 531. 530 Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti A head of a figure (= amu ?) and parts of four lines of an inscription are preserved. The inscription begins with the name of the ruler: “I (am) [S]aru[w]anis the ruler (IUDEX-wa/i-ni-sa), the lord of the city Nahitiya”.20 The name(?) Warpalawas appears in the last preserved lines.21 Date: early 8th century BC? (cf. Hawkins 2000: 515). VEL11SA (Hawkins 2000: 529, no. X.49, pl. 303). Ni0de Museum. Fragment (lower part) of a stele. Height 43 cm. Part of an inscription preserved on the obverse: “[Tarhun]zas(?) came well for me, and for me [he did] all good […”. According to Hawkins, script and sign forms suggest a date to the late 8th century BC.22 1VR1Z 2 (Hawkins 2000: 526, no. X.46, pl. 300). Ere0li (Konya) Museum. Unpublished. Lower half of a stele showing the lower part of the figure of “typical 1vriz StormGod”.23 There is a hieroglyphic inscription in the background of the figure, on the reverse, and on the right hand side; Phoenician inscription on the reverse, on the right hand side, and on the left edge. Height 130 cm. In the text, Warpalawas names his father (Muwaharanis) and mother.24 Date: reign of Warpalawas (see BOR), late 8th century BC.25 In conclusion, we mention another Tabalian stele, which has no traces of inscription, but is very interesting: the stele from Tav3antepe,26 now in the NiŠde Museum. It is a large stele broken into two pieces which shows a goddess (Kubaba?) sitting on a throne; under the throne, an animal (lion?) is depicted. Dating the stele is difficult, because of the lack of an inscription and the way it was executed. 4. We have very little information about the original location of the monuments listed above. Most of them were found in a different place from where they were originally located, or were reused in later times. We can only hypothesize about the original location of the KE2L1K stele: a base was found on a small rock near the top 20 Hawkins 2000: 515. The name Saruwanis also appears on the base (of statue?) NI/DE 1: cf. Hawkins 2000: 523f. 21 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 515; Meriggi 1975: 12f. 22 But see § 5 below for similarities between the shape of signs in VEL11SA and N1/DE 2 and for chronological problems. 23 Hawkins 2000: 526. 24 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 526. Complete and definitive publication still missing, in preparation. 25 See Hawkins 2000: 526. 26 Cf. Çinaro0lu 1989; Aro 2003: 321. Cf. D’Alfonso & Mora 2010: 128, for the base of this stele. Stelae from Tuwana 531 of Ka3imtepe, which could have hosted the stele.27 Following Çinaro0lu's suggestion,28 we proposed that, according to the position of their bases, the location of KE2L1K and of the Tav3antepe stelae was connected to a route passing through the valley between Mount Hasan and the Melendiz Mountains.29 The stelae could indeed have been land marks, visible from the main road.30 There are no words in any of the stele inscriptions which refer to the stele itself, but we must note that in three cases only a small part of the original text is preserved, and unfortunately another inscription (on the KE2L1K stele) is illegible. The inscriptions BOR and N1/DE 2 give the following information: “and this Tarhunzas of the Vineyard [I set up]” (BOR: 3); “This Tarhunzas Muwaharanis [ma]de(?)” (N1/DE 2: 1挑2).31 These stelae clearly had two functions: to celebrate kingship, and particularly the pietas of the king, and to spread the worship of a god. In the inscription N1/DE 2 the reference to the god Tarhunzas is clear because there is an image of the god on the same stele. However, there is a problem with the stele BOR, where there is no image of the god. According to some scholars there was an image of the god opposite the king, on the left of the stele, which might be missing.32 However, Hawkins thinks that “an examination of the piece shows that this would have been impossible: the full preserved obelisk point at the top indicates the approximate line of the lost left edge”.33 We could therefore hypothesize that the king’s words (“and this Tarhunzas of the Vineyard [I set up]”) referred to another stele or to a statue of the god, which was originally set up next to the preserved stele.34 If we consider the places where the stelae were found, which were grouped in the area Ni0de – Bor – Kemerhisar – Ke3lik, it seems obvious that this was the heart of the kingdom of Tuwana (see Fig. 1). The area of 1VR1Z, on the other hand, is further away from this central area. The 1VR1Z reliefs and inscriptions, with the images of the king Warpalawas and of the god Tarhunzas are connected to the importance and the sacred character of the place, where there was possibly a sanctuary for the god.35 Further27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Çinaro0lu 1986; D’Alfonso & Mora 2010. Çinaro0lu 1986 and 1989; cf. also Aro 2003: 319. In Sezer 1974 the base was not yet known. Cf. D’Alfonso & Mora 2010: 128f. Cf. Stokkel 2005: 180, where a distinction is proposed between the “ceremonial huwaši rocks” and the “land marking huwaši rocks”. Cf. Hawkins 2000: 520; 527. Cf. discussion in Hawkins 2000: 519; see also supra (about BOR). Hawkins 2000: 519. Cf. for another example SULTANHAN, in the same region of Tabal, where the text refers to “this Tarhunzas of the Vineyard”, but there is no image of the god. Both in SULTANHAN and in KAYSER1, where the reference to the god appears in the same formula, the words for “stelae” are not mentioned in the preserved part of the inscription. Cf. Imparati 1974: 120, with bibliographical references, for religious Hittite texts which mention the images of gods near to the “huwaši stones”. Cf. Berges & Nollé 2000: 473f.: “Das Felsrelief, die Tarhunzas-Stele und die überlebensgroße Götterstatue gehörten mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit zu einem Heiligtum des Tarhunzas, das sich in der Nähe der Quelle befand und das unter König Warpalawa eine großartige Ausgestaltung erfahren hatte”. 532 Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti more, it is possible that the image and the name of the king acted as a substitute of his presence and as a record of a specific event.36 In the terms used by Stokkel (2005) these reliefs and stelae might have functioned as “ceremonial huwaši rocks”.37 Fig. 1: Iron Age monuments and inscriptions from Tabal: map of the findspots (from Coindoz 1991). Three of the stelae we have analyzed depict the Storm-god (N1/DE 2, 1VR1Z 2, KE2L1K); (see above) was probably also linked to an image of the god, whereas in VEL11SA the god seems to be the subject of the preserved inscription. Another figure of the Storm-god Tarhunzas is represented on a relief found at Gökbez, a village in the surroundings of Kemerhisar/Tyana/Tuwana, ca. 40 km south of Ni0de. In this relief there is also a vine stock that grows from the feet of the god.38 According to the classification proposed by Aro39 regarding the Luwian stelae of the Storm-god Tar- BOR 36 On this topic cf. Liverani 1990: 59挑65; cf. also the Assyrian stelae classified as groups 3 and 4 by D. Morandi Bonacossi (1988). 37 Cf. Stokkel 2005, with reference to the Hittite LB monuments. 38 Cf. Feydalõ 1974; Aro 2003: 335 (but the original relief does not show an umbrella-shaped figure; cf. Berges & Nollé 2000: 104, for the hypothesis that the “doppelbogiges Feld” could be the support for an inscription; cf. also Mora in press). 39 Aro 2003: 317挑320. Stelae from Tuwana 533 hunzas, three groups can be distinguished: in the first (and most common) the god is walking right and is wearing a short kilt; in the second group the Storm-god stands on the bull; in the third group the “Tabalian” Tarhunzas is represented with bunches of grapes and stalks of grain or barley around the figure or growing from his feet.40 The stelae (and the reliefs) from Tuwana differ from the monuments found in the north-Tabalian area because in the south area the image of the Storm-god always has agricultural features. In the inscriptions too there are references to an agricultural context: see for example ANDAVAL (“I shall pasture the horse-herd” 41) or BOR (“I myself planted this vineyard” 42). The BOR inscription mentions the gifts given by the god (prosperity for agriculture and victory over the enemies). This topic also appears in the VEL11SA inscription, albeit briefly. The theme of wellbeing and prosperity, earned not only by means of military power, but also because the king cared for society and nature, recurs in Syro-anatolian inscriptions from the 8th century BC.43 Lastly, we should discuss the chronological problem related to the N1/DE 2 stele. The deity on this stele is depicted in an “Assyrian look” 44 that seems to confirm its lower dating (end of the 8th or beginning of the 7th century BC), based on the data of the inscription,45 that says: “This Tarhunzas Muwaharanis [ma]de(?)”. The chronological sequence of the south Tabalian stelae is actually mainly based on information contained in 1VR1Z 2,46 where king Warpalawas names Muwaharanis as his father,47 in BOR (inscription of Warpalawas, son of Muwaharanis48) and in N1/DE 2 (inscription of Muwaharanis, son of Warpalawas). Obviously, one of the two names refers to two different people. Hawkins hypothesized the following two dynastic sequences:49 Reconstruction A Warpalawas I Muwaharanis Warpalawas II Reconstruction B Muwaharanis I Warpalawas Muwaharanis II He concluded that “the inscriptions and sculpture of Warpalawas are so homogeneous that option B seems most likely, with one Warpalawas, to be identified with the Assyrian-attested Urballa”. 40 For recent discussion on the deities of Tabal cf. also Lebrun 2005 and Mazoyer 2005, who observes that the Tabalian Storm-god shows characteristics which can be compared with those of the god Telepinu of the Hittite pantheon. 41 Hawkins 2000: 515. 42 Hawkins 2000: 520. 43 Cf. the observations in Masetti-Rouault 2004. 44 Cf. Aro 2003: 319f. 45 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 527; Berges & Nollé 2000: 123, 474; Aro 2003: 320. 46 Cf. Hawkins 2000: list on p. 424. 47 Cf. Hawkins 2000: 526. 48 Restoration made possible by the discovery of 1VR1Z 2: cf. Hawkins 2000: 430, 520. 49 Hawkins 2000: 430, note 63. 534 Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti In our opinion, both hypotheses are possible. The main difference between these two reconstructions is about the dating of N1/DE 2: option A suggests it was written by Muwaharanis son of Warpalawas I, whereas following option B it was written by Muwaharanis (II) son of Warpalawas. Therefore, there is a difference of a few decades in the two dating options, either just before 738, or just after 710 BC. The other inscriptions that mention Warpalawas and Muwaharanis (BOR and 1VR1Z 2) were obviously written by Warpalawas (II) at the end of the 8th century BC. So we should focus on the elements regarding N1/DE 2 which favour one hypothesis or the other. Elements supporting a lower dating (Reconstruction B): iconography of the god (see above); identification of the (only one) king Warpalawas with Urballa in the Assyrian sources (cf. Hawkins, quoted above). Elements supporting a higher dating (Reconstruction A): the presence of the winged disk, which is a typical feature of earlier reliefs;50 moreover, a higher dating of N1/DE 2 could help to explain the mention of a Warpalawas in ANDAVAL. If we consider that the N1/DE 2 inscription, following the lower dating, should be the most recent among the preserved inscriptions – except KARATEPE –, we think that the hypothesis of a higher dating (around the middle of the 8th century) is better, taking into account our current knowledge. Some palaeographical characteristics in the hieroglyphic inscription of N1/DE 2 seem to confirm this hypothesis. On this topic, see the following part. 5. A short palaeographical analysis of the N1/DE 2 inscription (Fig. 2) The N1/DE 2 stele belongs to the “southern (Tuwana) group” of Neo-Hittite monuments from Tabal and date back to the 8th century BC. It is clear that N1/DE 2 has a very important role in the “southern group”. Indeed, it is currently the only monument whose content allows us to undoubtedly attribute it to Muwaharanis. Therefore, if we accurately analyze N1/DE 2 and compare it to Warpalawas’ inscriptions, this may help us in understanding the real sequence of the kings and make further historical reflections. The hieroglyphic signs are engraved and arranged on four lines and cover a narrow surface of 30 cm in width and 62 cm in height.51 The inscription is well preserved and should be read from the top right hand corner in boustrophedon fashion. These features are common among inscriptions from Neo-Hittite Tuwana and represent the general way hieroglyphic signs were executed and arranged on writing surfaces. The most interesting palaeographical characteristics of N1/DE 2 are some of the sign shapes and the frequency of “reading-helpers”. The presence of the latter is abundant among the texts of this “southern group”, and it is generally considered to be one of the palaeographical features of the last Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions. In particular, in some of Warpalawas’ inscriptions, such as BOR and BULGARMADEN, there is a word-divider after each word, thus at the top of each column of signs. The only “reading-helper” which appears on N1/DE 2 is the word-divider at the begin50 Cf. for example TELL AHMAR 2 (9th Century), and other examples from Karkamiš. 51 Cfr. Hawkins 2000: 526f. Stelae from Tuwana 535 Fig. 2: The N1/DE 2 inscription (from Hawkins 2000, figure on plate 301). ning of the second line of writing. This suggests that their use seems to be infrequent at the time N1/DE 2 was created. This phenomenon could favour an earlier dating of this inscription compared to Warpalawas’ monuments.52 Another aspect that supports this hypothesis is the iconic rendering of the signs *20 (LITUUS/á), *21 (HEROS), *41 (tà), *45 (INFANS), and *107 (mu), which are generally cursive in Warpalawas’ inscriptions (see List of signs, next page). Sign *20 only appears on two of the inscriptions in the “group”: N1/DE 2 and BULGARMADEN. In the latter, it is extremely stylized, whereas in N1/DE 2 it has its standard iconic shape. The common title HEROS (sign *21) frequently appears on the inscriptions from Tuwana: it is used to refer to Warpalawas in 1VR1Z 1, BOR and BULGARMADEN, and to Muwaharanis in N1/DE 2. However, except for the monumental inscription at 1vriz (1VR1Z 1), in which the signs are created in a different way,53 the sign *21 only appears in its iconic standard shape in N1/DE 2. Sign *41 is another frequently used sign: it appears in every inscription from the group. Nevertheless, it only holds its syllabic value tà in the iconic rendering in N1/DE 2. For example, sign *41 appears in the BULGARMADEN inscription in both its cursive and iconic shape, but while the former represents the syllabic value tà, the presence of the ideogram marker *410 shows us that the latter is used to render the ideogram CAPERE. 52 From this point of view, N1/DE 2 seems to be more similar to Saruwanis’ inscriptions. Indeed there are no word-dividers at all in N1/DE 1 and they are not particularly frequent in ANDAVAL. 53 The inscription is created in a “monumental” style rather than the usual incised style. Therefore there are limitations and modifications in the way the work is performed. It is important to consider this when making a palaeographical comparison with the incised inscriptions from the group. Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti 536 List of signs NI/DE 1 ANDAVAL VELIISA NI/DE 2 IVRIZ BOR BULGARMADEN * 20 * 21 * 41 * 45 *107 *166 *439 We can make very similar considerations about the signs *45 and *107. They are relatively common in the “southern Tuwana group” of inscriptions, but they only Stelae from Tuwana 537 seem to appear in their iconic form in N1/DE 2. May this be evidence of an earlier dating of N1/DE 2 compared to the other inscriptions which refer to Warpalawas? Another important element for the palaeographical analysis of N1/DE 2 is the shape of the diagnostic sign *439 (wa/i) which can be used to compare the inscriptions within the group. The shape of the sign *439 seems to vary from inscription to inscription, but there is a clear similarity between *439 as it appears in N1/DE 1 and 54 ANDAVAL, or in VEL11SA and N1/DE 2, or in king Warpalawas’ inscriptions 1VR1Z, BOR, and BULGARMADEN (see List of signs, above). On the other hand, there is an obvious difference between the appearance of the sign in Warpalawas’ inscriptions and in Muwaharanis’ N1/DE 2. In the latter, *439 is characterized by the presence of two little triangles and a slight bend at the top of the line, and not by a little hook and two little squares as it is on most of Warpalawas’ monuments. Sign *439 in N1/DE 2 is more similar to the shape it has on the earlier ANDAVAL inscription belonging to Saruwanis, where it mainly appears in the form of two triangles and a short straight line. This might suggest that *439 only had its typical shape with a little hook during king Warpalawas’ reign. At that time it was not only a frequently used sign, but also the first sign of the king’s name. In this light, it is interesting to notice that in N1/DE 2, the name Warpalawas uncommonly begins with the sign *166 (wá/í) rather than the usual *439 (wa/i). It seems unlikely that the writing features that had been established by one king and that had become standard in his inscriptions, should be forgotten by his son only one generation later. In our opinion, this series of palaeographical “archaisms” featured in N1/DE 2 should be proof that Muwarahanis’ inscription, and therefore also his reign, should be dated earlier than Warpalawas II’s inscriptions (genealogical Reconstruction A). BIBLIOGRAPHY Aro, S., 1998. Tabal. Zur Geschichte und materiellen Kultur des zentralanatolischen Hochplateaus von 1200 bis 600 v. Chr., Ph.D. University of Helsinki. — 2003. “Art and Architecture” (Chapter 7), in H. C. Melchert (ed.), The Luwians, Leiden, Boston, 281挑337. Berges, D., Nollé, J. 2000. Tyana. Archäologisch-historische Untersuchungen zum südwestlichen Kappadokien, Bonn. Bonatz, D., 2000. Das syro-hethitische Grabdenkmal, Mainz. Börker-Klähn, J., 1982. Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs, Mainz. — 2007. “Die Schlacht um Tuwanuwa als ‘Atlante storico’ ”, in D. Groddek, M. Zorman (eds.), Tabularia hethaeorum (Festschrift S. Košak), Wiesbaden, 91挑118. ÇinaroŠlu, A., 1986. “M.O.I. Binde Ke3lik Yaylasõ ve Civarõ”, in IX Türk Tarõh Kongresi, Ankara, 323挑332. — 1989. New Iron Age Discoveries around Ni0de, Ankara. 54 Cfr. Hawkins 2000: 529. It is only a small fragment of an inscription, however there are some important palaeographical similarities with N1/DE 2 (see supra). 538 Clelia Mora 挑 Silvia Balatti Coindoz, M., 1991. “Cappadoce méridionale: le site de Porsuk et les voies de communication entre la Tyanitide et les portes ciliciennes”, in B. 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