Jiajing Emperor and his Auspicious Words

Jiajing Emperor and His Auspicious Words maggie c. k. wan Chinese University of Hong Kong A n innovative decorative motif consisting of an auspicious character in ‘‘organic form’’ was invented in the reign of Jiajing (1522–1566). It was a single character, felicitous in meaning, written in cursive script in one continuous stroke and appearing to be an extension of some natural form—plant, rock, animal, mist, or cloud.1 It was very popular during the Jiajing period, and is found on many official porcelains and lacquer wares, and even on some textiles and porcelains made for commoners’ use. But the vogue was short-lived. Unlike conventionally written auspicious words, which have continued to decorate artifacts down to the present day, auspicious characters in organic form remained popular only briefly following the reign of Jiajing, and ceased to be used about the middle of the seventeenth century. They were particular creations of the Jiajing period. The present study explores the cultural significance of the motif by examining three official porcelain designs on which it occurs. More specifically, it relates the motif to the Ming imperial park, Xiyuan (Western Figs. 1A, 1B. Double gourd-shaped bottle with the characters shou and other symbols of immortality in a landscape. Obverse and reverse. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province Porcelain; underglaze blue-and-white; h. 44.3 cm, mouth 5 cm, base 14.7 cm. National Palace Museum. Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China. From the Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and the National Central Museum, Porcelain of the National Palace Museum, pl. 4. Park), west of the Forbidden City in Ming Beijing. The Western Park was the permanent residence of the Jiajing emperor for the last twenty-five years of his reign, from 1542 to 1566, the period during which the overwhelming majority of Jiajing official porcelains were manufactured and the place where they were intended to be used.2 It was the center of Ming politics and administration. More importantly, it was the stage on which the emperor expressed his strong aspirations to become an Immortal. Of the three porcelain designs under consideration, one shows auspicious characters emerging from rocks (Figs. 1A, 1B); one, auspicious characters growing out of fungi (Figs. 2, 3); and in another tree trunks are twisted to form the auspicious characters (Figs. 4–6). These three designs, along with other Jiajing porcelain decoration encompassing auspicious words, have long been read simply as visual expressions of such benevolent wishes as shoushan (‘‘May your life be as everlasting as a mountain’’) or changshou (‘‘long life’’).3 Without negating those conventional readings, this 96 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 2. Covered jar with five-clawed dragons and the characters shou in a seascape. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province Porcelain; underglaze blue-and-white; h. 71 cm, mouth 25 cm, base 29 cm. Capital Museum. China. MAGGIE C. K. WAN  Jiajing Emperor 97 search for immortality is known to have persisted throughout most of his life.4 My discussion will proceed in four sections: Section 1 examines the variety of auspicious words on Jiajing official porcelains and highlights the exceptional aspects of those depicted in the organic form. It also considers what the organic form represented, by comparing the motifs on the porcelains with those on contemporary lacquer wares. Section 2 discusses how the motif was associated with good omens. Section 3 analyzes the three porcelain designs that are my particular subject and considers probable relationships between the motif and other visual elements in each design. Section 4 pursues the significance of the porcelain designs in the Jiajing court, examining specifically some auspicious events and religious activities that took place in the Western Park. The features of the three porcelain designs, as will be shown, closely correspond to the central ideas of many auspicious happenings and to the practice of spirit writing in the Western Park. I shall propose that the significance of the decorative designs that I illustrate lay in their contribution to the Jiajing emperor’s pursuit of immortality. Fig. 3. Jar with five-clawed dragons and the characters shou in a seascape. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province Porcelain; underglaze blue-and-white; h. 53.8 cm, mouth 25.5 cm, base 30.4 cm. Private collection. From Idemitsu bijutsukan, Chūgoku tōji, fig. 707. paper proposes to reexamine the three porcelain designs in relation to the visual culture of the Jiajing court, and to investigate the relationship between the auspicious characters and the other visual elements in each design. I submit that an auspicious character in organic form on Jiajing official porcelains differs markedly in its significance from other ‘‘propitious-word’’ decorations, by virtue of embodying two concepts: qi (or ‘‘energymatter’’), and spontaneous formation. The continuous stroke used to form the character conveyed the idea of qi, and the emergence from an element of nature (rock, tree) suggested spontaneity. Spontaneous formation, in turn, associated the motif with xiangrui (‘‘good omens’’), that is, expressions of Heaven’s approval. An organic-form shou (‘‘longevity’’), even more than the same character in standard script (kai shu), was intended to reinforce the good omen of Heaven’s blessing on the longevity of the emperor and the prosperity of the empire. Association with spontaneous formation lent the organic-form character the aspect of a ‘‘divine’’ auspicious message, and a divine intimation of longevity was most important to the Jiajing emperor, whose Auspicious Words: Conventional Form and Organic Form5 A brief introduction to the use of auspicious words on Chinese ceramics is appropriate to show the difference between propitious word decorations in conventional versus ‘‘organic’’ forms. Chinese characters and phrases with auspicious meaning were used as major decorative motifs on ceramics no later than the third century bce. Eaves tiles dated to the Qin (221–207 bce) and the Han (206 bce–220 ce) are among the earliest examples.6 For decorating ceramic vessels, auspicious characters were used from the Tang dynasty (618–907).7 An early example is a celadon bowl impressed with a crane and the character shou, dated to 848 ce, excavated in Ningbo, Zhejiang.8 From the eleventh century onward the use of auspicious words spread, and by the thirteenth century they were common on ceramics from kilns in various parts of China.9 Found on ceramics are such words and phrases as fu (‘‘good fortune’’), shou (‘‘longevity’’), fu ru donghai (‘‘May your good fortune be as inexhaustible as the East Sea’’), shou bi nanshan (‘‘May your life be as everlasting as South Mountain’’), shoushan fuhai, jinyu mantang (‘‘May your house be filled with gold and jade’’), fushou kangning (‘‘good fortune, long life, health, and peace’’), changming fugui (‘‘long life and wealth’’), daji (‘‘great auspiciousness’’), fude (‘‘good fortune and virtue’’), jiaguo yong’an 98 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 4. Dish with design of fruiting peach tree, its trunk twisted to form the character shou, flanked by two fungi of immortality. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiajing Province Porcelain; green enamel on yellow ground; h. 3.1 cm, diam. 14.6 cm, base 8.7 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China. From National Palace Museum, Good Fortune, cat. 2. (‘‘May your family and country enjoy eternal peace’’) and gui he fu qi shou (‘‘May your good fortune and life be as long as those of tortoises and cranes’’). They are depicted either against a plain ground, or surrounded by frames, or sometimes adjacent to other decorative motifs or amid foliate scrolls. Without exception, these auspicious words are not integrated with or physically linked to other motifs in the same design. I designate motifs of this kind as conventional auspicious words. During the Ming dynasty conventional auspicious words continued to decorate commoners’ wares; only in the Jiajing reign did they become popular on official porcelains as well.10 Jiajing official porcelains are painted with such auspicious words as shou, fengtiao yushun (‘‘May you have timely wind and rain’’), guotai min’an (‘‘May the country prosper and the people live in peace’’), yongbao changchun (‘‘Stay young forever’’), wugu fengdeng (‘‘A bumper grain harvest’’), and wanshou qingping (‘‘Myriad longevity, pure and peaceful’’).11 They appear in the form of regular, seal, or deformed seal scripts, and are set off in medallions or share the ground with other motifs. In the meantime, a new type of auspicious character, the organic form that I defined at the beginning of this essay, appeared. Extant Jiajing official porcelains exhibit three ways of forming such auspicious characters. These three ways are exemplified on our three porcelain designs: Design A This design shows a landscape scene. It appears on a group of blue-and-white porcelain double gourds between forty-four and forty-six centimeters in height (Figs. 1A, 1B).12 Two shou characters figure opposite one another on the upper bulb of the double gourd. In both, the lower end of the stroke connects with a threepointed rock, and the upper end joins the double rings encircling the cylindrical neck. One shou is flanked by two fungi, the other by bamboo and a plum tree in bloom. Cranes, deer, a pine, a fruiting peach tree, and other animals and plants fill the rest of the landscape. Design B This design is found on a group of blue-and-white jars, with and without covers, ranging in height from fifty to seventy-one centimeters.13 They display a seascape in which two five-clawed dragons stride among MAGGIE C. K. WAN  Jiajing Emperor 99 Fig. 5. Blue-and-white box cover with design of fruiting peach tree, its trunk twisted to form the character shou, flanked by two fungi of immortality. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province Porcelain; underglaze blue-and-white. Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Photo by author. clouds above rocks and waves, separated by two shou characters (Figs. 2, 3). Both characters emerge from a fungus growing out of a three-pointed rock. The upper end of the stroke is extended; on some jars it touches the double lines encircling the shoulder. One such jar, with cover intact, was unearthed from Chaoyang in Beijing in 1971 (Fig. 2).14 The cover, almost flat-topped with a knob at the center, is also painted with dragons striding among clouds. On the side of the cover, between dragons, several shou are depicted as if floating freely in the air. Design C15 This design depicts a tree or shrub with its trunk twisted to form an auspicious character.16 Most frequently, it is either a pine or a fruiting peach tree in the form of the character shou, flanked by two fungi, in a landscape (Figs. 4–6). The design is usually executed in underglaze blue on a white ground, but some extant pieces are painted in green enamel on a yellow ground, red enamel on a white ground, or polychrome enamels, or with decoration reserved on a blue ground. This design is found on round or square porcelain bowls, round plates, and covered boxes. An exceptional variant is found on a large porcelain bowl in the Tianminlou collection (Fig. 6).17 The exterior of the bowl shows eight miniature potted plants in an outdoor setting. The bamboo, pine, blooming plum, and cypress each has its trunk twisted into the form of an auspicious character, respectively, fu (‘‘good fortune’’), shou (‘‘longevity’’), kang (‘‘good health’’), and ning (‘‘peace’’). They alternate with peonies and rocks. Butterflies, bees, and dragonflies hover over the plants. This bowl is exceptional in showing them as miniature potted plants. Most variants of the design depict character-forming trees growing out of the ground. Among the aforementioned designs, only Design C is seen on porcelains made at private kilns and dating from the middle of the sixteenth century.18 On those porcelains not only the character shou but many other auspicious characters appear, including those mentioned above and lu (‘‘emoluments’’).19 And the auspicious characters may also be formed by the trunks of trees 100 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 6. Large bowl with design of miniature potted bamboo, pine, peach tree, and cypress, with trunks twisted to form the four characters fu, shou, kang, and ning. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Jingdezhen, Jiangxi Province Porcelain; underglaze blue-and-white; h. 20.5 cm, mouth 38.7 cm, base 19.58 cm. Tianminlou collection. other than pine, peach, and cypress.20 Design C appears to have been highly popular among commoners, and remained current after the end of the Jiajing reign, probably until the end of the Ming dynasty. Design A and Design B remained specific to Jiajing official wares. Jiajing Official Lacquerwares21 Since Jiajing official lacquerwares also exhibit decorative designs featuring auspicious words in organic form, a comparison between the motif on porcelains and that on lacquer can illuminate the significance of the organic form.22 On Jiajing official lacquerware organic-form characters and vaporous emanations are sometimes associated. This association appears unambiguously on a group of lacquer designs in which a dragon, cavorting among clouds above steep rocks and turbulent waves, breathes out the character shou. To imply unmistakably that the character is literally ‘‘a breath,’’ the lower end of the stroke is connected with the tongue or palate of the dragon. This idea is emphasized on a circular box cover, on which many short curvy lines surround the auspicious character, representing the movement of the breath in the air (Fig. 7). On another circular box (Fig. 8) the shou is also a vaporous emanation, not from a dragon’s mouth but from a fungus of immortality held aloft by an old man. This elder is one of five, each holding up a magical object, and all identifiable as Daoist Immortals by their clothing and their otherworldly landscape setting. On both box covers (Figs. 7, 8) the shou is directly connected with the source from which it wafts upward. In Figure 8 we see a direct connection between the auspicious word in organic form and the lingzhi fungus, which bestows immortality and is itself immortal. This suggests that the immortal fungus was considered to be sometimes a source of vapor. This idea is important, because the porcelains in Figures 2 and 3 also show the character shou in organic form originating directly from an immortal fungus on a rock (Design B). Since MAGGIE C. K. WAN  Jiajing Emperor 101 Fig. 7. Covered box with dragon breathing out the character shou amid clouds. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Carved red lacquer; h. 11.5 cm, diam. 25.9 cm. Palace Museum, Beijing. From Zhu Jiajin and Xia Gengqi, Zhongguo qiqi quanji, vol. 5: Ming (Fuzhou: Fujian meishu chubanshe, 1995), pl. 99. the lacquer in Figure 8 clearly shows a vapor-emitting lingzhi creating the character shou in an immortal landscape, we may assume that the shou on the porcelain jars is also formed of lingzhi vapor. In China, vaporous emanations were generally considered to be qi. Qi, therefore, is the constituent of the auspicious characters in the form that I term organic. The word qi also refers to smoke or incense. On a circular lacquer box cover the character shou is formed by a thread of smoke curling upward from a flaming pearl (Fig. 9). On the cover of another lacquer box, the thread of smoke rises from a censer; therefore it is incense smoke that is creating the character shou in the air (Fig. 10).23 The same box cover depicts nineteen Immortals celebrating in a garden with two tall pines. The trunk of the pine on the left twists to form the 102 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 8. Covered box with the character shou emanating from a lingzhi, amid five old men in a landscape. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Carved red lacquer on green ground; h. 12 cm, diam. 24.4 cm. Palace Museum, Beijing. character fu; that of the one on the right to form the character lu. This conceit is identical to Design C on Jiajing official porcelains. It is also common on Jiajing official lacquerwares.24 Having described the organic-form characters, and the mediums and settings in which they occur, I shall pursue the following questions: Why was it only the character shou that was portrayed as a visible emanation of qi? How was qi related to the fungi, rocks, and trees that are shown in porcelain designs A, B, and C? MAGGIE C. K. WAN  Jiajing Emperor 103 Fig. 9. Covered box with dragon holding coral and flaming pearl wafting smoke forming the character shou. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Carved red lacquer; h. 13.5 cm, diam. 38.9 cm. Palace Museum, Beijing. Pictorial Representations of Qi25 and Xiangrui Two concepts—qi and xiangrui—are crucial to the first question above. The word qi embraced a diversity of meanings in premodern China.26 Qi generally designated ‘‘the energetic fluids in the atmosphere.’’27 It was ascribed to some atmospheric phenomenon, such as mist, fog, and moving clouds. It also described the air that one inhaled and breath that one exhaled. Perceptible but intangible substances, such as smoke and aromas, could also be termed qi.28 The Zuozhuan (4th c. bce) is one of the earliest textual sources in which the word qi denoted a kind of energy-matter with cosmic associations.29 During the last four centuries bce a more comprehensive concept of qi, with strong cosmological associations, came into being.30 On a macrocosmic level qi was considered to be energy-matter, and to have derived from the Dao. The Huainazi (2nd c. bce) describes its role in cosmic evolution: 104 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Fig. 10. Covered box with trees emanating the character shou amid Immortals celebrating in a garden. Ming dynasty, Jiajing mark and period. Carved red lacquer; h. 10 cm, diam. 39.5 cm. Palace Museum, Beijing. From Gugong bowuyuan, Gugong bowuyuan cang diaoqi, fig. 221. 天墬未形，馮馮翼翼，洞洞灟灟，故曰太昭。道始於 虛霩，霩生宇宙，宇宙生氣，氣有涯垠。清陽者薄靡 而為天，重濁者凝滯而為地。 heaven, the heavy and muddy [qi] congealed to become earth.31 When heaven and earth were not yet shaped, it was amorphous, vague, a blank, a blur; call it therefore ‘‘the Primal Beginning.’’ The Dao began in the tenuous and transparent, the tenuous and transparent generated space and time, space and time generated the qi. There was a partition in the qi; the clear and soaring [qi] dissipated to become The union of heavenly and earthly qi generated the myriad of things on earth. Qi was the basic substance of all things. It maintained not only the working of the cosmos, but also the existence of all beings. The ‘‘Zhibeiyou’’ (‘‘Knowledge Wanders North’’) chapter of the Zhuangzi, dated to the late third or early second century bce, puts it clearly: MAGGIE C. K. WAN 人之生，氣之聚也；聚則為生，散則為死...故曰： 『通天下一氣耳。』聖人故貴一。 Human life is the coalescence of qi. When qi coalesces, there is life; when it dissipates, there is death. . . . Therefore it is said, ‘‘a unitary qi pervades all under heaven.’’ Hence, the sage values unity.32 A material substance was formed when qi coalesced, and it deteriorated or disappeared when qi dispersed and returned to the void. This life-giving qi was basically composed of two parts: they were the jingqi (‘‘enlivening energy’’), a rarified form of qi that came from heaven, and the xingqi (‘‘energy of form’’), a coarser form of qi that came from earth.33 The latter was the qi that gave rise to form. Meanwhile, the function of jingqi is described in the ‘‘Jichun pian’’ (‘‘Chapter on the Last Month of Spring’’) of the Lüshi chunqiu (‘‘Lü’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals’’) (3d c. bce) in this way: 精氣之集也，必有入也。集於羽鳥，與為飛揚；集於 走獸，與為流行；集於珠玉，與為精朗；集於樹木， 與為茂長。 When jingqi concentrates [in something], it must infuse it. When it concentrates in birds, it confers the ability to fly; concentrates in beasts, it confers the ability to move; concentrates in gems, it confers brilliance; concentrates in trees, it confers luxuriant growth.34 Jingqi moved within the form and produced different effects on different forms of life. ‘‘The vitality of a living thing is increased and its characteristics heightened in proportion to the amount of ching-ch’i (jingqi) it absorbs.’’35 Hence, qi at the microcosmic level was defined as the energy-matter that gave vitality, forms, and characters to all beings. The second concept, xiangrui, or good omens, referred to exceptional and irregular occurrences of nature, which were believed to be expressions of the Will of Heaven. Since the Western Han period, xiangrui had assumed great importance in the area we now call China.36 The Han Confucian scholar Dong Zhongshu (179–104 bce) described them as the ‘‘tablets of Heavenly mandate’’ (shouming zhi fu).37 Xiangrui were thought to be the means by which Heaven communicated its will and its judgments to humankind. For example, if one stalk of wheat bore many ears of grain, it would be interpreted as Heaven’s blessing on the rule of the emperor.38 In addition, people believed that an image of an omen that was associated with an auspicious event was  Jiajing Emperor 105 an analogue of that omen, i.e., the image would produce the same effect as the naturally occurring omen.39 One type of omen often portrayed and observed in Han times was yunqi (‘‘energy of the clouds’’). Yunqi was thought to be a visible emanation of the unseen energy (that is, qi) of the cosmos, and an intermediary between heaven and earth. The Shiji (Records of the Historian) records that Han Wudi was advised by a sorcerer that, if he wanted to communicate with divine beings, he should have images of divine beings portrayed on objects of daily use. A yunqi che, or chariot painted with ‘‘cloud energy,’’ was one of many objects built or made to achieve this goal.40 Besides making images of the yunqi, professional qi watchers were appointed to distinguish different types of clouds by their shapes and colors, and so to interpret their significance. For instance, the Hanshu (History of the Former Han Dynasty) records that on 20 February 74 bce, a black cloud with roaring winds foretold ‘‘great armies’’; on 5 April of the same year another cloud, resembling a red dog with three long tails, presaged ‘‘rebellious subjects.’’41 Although the prognostication of yunqi in the Han dynasty mainly focused narrowly on military affairs, the view underlying the augury is worth noticing. As Michael Loewe concisely puts it, This practice [The oracle of the clouds] depends on the view that ch’i [qi] is produced as a result of the interaction of heaven and earth and the pressures of Yin and Yang; in due course ch’i [qi] accumulates and forms clouds. In addition ch’i [qi] may be produced by the presence of individuals or groups in forms that correspond with their qualities, intentions, or circumstances. The clouds above can therefore convey information concerning the characteristics of events or personalities below. The application of augury by the clouds to military matters is just one aspect of the subject.42 The shape and color of the clouds corresponds with the characters of the people, events, and places below. This concept is well exemplified by a record in the Shiji, which notes that Han Wudi sent an expedition to search for Penglai, the island of immortality. The members of the expedition reported that, though Penglai was not far away, they failed to find it because they could not see its qi. The emperor thereupon sent an official to wait on the seashore for the qi of the immortal island to appear.43 The tale shows that auspicious emanations of qi hovering in the atmosphere were thought to signal or signify wished-for outcomes—whether events or things—on earth. 106 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Such beliefs in emanations of qi as omens persisted in the Ming dynasty. Juan 27 of the Mingshi (History of the Ming Dynasty) records the sightings of various shapes and colors of clouds throughout the Ming dynasty. More importantly, it associates their appearance with the Will of Heaven. For instance, one afternoon in 1539 colorful clouds in the forms of dragons and phoenixes were noted.44 In the same year auspicious, colorful clouds were reported. Grand Secretaries Xia Yan (1482–1548) and Gu Dingchen (1473–1540), and other officials presented congratulations to the Jiajing emperor, who ordered a thanksgiving ceremony to be held for the appearance of good omens.45 Such incidents attest how closely qi and auspicious omens were linked during the Jiajing reign. That close connection also explains our first question: why the auspicious words were portrayed as visible emanations of qi; they were so portrayed as to associate themselves with good omens. As pictures and analogues, the motifs were thought to have the same effect as the good omen itself. The Three Porcelain Designs We now turn to the second question: how did the organic-form auspicious words relate to the surrounding motifs in each of the three porcelain designs? Design A: Auspicious Characters as Qi Emitted from Rocks Design A shows a three-pointed rock in a landscape, emitting a thread of qi in the form of the character shou. I suggest that the character shou in this design is a vaporous emanation of the qi energy that is embedded in rocks. As noted above, qi was the major constituent of heaven and earth. In the third-century ce text Wuli lun (Essays on the Principle of Things), the idea that qi formed rocks on earth is emphasized. The text reads 土精為石...石，氣之核也。 ‘‘The essences of the soil become rocks. . . . Rocks are kernels of qi.46 The sixteenth-century medicinal treatise Bencao gangmu (Materia Medica) explains the relation between qi and rocks similarly. The author, Li Shizhen (1518–1593), says, 石者，氣之核，土之骨也。 ‘‘Rocks are kernels of qi and bones of soil.’’47 The lasting association between rocks and qi relates to the concept of the earth as the store of energy in the cosmos. The Zangshu (Book on Burial), attributed to Guo Pu (276–324), contains an early extended account of this concept. This book, on burial and geomancy, explains the nature and character of the energy within the earth. It says, 五氣行乎地中，發而生乎萬物。 Five qi run within the earth. In dispersing, they give rise to myriad things.48 ...夫陰陽之氣，噫而為風，升而為雲，降而為雨， 行乎地中而為生氣。夫土者氣之體，有土斯有氣。 氣者水之母，有氣斯有水。 The qi of yin and yang forces becomes wind when it blows, becomes clouds when it ascends, becomes rain when it descends, becomes shengqi (‘‘enlivening energy’’) when it runs within the earth. The soil is the embodiment of qi. When there is soil there is qi. Qi is the mother of water. When there is qi there is water.49 The ‘‘five qi’’ do not refer here to five distinct substances, but to five aspects of a process, the cyclical activity of the energy of the universe. This energy was embedded in the earth. It was a potential life-giving energy, which became effective and caused all things to prosper when it dispersed. It might manifest itself in many forms, such as wind, clouds, and rain, following the shifting balance of the yin and yang forces. Rock, being the essence of soil, was a compression of this energy. Such energy might mutate into various vaporous emanations from rocks.50 Such vaporous emanation from the earth was the main feature of landscapes where Immortals resided. For instance, Mount Kunlun was described as 廣萬里， 高萬一千里，神物之所生，聖人仙人之所集也。出五色雲 氣，五色流水。 ‘‘being 10,000 li in width and 11,000 li in height. [It is where] divine beings are born, and sages and immortal beings gather. [It] issues moving clouds of five colors and running water of five colors.’’51 Like Mount Kunlun, the Isles of the Immortals in the Eastern Sea were also shrouded in mists and colorful clouds.52 The Shiyi ji (Collecting Lost Records) also delineates an unusual mountain of the Immortals, Daiyu, which had an abyss filled with constantly boiling water. In early winter, when the water dried up, 中有黃烟從地出，起數 丈，烟色萬變。 ‘‘in the abyss there is yellow smoke coming out from the earth, which rises up to several zhang high. The color of the smoke has myriad variations.’’53 These texts confirm that the emission of vapor from the earth was considered an indispensable feature of a landscape of the Immortals. In the early seventeenth-century text Sancai tuhui (Pictorial Compendium of the Three Powers) mist and clouds were also mentioned among the features of the Western Park, where the Jiajing emperor resided. Surrounding the hall on the largest island of the park, there were 喬松古檜，烟雲繚繞 ‘‘tall pines and ancient ju- MAGGIE C. K. WAN nipers, mist and clouds coiling up [from the earth].’’54 It was described as 隱然蓬萊仙府 ‘‘a hidden palace of Immortals on Penglai.’’ Gazing from a pavilion called Chengbo (Clear Ripples) one could see 烟靄雲濤，朝暮 萬狀 ‘‘mist, haze, and waves of clouds, [assuming] ten thousand forms from dawn to dusk.’’55 When the Jiajing emperor lived there, the park was said to have been filled with ziyun, xiangyun, and ruiqi or auspicious clouds and mist.56 Its misty environment lent the Western Park an essential characteristic of the various lands of the Immortals. In addition to natural mists and clouds, the propitious qi that pervaded the Western Park may have been incense. Historical records note that the Jiajing emperor ordered Daoist rituals to be performed day and night.57 In the course of each ritual incense was burned incessantly to purify the altar, invoke deities, and transmit messages between the earthly realm and the heavenly realm. The Jiajing emperor was particularly fond of the type of incense known as longxian, that is, ambergris.58 A remarkable feature of this incense is its smoke, which would coalesce into a column or form various different images.59 This extraordinary quality of longxian is noted in the Lingwai daida of the early twelfth century, where it is claimed that 一剪分煙縷 ‘‘a thread of [longxian] incense can be divided with a pair of scissors.’’60 The Mingshi makes it clear that the Daoist rituals in the Jiajing court required this particular type of incense to be burnt.61 The frequency of Daoist rituals, and the quantity of incense consumed, shrouded the court in smoke. As a palace poem describes, 沈水龍涎徹夜焚， 桂宮芝館結祥雲。 ‘‘Aloes wood and ambergris were burnt throughout the night. Auspicious clouds formed at the Cassia Palace and the Lingzhi Hall.’’62 When the incense was burned, its smoke might coalesce and form various images, not only auspicious clouds but also auspicious characters, as shown on the lacquer box cover in Figure 10. Mist and clouds of various forms constituted a characteristic aspect of the visual culture of the Jiajing court. The currency of the association between qi, rocks, and landscapes of the Immortals suggests that the Jiajing court would have had no problem in appreciating why the character shou was shown connected to rocks; the character represented vaporous emanations of the qi embedded in rocks in Immortals’ lands. Design B: Auspicious Words as Qi Emitted from Fungi Design B shows a seascape in which a thread of qi in the shape of the character shou emerges from a fun-  Jiajing Emperor 107 gus growing from a rock protruding from the waves. The lingzhi fungus was a woody plant native to south China. Its stems branched, and its caps had a lacquerlike shine and raised concentric ridges.63 Its fantastic appearance may account for its auspicious associations. In 1556 these associations were well summarized by Wu Shan and his colleagues of the Ministry of Rites, in their response to the Jiajing emperor’s inquiry about the medicinal properties of the lingzhi. The response reads as follows: 本草芝有赤、白、青、黑、黃、紫，其色不同，其味 亦異，然皆云久食輕身。《論衡》云：芝生于土，土 氣和故芝草生。《瑞命記》云：王者德仁則芝草生。 《文選》云：煌煌靈芝，一年三秀。《漢書儀》云： 芝有九莖金色，綠葉朱實，夜有光。《黃帝內傳》 云：王母遣仙歌萬年長生之曲，授帝以石函玉笈之 書，會閬風瑤池之上，授《神芝圖》十二卷。然世不 常有，服食之法亦未有傳。 皇上體道奉玄，芝草自將 應時挺生，遠近必有獻者。所產之地，臣未敢預。 According to the Bencao, there are lingzhi of red, white, bluish green, black, yellow, and purple colors. Lingzhi of different colors have different tastes. Nonetheless, it is said that [whoever] consumes them over a long period can achieve a lightened body. The Lunheng says, ‘‘Lingzhi grow on earth. When the energy of the earth is in harmony, lingzhi grow.’’ The Ruiming ji reads, ‘‘If the ruler is virtuous and benevolent, lingzhi grow.’’ The Wenxuan states, ‘‘The bright lingzhi flower three times a year.’’ The Hanshu yi says, ‘‘The lingzhi has nine golden stems, green leaves, red fruits, and radiates at night.’’ The Huangdi neizhuan notes, ‘‘The Queen Mother dispatched Immortals to send the song of ‘Living a Long Life of Ten Thousand Years.’ She gave the Yellow Emperor stone letters and jade boxes of books, met him on the jade pond at the top of Mount Kunlun, and gave him a 12-juan Shenzhi tu (Illustration of the Immortal Fungus). Lingzhi, though, are not often found in this world. Also, the way of consuming [lingzhi] has not been passed down. Since your Majesty embodies the Way and honors the primordial, lingzhi should grow naturally in response to this time. Sooner or later, there will certainly be presenters [of lingzhi]. Concerning where lingzhi grow, I dare not predict.’’64 Three ideas mentioned above deserve our attention. First, the lingzhi was believed to be a drug of immortality that the Queen Mother of the West gave to the Yel- 108 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART low Emperor, whom legend places in the third millennium bce. Second, the lingzhi was conceived of as an auspicious plant whose appearance signified the harmonious state of the energy of the earth. Third, the growth of the lingzhi signified the virtuous and benevolent rule of the emperor. The first idea accounts largely for the preoccupation, not to say obsession, with the lingzhi in the Jiajing court. Lingzhi had long been regarded as drugs that conferred immortality. Extant texts dating from the third century ce mention the lingzhi’s property of conferring immortality and its flourishing growth on islands of the Immortals.65 It is known that after 1556, when the medicinal-magical properties of the lingzhi were made known to the Jiajing emperor, a series of imperial decrees were issued demanding a sweeping search for and presentation of it.66 The Guochao dianhui (Encyclopedia on the Institutions of the Ming Dynasty) by Xu Xueju (jinshi 1583) relates that the lingzhi presented to the court during that period were 不勝計 ‘‘too numerous to enumerate.’’67 All the lingzhi collected were stored in the Western Park.68 Daoist priests and Grand Secretaries alike participated in distilling elixirs from lingzhi which the Jiajing emperor is said to have consumed endlessly.69 At court, sightings of and discussion about the lingzhi were concurrent with the use of its images on Jiajing official porcelains.70 The second notion states the nature of the connection between qi and lingzhi. As the Lunheng states, lingzhi grew when the energy of the earth was in harmony. Like rocks, lingzhi embodied the energy of the earth. Where they grew, vaporous emanations often occurred. Referred to as yunqi (‘‘energy of the clouds’’) or ziqi (‘‘auspicious mists’’), such vaporous emanations were said either to be given off by the lingzhi or to shade it. Ge Hong (283–343) mentions one such lingzhi, known as wude zhi (‘‘Lingzhi of Five Virtues’’), the cap of which, he wrote, often contained sweet dew and produced auspicious vapor that could rise to several chi in height.71 The Taishang lingbao zhicao pin (Types of Numinous Treasure Fungi of the Most High), dated between the tenth and twelfth century, describes and illustrates twenty-two types of lingzhi of immortality that grew shaded by auspicious vapors of various colors and shapes (Fig. 11).72 Sometimes the vapor was described as resembling smoke or incense. For example, the Songshi (History of the Song Dynasty) relates that lingzhi were found on the pillar of a Buddhist temple in Hongzhou in 1045. One of the lingzhi had nine layers of flesh, above which 有氣如煙 ‘‘there was qi, which was like smoke.’’73 The Fengxin xianzhi (Gazetteer of Fengxin County) reports a lingzhi found in the house Fig. 11. Drawing of a mushen zhi 木神芝 fungus of immortality, shaded by a chicken-shaped cloud. From CT 1406 Taishang lingbao zhicao pin, 1.321. of a certain Xu family in 1485, which, when it first appeared, was reported to have emitted vapor, 狀如爐 煙之裊。 ‘‘the appearance of which was like the smoke curling upward from a censer.’’74 From the texts quoted above, it is therefore clear that lingzhi releasing various forms of vapor were considered marvelous phenomena. Therefore Design B, in which a lingzhi emits a stream of vapor in the form of the character shou, can also be considered to represent—and by representing to be—a good omen. The five-clawed dragon in the design symbolizes the emperor. Therefore the third idea contained in Wu Shan’s reply to the emperor—that lingzhi indicated Heaven’s approval of his governance—is also present in Design B. The spontaneously formed character shou next to the dragon-emperor both signified and invoked Heaven’s gift of longevity to the Jiajing emperor and his empire.75 MAGGIE C. K. WAN Design C: Trees with Trunks Twisted to Form Auspicious Characters Design C shows trees, primarily pine and peach, with trunks twisted to form auspicious characters.76 Although pines and peach trees had a long history as decorative motifs prior to the Jiajing reign, their depiction in the shape of auspicious characters was previously unknown. I propose that Design C represents topiary work—the dwarfed trees that aroused much interest in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China. Both pines and peach trees were closely associated with longevity. The pine, with its dark bark, scaled and shattered trunk, gnarled and twisted branches, had long symbolized old age. Its ability to live long and remain evergreen had made it the emblem of endurance, longevity, and moral virtue (i.e., unchanging no matter what the circumstances) since the time of Confucius.77 According to the Bencao gangmu, the qi, or breath, of an old pine would also transform into fuling (‘‘China Root’’), which is a large edible lingzhi growing on fir roots. This derivative of the pine was believed to be a superior kind of immortality drug.78 The peach tree as a symbol of longevity is attested by texts dating from the third century ce onward. In the Bowu zhi is the best-known reference to this association. It describes a meeting in 110 bce between Han Wudi and the Queen Mother of the West, in which the Queen Mother shared her peaches of immortality with the emperor, telling him that the famous peaches fruited once every three thousand years.79 During the Ming dynasty the association  Jiajing Emperor 109 between the peaches of immortality and the Queen Mother persisted, becoming a recurring theme of Ming zaju dramas.80 In the Jiajing period peaches were frequently presented to the court in response to the imperial calls for immortality drugs and propitious signs.81 Pines and peach trees in decorative designs were widely known allusions to (and, in a sense, invocations of) longevity and immortality. Almost simultaneous with the fondness for the contorted trees of Design C was the development of the arts of topiary and tree dwarfing. Topiary is the art of clipping and training trees into artificial shapes. Little known in early China, by the mid-sixteenth century, as Alison Hardie has rightly noted, topiary works were appreciated by literati and had become common features of late Ming private gardens in Jiangnan.82 In the Zhuozheng yuan (Garden of the Unsuccessful Politician), a private garden in Suzhuo built by Wang Xianchen (jinshi 1493) in the early sixteenth century, was a pavilion called Dezhen ting (Pavilion of Achieving Truth), formed by four twisted juniper trees, and a section of the garden was occupied by an ancient sophora (guhuai; Sophora Japonica L.), which was said to have writhed and twisted like a viridian dragon and to have shaded an area of many yards.83 Another garden, Zuoyin yuan (Garden of Sitting Reclusion) built by Wang Tingna (act. early 17th c.), had a memorial arch formed by twisted plants.84 Paintings of this period, such as the Yuanlin qingke tu (Garden for Buddhist Daily Lessons) (Figs. 12A, 12B) by Qiu Ying (ca. 1494–1552) and the Shiliu luohan (The Sixteen Arhats) Figs. 12 A, 12B. Qiu Ying (ca. 1494–ca. 1552). Yuanlin qingke tu. China. Hanging scroll; ink and color on silk; h. 82.8 cm, w. 106.5 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China. 110 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART by Wu Bin (act. 1568–1626), also exhibit interesting topiary works.85 These textual records and pictorial representations support the popularity of the topiary art in sixteenth-century China. The dwarf tree, literally ‘‘basin scene’’ (penjing), called bonsai in Japan and in the West, has a much longer history than topiary art in China.86 An early pictorial representation of dwarf trees was found on the tomb murals of the Tang prince Li Xian, dated to 706.87 The Yunlin shipu (Stone Catalogue of Cloudy Forest) of the early twelfth century also mentions that xiaomu, or dwarf trees, were planted on rare stones.88 During the Ming dynasty textual records and pictorial representations of dwarf trees became abundant. A painting by Wu Wei (1459–1509), for example, depicts a lady sitting next to a miniature landscape in a container.89 Miniature plants and landscapes were also much discussed in late Ming writings, such as the Changwu zhi (Superfluous Things) by Wen Zhenheng (1585–1645), the Zunsheng bajian (Eight Discourses on the Art of Living) by Gao Lian (act. 1573–1581), and the Kaopan yushi (Desultory Remarks on Furnishing the Abode of the Retired Scholar) by Tu Long (1542–1605).90 Beyond doubt, the art of tree dwarfing was very much alive in Ming China. The fashion for dwarf trees and miniature landscapes is likely to have enhanced the appreciation of the ceramics and lacquers decorated with dwarf pines and peach trees, and contributed to their use on artifacts of later periods.91 The making of a dwarf tree requires human manipulation: 如樹服盆已久，枝幹長野，必須修枝盤幹。其法宜穴 幹納巴豆，則枝節柔軟可結。若欲委曲折枝，則微破 其皮，以金汁一點，便可任意轉摺，須以極細椶索縛 弔，歲久性定，自饒古致矣！ When the tree has been in the container for a certain time and the branches and the trunk are not too far developed, it is necessary to modify the branches and twist the trunk. To do this, make holes in the trunk and put some Croton fruits into them. The branches and their knots will then be supple and flexible and can be knotted. To twist the branches and impose sharp angles on them, you must lightly score the bark and put in a drop of ‘‘liquid gold’’ [clarified dung juice]. Then you can twist them to your liking. They must then be fixed in place with very fine palm leaf strands. With age, the character of the tree will become fixed, and an appearance of weathered old age will develop spontaneously.92 Although in large part the product of human intervention, dwarfed trees were never considered to be artificial objects. Indeed, Gao Lian in his discussion on miniature plants reiterated the close relationship of dwarf trees to natural landscape: 對獨本者，若坐岡陵之巔，與孤松盤 桓。其雙本者，似入松林深處，令人六月忘暑。 ‘‘Facing [a dwarf pine with] a single trunk, one feels as if situated on the top of a hill strolling with a lonely pine. Facing [a dwarf pine with] two trunks, one feels as if one is penetrating a pine forest, which makes one forget the heat of the sixth month.’’93 As Ledderose rightly notes, in Chinese aesthetics there is no simple borderline between objects created by nature and works of art by man; they are both considered ‘‘natural.’’94 It is likely that the Ming Chinese, while viewing the ceramic design, would not have given serious thought to the technical aspect or the artificial quality of the contorted trees. Rather, the twisted trees depicted on the porcelains would have been appreciated as if they were marvelous creations of nature. As mentioned earlier, from the third century bce qi was defined as the energy-matter that gave vitality, forms, and characters to all beings.95 What was perceived in Design C was not so much the skill of tree training, but the spontaneous formation of auspicious characters following the working of the vital energy concentrated within the trees. The discussion above has demonstrated two important features commonly shared by porcelain Designs A, B, and C. First, auspicious characters in organic forms were, explicitly or implicitly, visible manifestations of qi. The portrayal of the character shou in an elongated shape is a rebus for changshou, or ‘‘long life,’’ which could be achieved if one preserved and refined the qi, or vital energy, within oneself. According to historical records, the Jiajing emperor and his Daoist associates pursued longevity and immortality by practicing internal alchemy and Daoist rituals.96 The success of these practices depended heavily on the purification of one’s qi and its union with that of the primordial. Qi was the very substance whereby the Jiajing emperor and his Daoist fellows hoped to achieve longevity and immortality. To portray the elongated character shou as the transformation of this vital energy would have certainly been deemed highly appropriate. It is little surprise that the motifs were reproduced on porcelains and lacquers intended for the use of the Jiajing court. Second, all three porcelain designs show auspicious characters to be formed spontaneously. By occurring spontaneously, auspicious characters in the three designs were associated with xiangrui: irregular phenomena of nature that signified the judgement of Heaven. MAGGIE C. K. WAN  Jiajing Emperor 111 The spontaneous formation further associated the auspicious words with spirit writing, a divination method that occupied an important position in the Jiajing court. Auspicious Words in the Western Park By spirit writing, I refer to the practice known as fuji (or fuluan), or ‘‘wielding the planchette,’’ ‘‘automatic’’ or ‘‘passive’’ writing, supposedly produced by otherworldly beings, such as gods, Immortals, and spirits communicating with this world.97 The writing could be done either by sticking an implement through a sieve and making traces in sand, ashes, or powders, or by fastening a brush onto a Y-shaped wooden implement and producing traces with ink on paper.98 Underlying this practice was a firm belief in the existence of Immortals, gods, and spirits, and in their ability to take possession of a writing implement, be it a brush or a stick, and compose what they wished, with or without the assistance of spirit mediums. The Jiajing emperor was an enthusiastic participant in this practice. The Mingshi notes that about 1540 the emperor set up a special terrace for consulting the planchette, known as Jixian tai (Terrace for Immortal Divination), in the inner court.99 The emperor’s interest in lingzhi also originated from his pursuit of spirit writing: 一日，帝於秘殿扶乩，言服芝可延年，使使採芝 天下。 One day, the Emperor was wielding the planchette in a secret hall. [The spirit writing] says, ‘‘Taking lingzhi can prolong life.’’ [The Emperor thus] dispatched envoys to all places under heaven to gather lingzhi.100 Following the oracles, the emperor enquired about the medicinal properties of the lingzhi and issued a series of edicts demanding that lingzhi be collected for the making of elixirs, as discussed in Section 3. These incidents attest to the crucial role of spirit writing in shaping the thinking of the emperor and his court.101 Spirit writing could be done in different types of scripts. When cursive script was used, characters were likely to be written in one continuous stroke.102 Figure 13 shows an example of spirit writing obtained in a séance held in 1894 in Hong Kong.103 Like this example, characters obtained through the planchette were often hard to decipher. They were generally said to be written in script 非世間篆隸 ‘‘unlike the xuan and li scripts of the mortal realm,’’ and therefore required specialists to decode them. The content of spirit writing could range from future prediction and consultation about illness to Fig. 13. Spirit writing. Obtained in a séance held in 1894 in Hong Kong. From De Groot, The Religious Systems of China, p. 1302. poem composition, depending largely on the requests of the diviner. It could also be a single auspicious character. The Chunzhu jiwen (Stories Recorded on an Islet in Springtime) by He Yuan (1077–1145) records that the goddess Zigu demonstrated her calligraphic skill by writing the character fu (‘‘good fortune’’) in large during a session of spirit writing.104 It is worth noting that Zhang Yuankai (16th c.) in his famous Xiyuan gongci (Palace Poems on the Western Park) also mentions seeing similar calligraphic traces in the Jiajing court. The poem reads, 頌美揚休錦繡香，柘黃新帕蓋青箱。內中書法人間 別，壽字能兼數字長。 Eulogizing the beauty and good fortune of the brocade-like incense. A new imperial yellow handkerchief covers a greenish blue chest. Inside it is calligraphy different from [that of] the human realm. The length of the character shou is equivalent to that of several words.105 Zhang Yuankai did not describe the actual appearance of the character shou that he witnessed in the Jiajing Western Park. Yet, his poem indicates that he sighted the character being written in strikingly long form. Most importantly, the character is said to have been written in a script ‘‘different from [that of] the human realm,’’ a phrase often used for describing spirit writing. 112 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART The character shou that he mentioned may well have been the product of divination practice. It is impossible to be certain if the elongated character of shou on the Jiajing official porcelains was also obtained through spirit writing. Nonetheless, the similarities between spirit writing and the auspicious character in organic form are revealing. Like some spirit writings, the auspicious characters on Jiajing official porcelain were written in cursive script in one continuous movement. Moreover, spirit writing and the motifs concerned share a common emphasis on spontaneous formation. By ‘‘spontaneous’’ I mean the absence of any deliberateness in the writing of the character. In spirit writing, divine messages were transmitted from gods to man through the automatic movements of the writing implement or the hand of the medium. It was believed that the inscribed characters expressed the will of gods or celestial beings, and not that of the medium. No human influence was thus imposed on spirit writing. Likewise in the three porcelain designs: Design A shows the auspicious character formed by vapor emanation; Design B, by qi released from a lingzhi; Design C, by entwisted tree trunks. The shared emphasis on spontaneous formation in spirit writing and in these organic forms would have ensured that the latter were perceived to resemble divine messages. Being pictorial representations of good omens, they would have commanded great popularity in the Jiajing court. The invention of auspicious characters in organic form well met the Jiajing emperor’s desperate quest, while residing in the Western Park, for longevity and immortality. Especially in his final years the Jiajing emperor furnished the Western Park with auspicious things and names. He replaced the old names of many buildings with those that highlighted the words shou, fu, lu, and xiang 祥 (‘‘auspiciousness’’).106 The changes of place names were accompanied by frequent appearances of auspicious omens: in the fourth month of 1562 an auspicious rabbit in the Park gave birth to two offspring;107 in the fifth month of 1564 a peach was found behind the imperial throne while the emperor was sitting in the garden; on the next day again a peach was said to have descended from heaven;108 shortly afterward two deer were born. All these happenings were interpreted as auspicious signs indicating Heaven’s blessing upon the longevity of the emperor. There is little doubt that some of the auspicious signs were sheer fabrications and that eunuchs and officials around the emperor had a hand in these happenings. But as Suzanne Cahill in her study of the ‘‘heavenly text’’ of Song Zhenzong (r. 998–1022) reminds us, good omens created by man were not neces- sarily considered forgeries in ancient China.109 She notes, To a person of Sung (Song), a document purporting to be of divine origin but made by human hands was not necessarily a forgery; it might indeed represent a message from heaven. As Rolf Stein and others have pointed out, whether an object is of human manufacture or not does not affect its potency or authenticity. What matters is that the omen be appropriate, accurate, and legitimate in religious terms.110 Historical records never mention any doubts expressed by the Jiajing emperor about the authenticity of good omens that appeared in the Western Park, even though some of them seem so obviously arranged by man, such as the peaches of 1564.111 In most cases the Jiajing emperor showed much gratitude and ordered Daoist rituals to be performed in response to the auspicious signs. In so doing, the emperor made known to his subjects his trust in the potency of good omens, regardless of their origin and formation. As the present study has demonstrated, the three porcelain designs under consideration were more than rebuses or simple expressions of longevity wishes. Rather, the elements of all three designs were carefully arranged so that they would have been deemed appropriate and revealing and, more importantly, would have been perceived as good omens in the religious and visual culture of the Jiajing court. It is very likely that auspicious characters in organic form were painted on official porcelains and lacquerwares with the intention to realize in permanence the auspicious phenomena that were repeatedly reported to the Jiajing emperor. By appearing together with other auspicious signs in the Western Park, the motif thus contributed to reinforce the beliefs that Heaven blessed the Jiajing emperor with longevity, and that his own immortality was within reach. Notes This article derives from a chapter of my Ph.D. dissertation, ‘‘Ceramics in Contexts: Interpreting Subject Matters of Official Porcelain in the Jiajing Court (1522– 1566),’’ supervised by Professor Jessica Rawson at the University of Oxford. I am indebted to Professor Rawson for her insightful comments on this article. I am also grateful to Prof. Craig Clunas and Dr. Robert Chard for their suggestions on an earlier version; to the two reviewers for MAGGIE C. K. WAN their comments; and to Naomi Richard, the editor, for her helpful advice. * ‘‘Official’’ porcelains of the Ming dynasty are those made at the government-controlled kilns at Jingdezhen (in present-day Jiangxi Province). They were imperially commissioned, and generally bear a ‘‘reign mark,’’ which differentiated them—then and now—from wares produced at kilns owned by commoners and sold on the open market. Ming official porcelains were manufactured primarily for daily use at the imperial palace(s) and as gifts for foreign emissaries to present to their potentates on their return home. 1. This motif is first described by James Watt and Barbara Brennan Ford as being ‘‘in an organic style.’’ James Watt and Barbara Brennan Ford, East Asian Lacquer: The Florence and Herbert Irving Collection (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1991), pp. 94–95. Here I designate the motif generally as an ‘‘auspicious character in an organic form.’’ 2. The Jiajing emperor moved to the Western Park after some palace maids attempted to assassinate him in the palace in 1542. Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank, The Cambridge History of China, vol. 7: The Ming Dynasty 1368–1644: Part I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 479–82; Shen Defu (1578–1642), Wanli yehuo bian (Beijing: Wenhua yishi chubanshe, 1998), 2.51–52. The quantities and varieties of official porcelains produced in the same period are recorded in the Jiangxi sheng dazhi. Wang Zongmu (1523–1591) et al., Jiangxi sheng dazhi (edition of 1597); reprint, Zhongguo fangzhi congshu Huazhong difang, no. 779 (Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1989), 7.875–883. 3. Wang Qingzheng, A Dictionary of Chinese Ceramics, trans. Lillian Chin and Jay Xu (Singapore: Sun Tree Publishing, 2002), p. 245. 4. Previous scholarship has established the immortal pursuits and the Daoist beliefs of the Jiajing emperor. Yang Qiqiao, ‘‘Mingdai zhudi zhi chongshang fangshu ji qi yingxiang’’ in Ming Qing shi jue’ao (Taipei: Mingwen Shuju, 1985), pp. 1–50; Liu Ts’un-yan, ‘‘The Penetration of Taoism into the Ming Neo-Confucianist Elite,’’ T’oung Pao, vol. 57 (1971), pp. 31–102; Cheng Sijin, Ming Shizong chongfeng Daojiao zhi yanjiu (M. Phil. diss., Taizhong sili Donghai daxue, 1984). See also Chuiki Wan, Ceramics in Contexts: Interpreting Subject Matters of Official Porcelain in the Jiajing Court (1522–1566) (Ph.D. diss., University of Oxford, 2005), chap. 3. 5. Only auspicious words that form part of a major ceramic design are considered here. Those found in inscriptions and marks on the bases of ceramics are excluded. 6. One of the earliest known examples is a pottery eaves tile collected from Hancheng, Xi’an, dated to the Qin period. Decorating the tile are twelve characters in seal script, ‘‘weitian jiangling yanyuan wannian tianxia kangning,’’ meaning ‘‘Heaven sending down spirits, extending auspiciousness for ten thousand years [and mak-  Jiajing Emperor 113 ing] all under heaven healthy and peaceful.’’ Many Han eaves tiles impressed with auspicious words, such as jiaqi shijiang (‘‘auspicious qi (‘energy’) beginning to descend’’) and lichang weiyang (‘‘auspiciousness and prosperity without end’’), have been found. Feng Xianming, Zhongguo taoci (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994), pp. 73– 74, 193–97. 7. Many ceramic burial jars dated to the Wu period (222–265) and the Western Jin (265–316) are carved with auspicious inscriptions. See Xie Mingliang, ‘‘Sanguo liang Jin shiqi Yueyao qingci soujian de foxiang zhuangshi,’’ Gugong xuehshu jikan, vol. 3, no. 1 (1985), pp. 46– 47; ‘‘Liuchao gucang guan zongshu,’’ Gugong wenwu yuekan, vol. 10, no. 1 (1992), pp. 44–63; Li Zhengzhong and Zhu Yuping, Zongguo guci mingwen (Taipei: Yishu tushu gongsi, 1992), p. 20. 8. Zhejiang sheng bowuguan, ed., Zhejiang jinian ci (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2000), pl. 166. 9. For examples from kilns at Yaozhou in Shaanxi, see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Yaozhou yao bowuguan, Songdai Yaozhou yaozhi (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), pp. 666, 669–70; for Cizhou in Hebei, see Beijing daxue kaogu xuexi, Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, and Handan diqu wenwu baoguansuo, Guantai Cizhou yaozhi (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1997), cpls. 18, 38; pls. 85, 122, 125; for Jizhou and Jingdezhen in Jiangxi, see Peng Shifan, ed., Zhongguo gu taoci (Taipei: Yishu tushu gongsi, 1994), pl. 162; Zhou Luanshu, Zhongguo lidai Jingdezhen ciqi: Wudai Song Yuan juan (Beijing: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe, 1998), p. 225; Zhongguo lidai Jingdezhen ciqi: Ming juan (Beijing: Zhongguo sheying chubanshe, 1998), p. 17; for Leizhou in Guangdong, see Zhanjiang shi bowuguan, Leizhou shi wenhuaju, and Guangdong sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, eds., Leizhou yao ciqi (Guangzhou: Lingnan meishu chubanshe, 2003), pl. 92. 10. Auspicious inscriptions written in Islamic scripts are depicted on official porcelains of the Yongle (1403– 1424), Xuande (1426–1435), and Zhengde (1506–1521) periods. See Wang Liying, ed., Zhongguo taoci quanji: Ming, vol. 1 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 2000), pls. 41, 142, 145. Some early and midMing official porcelains are painted with auspicious words in Sanskrit. But no Chinese auspicious words are known to have been used on pre–Jiajing–marked official porcelains. 11. See Daisy Lion-Goldschmidt, Ming Porcelain, trans. Katherine Watson (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978), fig. 123; John Ayers, Chinese Ceramics in the Baur Collection, vol. 1 (Geneva: The Baur Collection, 1999), cat. no. 75; National Palace Museum, Good Fortune, Long Life, Health, and Peace: A Special Exhibition of Porcelains with Auspicious Designs (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1995), cat. nos. 6, 12, 14, 61, 63; Feng Xiaoqi and Chen Runmin, Ming Qing qinghua ciqi—Gugong bowuyuan cangci shangxi (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2000), pl. 68. 114 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART 12. For examples, see The Joint Board of Directors of the National Palace Museum and the National Central Museum, Porcelain of the National Palace Museum: Blue and White Ware of the Ming Dynasty, Book (V) (Hong Kong: Cafa Company, 1963), pl. 4; Suzanne Valenstein, A Handbook of Chinese Ceramics (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989), pl. 166; Liu Liangyou, A Survey of Chinese Ceramics, vol. 4: Ming Official Wares (Taipei: Aries Gemini Publishing Ltd., 1991), p. 225; Jessica Harrison-Hall, Catalogue of Late Yuan and Ming Ceramics in the British Museum (London: British Museum Press, 2001), cat. 9:35. 13. For examples, see Wang Liying, ed., Zhongguo taoci quanji, pl. 163; Ayers, Chinese Ceramics in the Baur Collection, pl. 73; René-Yvon Lefebvre d’Argencé, Chinese Ceramics in the Avery Brundage Collection: A Selection of Containers, Pillows, Figurines, and Models from the Neolithic Period to Modern Times (San Francisco: De Young Museum Society, 1967), pl. 54; Geng Baochang, ed., Qinghua youlihong, vol. 2 (Xianggang: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2000), pl. 96; Idemitsu Bijutsukan, Chūgōku tōji: Idemitsu Bijutsukan zōhin zuroku (Tokyo: Idemitsu Bijutsukan and Heibonsha, 1987), fig. 707; Martin Feddersen, Chinese Decorative Art: A Handbook for Collectors and Connoisseurs (London: Faber and Faber, 1961), fig. 53; John Alexander Pope, Chinese Porcelains from the Ardebil Shrine (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, 1956), cats. 29.514, 29.516, 29.518, 29.519; Misugi Takatoshi, Chinese Porcelain Collections in the Near East: Topkapi and Ardebil, vol. III (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1981), p. 206 (A.116); Regina Krahl, Chinese Ceramics from the Meiyintang Collection, vol. 2 (London: Azimuth Editions, 1994), cat. 727. 14. Wang Liying, ed., Zhongguo taoci quanji, pl. 163, p. 273. 15. Yabe Yoshiaki suggests that this design is the wansui teng (‘‘longevity vines’’) design, mentioned in the Jiangxi sheng dazhi as painted in underglaze blue on 19,300 porcelain tea cups presented to the court in 1541. Yabe Yoshiaki, ‘‘Kasei keitokuchin yō no konran to sōzō,’’ Tōyō tōji 12–13 (1985), p. 72. Some Chinese scholars designated the same design pengzi wen (Chinese ideogram motifs). Wang Qingzheng, A Dictionary of Chinese Ceramics, p. 245. Lack of evidence makes it difficult to substantiate either of these claims. 16. For examples, see Wang Liying, ed., Wucai doucai (Xianggang: Shangwu yin shuguan, 1999), pl. 18; National Palace Museum, Good Fortune, cat. 2; John Ayers, Far Eastern Ceramics in the Victoria and Albert Museum (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet Publications, 1980), figs. 163, 167; Tokyo National Museum, Tokubetsuten kisshō Chūgoku bijutsu ni komerareta imi (Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum, 1998), cat. 203; Margaret Medley, Illustrated Catalogues of Underglaze Blue and Copper Red Decorated Porcelains (London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 1976), cat. 621; Hong Kong Museum of Art, Chinese Porcelain: The S. C. Ko Tianminlou Collection (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Art, Urban Council, 1987), cat. 38. 17. Hong Kong Museum of Art, Chinese Porcelain, cat. 38. 18. This design is found on such porcelain shapes as bowls, plates, jars, and double gourds. For examples, see Nanjing bowuyuan and Xianggang zhongwen daxue wenwuguan, Zhu Ming yicui: Nanjing Ming gugong chutu taoci (Xianggang: Nanjing bowuyuan and Xianggang zhongwen daxue wenwuguan, 1996), cats. 206, 207; Regina Krahl and John Ayers, Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapi Saray Museum, Istanbul: A Complete Catalogue, II: Yuan and Ming Dynasty Porcelains (London: Sotheby’s Publications, 1986), cats. 883, 937; Zhongguo taoci bianji weiyuanhui, Zhongguo taoci: Jingdezhen minjian qinghua ciqi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1994), pl. 167; Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, Yuan and Ming Blue and White Ware from Jiangxi (Hong Kong: Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002), cat. 92. 19. Jiangxi Provincial Museum and the Art Museum, Yuan and Ming Blue and White, cat. 92. On the base of the dish is an inscription stating that the dish was made by Shen Liangzuo, Deputy Director of the Court of Imperial Entertainment 祗待官光祿寺署丞沈良佐造. Unfortunately, little about Shen Liangzuo is known. 20. Ayers, Far Eastern Ceramics, fig. 159. 21. I follow James Watt’s definition of the term ‘‘official (lacquer) ware’’ as ‘‘the finer wares of the Ming period, which usually are decorated with dragons and other symbols of imperial status and marked with reign dates, sometimes including the year of manufacture.’’ Watt and Ford, East Asian Lacquer, p. 34. The majority of Jiajing official lacquerwares were carved and gilded with the six-character mark Da Ming Jiajing nianzhi (‘‘Made in the Jiajing reign of the Great Ming’’); Lee King-tsi and Hu Shih-chang, ‘‘Inscriptions on Ming Lacquer,’’ The Bulletin of the Oriental Ceramic Society of Hong Kong, vol. 10 (1992–1994), p. 31. Like official porcelains, Ming official lacquerwares were manufactured under the control of the Ming government. In the sixteenth century the production of official lacquerwares was in the hands of two different government departments. One was the Ministry of Works. The Bureau of Irrigation and Transportation (Dushuisi), one of the four bureaus in the Ministry of Works, ran workshops that manufactured lacquerwares for the government. At the same time, the Directorate of Palace Eunuchs (Neiguanjian) and the Directorate for Imperial Accouterment (Yuyongjian), 2 of the 12 major Directorates in which palace eunuchs were organized, were also responsible for the manufacture of lacquerwares for the use of the emperor and the royal family. Chen Shiqi, Mingdai guan shougongye de yanjiu (Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, MAGGIE C. K. WAN 1985), pp. 52, 56–57; He Shijin (jinshi 1598), Gongbu changku xuzhi (edition of 1615), reprint, Xuxiu siku quanshu, vol. 878 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 11.723; Liu Ruoyu (1584–ca. 1642), Zhuozhongzhi (Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1994), 16.102, 103. It is uncertain where, exactly, official lacquerwares were made. Ming and Qing writings note that official lacquerwares were mainly made in a certain Guoyuan chang (Fruit Garden Factory). See Gao Lian (16th c.), Zunsheng bajian (edition of 1591), in Siku quanshu, vol. 871 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 14.73b. Liu Tong (jinshi 1634) and Yu Yizheng (act. 1615–1635), Dijing jingwu lüe (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001), 4.240–241. It has also been suggested that the lacquer factory was located to the west of the western gate of the Western Park in the imperial city. Gao Shiqi (1645– 1704), Jin’ao tuishi biji (edition of 1684), reprint, Beiping difang yanjiu congkan, vol. 2.8 (Taipei: Jinxue shuju, 1970), 2.85–86; Suo Yuming, Zhongguo qi gongyi yanjiu lunji (Taipei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 1977), pp. 42–53. 22. In the Palace Museum, Beijing, is an official blueand-white porcelain dish having the same decoration as an official lacquer box, both bearing the Jiajing reign mark. Wang Jianhua, ‘‘Gugong bowuyuan cang Jiajing chao ciqi gaikuang ji yishu fengge,’’ Gugong bowuyuan yuankan, no. 3 (1987), p. 93. Probably decorative designs were generally shared between official porcelains and lacquerwares. Imai Atsushi, ‘‘A Consideration on the Style of the Guan Ware Porcelains in the Late Ming Dynasty. Focusing on Its Relationship with Lacquer Ware Designs,’’ Museum: The Bimonthly Magazine of the Tokyo National Museum, no. 598 (October 2005), pp. 37–50. Although similar motifs are also seen on a few Ming textiles, these textiles are mostly of unknown provenance and cannot be attributed to a particular Ming reign. 23. A similar design showing incense smoke forming the character fu or shou is found on post-Jiajing porcelains made for commoners. The auspicious characters in this design are so small as to be almost unnoticeable. See He Li, Chinese Ceramics: The New Standard Guide (London: Thames and Hudson, 1996), cat. 438; Shawn Eichman, ‘‘Immortals of the Wine Cup: Religious Images on Seventeenth Century Chinese Porcelain,’’ Orientations (March 2003), fig. 4. 24. For more examples, see Tokyo National Museum, Tokubetsuten kisshō, cats. 202, 205. 25. The word qi has no English equivalent. It is a general concept which encompasses many aspects. Its various connotations include ‘‘breath,’’ ‘‘vital energy,’’ and so on. 26. The historical development of the concepts of qi in China is long and complex, and lies outside the scope of this paper. I shall provide only the basic understanding of qi current in the Ming period. For research on the subject, see Cheng Yishan, Zhongguo gudai yuanqi xueshuo (Hubei: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1986); Kuroda Genji,  Jiajing Emperor 115 Ki no kenkyū (Tokyo: Tōkyō bijutsu, 1977); Onozawa Seiichi et al., Ki no shisō: Chūgoku ni okeru shizenkan to ningenkan no tenkai (Tōkyō: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1978). 27. A. C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago and La Salle: Open Court Publishing Company, 1989), p. 325. 28. Nathan Sivin, Traditional Medicine in Contemporary China (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1987), p. 46. 29. 天有六氣，降生五味，發為五色，徵為五聲，淫生 六疾。六氣曰陰、陽、風、雨、晦、明也。分為四時，序為 五節，過則為菑。 The Zuozhuan states, ‘‘Heaven has the Six Qi, which descending generate the Five Tastes, issue as the Five Colours, are evidenced by the Five Sounds, and in excess generate the Six Diseases. The Six Qi are yin and yang, wind and rain, dark and light. They divide to make the Four Seasons, in sequence make the Five Rhythms, and in excess bring about calamity.’’ Yang Bojun, ed., Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990), p. 1222; Graham, Disputers of the Tao, p. 325 (translation with modifications). 30. Christopher Cullen, ‘‘The Science/Technology Interface in Seventeenth-Century China: Song Yingxing on qi and the wu xing,’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, vol. 53, part 2 (1990), p. 300. 31. He Ning, ed., Huainanzi jishi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), 3.165–166; Graham, Disputers of the Tao, p. 332 (translation with modifications). 32. Guo Qingfan (1844–ca. 1896), ed., Zhuangzi jishi (Beijing: Zhongjua shuju, 2004), 22.733; Victor Mair, Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1994). I follow Mair’s translation with slight modifications. 33. David Pollard, ‘‘Ch’i in the Chinese Literary Theory,’’ in Adele Rickett et al., Chinese Approaches to Literature from Confucius to Liang Ch’i-ch’ao (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 46. 34. Lin Pinshi, ed., Lüshi chunqiu jinzhu jinyi (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yin shuguan, 1985), 3.72; Pollard, ‘‘Ch’i,’’ p. 46 (translation with modifications). 35. Pollard, ‘‘Ch’i,’’ p. 46. 36. Hung Wu, ‘‘A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament and the Xiangrui Design in Western Han Art,’’ Archives of Asian Art, vol. 37 (1984), p. 42. 37. Dong Zhongshu, Chunqiu fanlu jinzhu jinyi (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yin shuguan, 1984), 6.147. 38. Wu, ‘‘A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament,’’ p. 39. Also see Peter Sturman, ‘‘Cranes above Kaifeng: The Auspicious Image at the Court of Huizong,’’ Ars Orientalis, vol. 20 (1990), pp. 33–68; Maggie Bickford, ‘‘Emperor Huizong and the Aesthetic of Agency,’’ Archives of Asian Art, vol. 53 (2002–2003), pp. 71–104. 39. Michael Loewe’s research on the cult of the dragon and the invocation of rain well demonstrates the 116 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART practice of such sympathetic magic in early China. He explains that the appearance of a dragon was connected with the downfall of rain as early as the eighth-century bce. Textual evidence shows that clay or earthenware dragons had been in use in the ritual invoking rain since the Western Han period. The belief underlying the practice was that of mutual attraction. It was believed that clouds accompanied the dragon, and winds followed the tiger, as part of the universal rule that all things responded to like, be they sounds, expressions of energy or material, or visible objects such as water. Dragons, whether in the form of living creatures, clay figures, or painted images, were capable of attracting rain because they were things of the same category. Loewe draws many textual examples to prove that the sympathetic magic exemplified by the use of dragon in rain invocation prevailed in early China. He concludes that the belief continues to exist today. Michael Loewe, Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 142–59. Other periods also produced stories about the power of images. See Jessica Rawson, ‘‘Cosmological Systems as Sources of Art, Ornament and Design,’’ The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, vol. 72 (2000), pp. 133–89; ‘‘The Power of Images: The Model Universe of the First Emperor and its Legacy,’’ Historical Research 75.188 (2002), pp. 123–54. 40. Sima Qian (145–86 bce), Shiji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 12.458. 41. Ban Gu (32–92), Hanshu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 26.1307; A. F. P. Hulsewé, ‘‘Watching the Vapours; an Ancient Chinese Technique of Prognostication,’’ Nachrichten der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens (Hamburg), vol. 125 (1979), p. 45. 42. Loewe, Divination, Mythology and Monarchy, pp. 200–1. 43. Shiji, 28.1393; Wu, ‘‘A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament,’’ p. 48. 44. Zhang Tingyu (1672–1755) et al., Mingshi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 27.423. 45. Xu Xueju (jinshi 1583) et al., Guochao dianhui (edition of 1624), reprint, Siku quanshu cunmu congshu, vols. 264–66 (Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1996), 113.765. 46. Yang Quan (3rd c. ce), Wuli lun, in Congshu jicheng chubian, vol. 594 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), p. 4. 47. Li Shizhen (1518–1593), Xinjiao zhuben Bencao gangmu (Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1998), 8.323. 48. Guo Pu (276–324), Zangshu, in Siku quanshu, vol. 808 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 1.1b. 49. Guo Pu, Zangshu, 1.8a–b. 50. John Hay’s study offers excellent research on traditional Chinese associations between earth, rocks, qi, and gardens, and their representations through works of art. John Hay, Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth: The Rock in Chinese Art (New York: China House Gallery, China Institute in America, 1985), esp. pp. 50–54 on the energy and structure of Chinese landscape. 51. Zhang Hua (232–300) in his Bowu zhi (Treatise on Curiosities) cites from an earlier text, Hetu (River Map). Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi, in Zhongguo wenyan xiaoshuo baibu jingdian, vol. 1 (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), 1.317. 52. See the descriptions of Penglai and Fangzhang in the Shiyi ji. Wang Jia (act. 351–394), Shiyi ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 10.223–226. 53. Wang Jia, Shiyi ji, 10.230. 54. Wang Qi (jinshi 1565) and Wang Siyi (16th–17th c.), Sancai tuhui (edition of 1609) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988), 6.224. 55. Sancai tuhui, 6.225. 56. Zhang Yuankai (16th c.), Fatan zhaiji (preface dated to 1578), in Siku quanshu, vol. 1285 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 12.3a–4a. 57. Mingshi, 307.7894; Cheng Sijin, Ming Shizong, pp. 55–76. 58. Since longxian incense was refined from the secretion of the sperm whale, it could not easily be obtained in inland China. To ensure that the available ambergris was sufficient to satisfy his demands, the Jiajing emperor promulgated a series of policies. These included prohibiting foreign merchant vessels from trading at Chinese ports unless they provided ambergris. He also purchased ambergris from private individuals at a cost of hundred of taels of silver. Zhang Juzheng (1525–1582) et al., Ming Shizong Su huangdi shilu (preface dated to 1577) in Ming Shilu, vols. 70–91 (Nangang: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1962–1968), 454.7691, 512.8412. 59. Cheng Qingguang, ‘‘Lidi xiangju gaishuo,’’ in A Special Exhibition of Incense Burners and Perfumers throughout the Dynasties, ed. National Palace Museum (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1994), pp. 10–14. 60. Zhou Qufei (jinshi 1163), Lingwai daida jiaozhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999), 7.266. 61. Mingshi, 194.5151. 62. Li Gun (jinshi 1553), Li Zitian shiji, in Congshu jicheng xubian, vol. 170 (Taipei: Xinwenfeng chubanshe, 1989), 1.502. 63. Jan Stuart, ‘‘Layers of Meaning,’’ in Louise Allison Cort and Jan Stuart, Joined Colors: Decoration and Meaning in Chinese Porcelain (Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; Hong Kong: Tai Yip Co., 1993), p. 36. 64. Xu Xueju et al., Guochao dianhui, 113.765–766. 65. The Shiyi ji records that on Mount Kunlun there were many large fields of fungi cultivated by Immortals. Wang Jia, Shiyi ji, 10.221. The Shizhou ji (Records of Ten Continents) also describes the growth of magical fungi on Yingzhou, one of the Isles of the Immortals in the Eastern Sea. Shizhou ji, attrib. Dongfang Shuo (154–93 bce), in Zhongguo wenyan xiaoshuo baibu jingdian, ed. Ma Da, vol. 1 (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), p. 55. MAGGIE C. K. WAN 66. In 1556 the Jiajing court issued a decree requesting officials to search the Five Sacred Mountains and other famous Daoist sites for immortal fungi. By the tenth month of 1557, over a thousand fungi were gathered and presented to the court. In the following years both officials and commoners participated in collecting fungi. In 1558, the Ministry of Rites called for the presentation of more fungi with the stem of one chi or more in height. In 1561, the same Ministry reported that 769 fungi were gathered that year, but not many of them were five colors and over one chi in height. Thus, another decree was issued requesting more fungi to be gathered in the following year. Xu Xueju et al., Guochao dianhui, 113.766–767. 67. Xu Xueju et al., Guochao dianhui, 113.766. 68. Mingshi, 307.7900–7901. 69. Grand Secretaries, including Yan Song, Li Ben, and Xu Jie (1503–1583), participated in the distilling of elixirs from fungi. Shen Defu, Wanli yehuo bian, 29.787; Zhang Yuankai, Fatan zhaiji, 12.1b. 70. The fungus of immortality was one of the most popular decorations on Jiajing official porcelain. For examples of its use on the porcelains, see Chen Qingguan, ‘‘Wan Ming taoci yishu lunxi zhi yi—shilun Jia Wan shiqi guanyao ciqi zhi youguan fodao ji xiangrui de tu’an,’’ in Wan Ming sichao yu shehui biandong, ed. Danjiang daxue zhongwen xi (Taipei: Honghua wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1987), pp. 515–18, 527–29. 71. Ge Hong (284–364), Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, ed. Wang Ming (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 11.201. 72. See CT 1406 Taishang lingbao zhicao pin 1.317– 21, 1.323–24, 1.326–28, 1.333–35. The text was compiled during the Northern Song dynasty. 73. Tuo Tuo (1313–1355) et al., Songshi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977), 63.1393. 74. Fengxin xianzhi, cited in Chen Menglei (b. 1651) and Jiang Tingxi (1669–1732) et al., Gujin tushu jicheng, vol. 535 (Taipei: Wenxing shudian, 1964), 51.38a. 75. I shall elaborate on this point in the last section. 76. On a few Jiajing official lacquerwares, auspicious words are also formed by the suihan sanyou (‘‘Three Friends of the Cold Season’’), that is plum, bamboo, and pine. The Three Friends were the most prized elements of container gardens in Ming times. Tu Long (1542–1605), Chen Meigong kaopan yushi, in Xuxiu siku quanshu, vol. 1185 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 4.385; Rolf Stein, The World in Miniature: Container Gardens and Dwellings in Far Eastern Religious Thought, trans. Phyllis Brooks (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 27. They were also popular decorative motifs on Ming ceramics. Bamboo, however, is seldom found twisted to form auspicious characters on Jiajing official porcelains. 77. 子曰：『歲寒，然後知松柏之後彫也。』 ‘‘Confucius says, ‘Only when the year turns cold do people realize that the pine and the cypress are the last to fade.’ ’’ Lunyu yizhu, ed. Yang Bojun (Xianggang: Zhonghua  Jiajing Emperor 117 shuju, 2000), 9.95. Confucius is traditionally said to have lived between the mid-sixth and mid-fifth centuries bce. The theme of pine in the Chinese literary tradition and in paintings is discussed in Richard Barnhart, Wintry Forests, Old Trees: Some Landscape Themes in Chinese Painting (New York: China House Gallery, China Institute in America, 1972); Charles Hartman, ‘‘Literary and Visual Interactions in Lo Chih-ch’uan’s Crows in Old Trees,’’ Metropolitan Museum Journal 28 (1993), pp. 140–45. 78. Li Shizhen, Xinjiao zhuben Bencao gangmu, 37.1437–38. 79. Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi, 8.373; Suzanne Cahill, Transcendence and Divine Passion: The Queen Mother of the West in Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 54–55. 80. The Queen Mother of the West and her peaches of immortality are the themes of at least three zaju of the Ming period. They are the Qunxian qingshou pantaohui (A Group of Immortals Celebrating the Queen Mother of the West’s Birthday in the ‘‘Pan Peach’’ Gathering), by Zhu Youdun (1379–1439), and two anonymous dramas, the Zhong qunxian qingshang pantaohui (Numerous Immortals Celebrating and Enjoying the Pan-Peach Gathering), and the Zhu shangshou jinmu xian pantao (The Golden Mother Presenting Pan-Peach for the Emperor’s Birthday Celebration). The Queen Mother and her peaches of immortality also appear in many other Ming dramas, especially those for birthday celebrations. Xu Zifang, Ming zaju yanjiu (Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1998), pp. 166–67, 473–76. 81. Shen Defu, Wanli yehuo bian, 29.787; Mingshi, 226.5928–29; Xu Xueju et al., Guochao dianhui, 113.767. 82. Alison Hardie, ‘‘Chinese Garden Design in the Later Ming Dynasty and Its Relation to Aesthetic Theory’’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Sussex, 2000), pp. 239–41. 83. Wang Xianchen, a native of Wu County, was born about 1460. He entered the government bureaucracy before 1490 and obtained his jinshi degree in 1493. He retired from office about 1510, when his father died and his 25 months of mourning began. His garden was probably built after his retirement. Mingshi, 180.4801; Hardie, ‘‘Chinese Garden Design,’’ pp. 116–42. Wen Zhengming, Wen Zhengming ji, ed. Zhou Daozhen (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), p. 1276; Hardie, ‘‘Chinese Garden Design,’’ p. 137. For more about the garden and its variety of plants, see Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites: Garden Culture in Ming Dynasty China (London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 1996), pp. 22–59. 84. Hardie, ‘‘Chinese Garden Design,’’ p. 179. Wang Tingna was a wealthy salt merchant, publisher, and socialite in the Huizou region. His garden was built in the first two decades of the seventeenth century. For his biography and garden, see Nancy Berliner, ‘‘Wang Tingna and Illustrated Book Publishing in Huizhou,’’ Orientations 25 (January 1994), pp. 67–75; Hardie, ‘‘Chinese Garden Design,’’ pp. 166–81. 118 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART 85. Guoli gugong bowuyuan, Gugong shuhua tulu, vol. 7 (Taipei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 1989), pp. 259– 60; Hay, Kernels of Energy, p. 65. 86. For the origin and development of container gardens in China, see Stein, The World in Miniature, pp. 23– 42. 87. Wang Shixiang, ‘‘Penjing qiyuan yu heshi,’’ in Wang Shixiang, Jinhuidui, vol. 2 (Beijing: Sanlian chubanshe, 1999), p. 748. 88. Du Wan (act. 1126), Yunlin shipu, in Meishu congshu, vol. 15, 3/9 (Shanghai: Shenzhou guoguangshe, 1964–1975), 1.65, 69. 89. Zhongguo gudai shuhua jianding zu, Zhongguo huihua quanji, vol. 12: Ming (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 2000), pl. 54. 90. Tu Long, Chen Meigong kaopan yushi, 4.384–85; Wen Zhenheng (1585–1645), Changwu zhi, in Siku quanshu, vol. 872 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 2.14b–16a; Gao Lian, Zunsheng bajian in Siku quanshu, vol. 871 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 7.38b–42b. The seventeenth century also witnessed the publication of the earliest known treatise on the techniques for cultivating miniature trees. The treatise, entitled Huajing 花鏡 (Flower Mirror) provides a detailed description of ways to nurture miniature plants and instructions on how to twist tree trunks and branches to form different images. Chen Haozi (act. 1688), Huajing (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956. 91. I have not been able to locate any Ming-dynasty references to miniature trees with trunks and branches twisted to form auspicious characters. Since it is technically possible to twist the trunk of a tree to form a character, we cannot rule out the possibility that the contorted trees shown in Design C actually existed in Ming China. For a dwarf tree in the shape of the character shou in the twentieth century, see Maggie Keswick, The Chinese Garden: History, Art, and Architecture (London: Frances Lincoln Ltd., 2003), p. 48. 92. Chen Haozi, Huajing, 2.42–43; I base my translation on Stein, The World in Miniature, pp. 115–16 with some modifications. 93. Gao Lian, Zunsheng bajian, 7.39a. 94. Lothar Ledderose, ‘‘The Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese Landscape Art,’’ in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), p. 178. 95. Lin Pinshi, ed., Lüshi chunqiu jinzhu jinyi, 3.72. 96. Internal alchemy (neidan) was a technique which combined meditation and breath control to visualize the creation of elixirs in the inner landscape of the practitioner’s body; it aimed to lead the practitioner to spiritual perfection and reunite him with the Dao. We have few records about the emperor’s practice of internal alchemy, probably due to its esoteric nature. Some are found in the following texts: Xia Yan (1482–1548), Xia Guizhou xiansheng wenji (edition of 1638), reprint, Siku quanshu cunmu congshu, vols. 74–75 (Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1997), 7.346; Shen Defu (1578–1642), Wanli yehuo bian buyi (preface dated to 1619), in Wanli yehuo bian (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1998), 1.863; Gao Shiqi, Jin’ao tuishi biji, 2.92. From the Southern Song period the practice of internal alchemy was incorporated into many Daoist rites. For example, see CT 1220 Daofa huiyuan, 8.715–16. The text was probably compiled in the late Yuan and early Ming period. 97. Judith Zeitlin, ‘‘Spirit Writing and Performance in the Work of You Tong (1618–1704),’’ T’oung Pao, vol. 84 (1998), pp. 102–3. For the history of spirit writing, see Xu Dishan, Fiji mixin di yanjiu (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yin shuguan, 1966); Chao Wei-pang, ‘‘The Origin and Growth of Fu Chi,’’ Folklore Studies, vol. 1 (1942), pp. 9–27; David Jordan and Daniel Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese Sectarianism in Taiwan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986) pp. 36–46.; Terry Kleeman, A God’s Own Tale: The Book of Transformations of Wenchang, the Divine Lord of Zitong (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp. 8–9. 98. For the procedure of the practice, see J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution, History and Present Aspects, Manners, Customs and Social Institutions Connected Therewith (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, 1989), pp. 1295–97; Lothar Ledderose, ‘‘Some Taoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six Dynasties,’’ T’oung Pao, vol. 70 (1984), p. 258. 99. Mingshi, 197.5216. 100. Mingshi, 307.7900. 101. The Jiajing emperor also rewarded or punished his subjects according to information obtained through spirit writing. For example, three officials were arrested and imprisoned for submitting memorials which offended the emperor. After five years’ imprisonment, they were released partly because of the oracle that the emperor obtained through spirit writing. Mingshi, 209.5526. The emperor also ordered a bridge built at Liangxiang across the River Liuli following a séance of spirit writing. Zha Jizuo (1601–1676), Zuiweilu, in Xuxiu siku quanshu, vols. 321–323 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995), 12.177. In 1563 the emperor again decided to dismiss his once favorite Grand Secretary, Yan Song, from the court. This decision followed spirit writing, which stated that Yan was the cause of unrest in the Empire. Mingshi, 307.7899. 102. Cursive script was used by a fourth-century mystic, Yang Xi (330–?), for writing down sacred oral instructions that various Immortals revealed to him while he was in a state of religious exaltation. Yang’s manuscripts were later collected and edited by Tao Hongjing (456–536), who designated the final work Zhengao (CT 1016). The work is the earliest Chinese text that contains writing done by possessed persons. The more formal seal script MAGGIE C. K. WAN and regular script were also used in spirit writing. Ledderose, ‘‘Some Taoist Elements,’’ p. 258 (n. 63). 103. de Groot, Religious System of China, p. 1302. 104. 政和二年，襄邑民因上元請紫姑神為戲。既書紙間， 其字徑丈。或問之曰：「汝更能大書否？」即書曰：「請連 黏襄表二百幅，當為作一福字。」或曰：「紙易耳，安得許 大筆也？」曰：「請用麻皮十斤縛作，令徑二尺許，墨漿以 大器貯，備濡染也。」諸好事因集紙筆，就一富人麥場，鋪 展聚觀。神至，書云：「請一人繫筆於項。」其人不覺身之 騰踔，往來場間，須臾字成，端麗如顏書。復取小筆書于紙 角云「持往宣德門賣錢五百貫」文。 ‘‘In the second year of the Zhenghe period (1112), some people of the Xiangyi on the fifteenth day of the first moon called the goddess Zigu by way of divination. When she had finished her writing on paper, the characters were one foot in diameter. One asked, ‘Can you write characters of even greater size?’ And forthwith she wrote ‘Please paste together two hundred maps of the Xiang district; I will write for you a character fu upon it.’ On which somebody said, ‘There is no difficulty about the paper, but where can so large a brush be got?’ She answered, ‘Please fasten together in a bundle ten pounds of hemp, and thus make a brush more than two feet in diameter; and for ink take a large basin with wet ink for painting.’ Those who interested themselves in the matter provided the paper and the brush, and repaired to the wheat fields of a rich man, where they laid out the paper and assembled to see what would happen. The goddess came and wrote, ‘Please procure a man round whose neck the brush may be tied.’ And this man did not feel that his body rose in the air and moved backward and forward over the plain in such a wise that the character was ready in a moment, neat and beautiful, comparable to the calligraphy of Master Yan. (The said man) took a small brush again, and wrote in the corner of the paper these words: ‘‘Take it to the Xuande gate, and sell it there for five hundred strings of coins.’’ He Yuan (1077–1145), Chunzhu jiwen (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 4.64. 105. Zhang Yuankai, Fatan zhaiji, 12.4a. 106. The designations of buildings in the Western Park of the Jiajing period are listed in the Chunming mengyu lu. Sun Chengze (1592–1676), Chunming mengyu lu, in Siku quanshu, vols. 868–69 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), chap. 6. For a detailed discussion of these designations and their relations with the religious beliefs of the Jiajing emperor, see Wan, Ceramics in Contexts, chap. 3. 107. Zhang Juzheng et al., Ming Shizong Su huangdi shilu, 508.8372. 108. Zhang Juzheng et al., Ming Shizong Su huangdi shilu, 534.8680; Xu Xueju et al., Guochao dianhui, 113.767. 109. Suzanne Cahill, ‘‘Taoism at the Sung Court: The Heavenly Text Affair of 1008,’’ Bulletin of Sung-Yüan Studies, vol. 16 (1980), pp. 23–44. On 12 February 1008 a tianshu (‘‘heavenly text’’) in the form of a scroll of yel-  Jiajing Emperor 119 low silk bound by a blue cord appeared at one of the gateways of the Song imperial palace. The text praised the emperor and the dynasty. It confirmed continuous blessings from Heaven. The text was one of the divine auspicious signs created by the ministers of Zhenzong as a necessary precondition for the performance of the ancient sacrifices feng and shan. Songshi 7.135–36. 110. Cahill, ‘‘Taoism at the Sung Court,’’ p. 25. 111. An official, Hai Rui (1514–1587), clearly stated in his petition to the Jiajing emperor that the appearance of the peaches had been arranged by man. Mingshi, 226.5929. Glossary Bencao gangmu 本草綱目 Bowu zhi 博物志 changming fugui 長命富貴 changshou 長壽 Changwu zhi 長物志 Chaoyang 朝陽 Chengbo 澄波 chi 尺 Chunzhu jiwen 春渚紀聞 Cizhou 磁州 Da Ming Jiajing nianzhi 大明嘉靖年製 Daiyu 岱輿 daji 大吉 Daofa huiyuan 道法會元 Dezhen ting 得真亭 Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 Dushuisi 都水司 feng 封 fengtiao yushun 風調雨順 Fengxin xianzhi 奉新縣志 fu 福 fu ru donghai 福如東海 fude 福德 fuji 扶乩 fuling 伏苓 fuluan 扶鸞 fushou kangning 福壽康寧 Ge Hong 葛洪 Gu Dingchen 顧鼎臣 Guangdong 廣東 guhuai 古槐 gui he fu qi shou 龜鶴福齊壽 Guo Pu 郭璞 Guochao dianhui 國朝典彙 guotai min’an 國泰民安 Guoyuan chang 果(菓)園廠 Hai Rui 海瑞 Hancheng 漢城 Hanshu 漢書 He Yuan 何薳 Hetu 河圖 120 ARCHIVES OF ASIAN ART Hongzhou 洪州 Huainanzi 淮南子 Huajing 花鏡 Huizhou 徽州 jiaguo yong’an 家國永安 jiaqi shijiang 加氣始降 Jichun pian 季春篇 Jingdezhen 景德鎮 jingqi 精氣 jinyu mantang 金玉滿堂 Jixian tai 乩仙臺 Jizhou 吉州 Kaopan yushi 考槃餘事 Kunlun 崑崙 Leizhou 雷州 li 里 Li Ben 李本 Li Shizhen 李時珍 Li Xian 李賢 Liangxiang 良鄉 lichang weiyang 利昌未央 Lingwai daida 嶺外代答 lingzhi 靈芝 Liuli 琉璃 longxian 龍涎 lu 祿 Lunheng 論衡 Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋 Mingshi 明史 neidan 內丹 Neiguanjian 內官監 Ningbo 寧波 pengzi wen 捧字紋 penjing 盆景 qi 氣 Qiu Ying 仇英 Qunxian qingshou pantaohui 群仙慶壽蟠桃會 ruiqi 瑞氣 Sancai tuhui 三才圖會 shan 禪 Shen Liangzuo 沈良佐 Shiji 史記 Shiliu luohan 十六羅漢 Shiyi ji 拾遺記 Shizhou ji 十洲記 shou 壽 shou bi nanshan 壽比南山 shouming zhi fu 受命之符 shoushan 壽山 shoushan fuhai 壽山福海 Songshi 宋史 suihan sanyou 歲寒三友 Taishang lingbao zhicao pin 太上靈寶芝草品 Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 tianshu 天書 Tu Long 屠隆 Wang Tingna 汪廷訥 Wang Xianchen 王獻臣 wanshou qingping 萬壽清平 wansui teng 萬歲藤 weitian jiangling yanyuan wannian tianxia kangning 維天降靈延元萬年天下康寧 Wen Zhenheng 文震亨 Wu 吳 Wu Bin 吳彬 Wu Shan 吳山 Wu Wei 吳偉 wude zhi 五德芝 wugu fengdeng 五穀豐登 Wuli lun 物理論 Xia Yan 夏言 Xi’an 西安 xiangrui 祥瑞 xiangyun 祥雲 xiaomu 小木 xingqi 形氣 Xiyuan 西苑 Xiyuan gongci 西苑宮詞 Xu 徐 Xu Jie 徐階 Xu Xueju 徐學聚 Xuande 宣德 Yang Xi 楊羲 Yaozhou 耀州 yongbao changchun 永保長春 Yongle 永樂 You Tong 尤侗 Yuanlin qingke tu 園林清課圖 Yunlin shipu 雲林石譜 yunqi 雲氣 yunqi che 雲氣車 Yuyongjian 御用監 zaju 雜劇 Zangshu 葬書 Zhang Yuankai 張元凱 Zhejiang 浙江 Zhengao 真誥 Zhengde 正德 Zhenzong 真宗 Zhibeiyou 知北遊 Zhong qunxian qingshang pantaohui 眾群仙慶賞蟠桃會 Zhu shangshou jinmu xian pantao 祝聖壽金母獻蟠桃 Zhu Youdun 朱有燉 Zhuangzi 莊子 Zhuozhengyuan 拙政園 Zigu 紫姑 ziyun 紫雲 Zunsheng bajian 遵生八箋 Zuoyinyuan 坐隱園 Zuozhuan 左傳