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Power is present in each individual and in every relationship. It is defined as the ability of a group to get another group to take some form of desired action, usually by consensual power and sometimes by force (Holmes, Hughes & Julian, 2007). In society governments, organisations and an elite class of people make decisions that affect the lives of a large mass of other people. A significant amount of research shows these decisions are often made to serve their own economic interests and values of which includes the means of production and property ownership (Holmes et al, 2007; Walters & Crook, 1995; Haralambos & Holborn, 1990; McGregor, 2000). These decisions cause inequality in society and resentment from people who are excluded from the decision making process. The unequalness of this decision-making and power allocation enables the fortunate to enforce their will on the less fortunate (Graetz, 2001, Walters & Crook, 1995). This essay discusses power from two sociological views; the Conflict perspective, predominately from Karl Marx and the Elite theory perspective. These theories show that power is distributed unequally in society where governments, a ruling class, media and business elites hold the majority of power over others.
Published as Chapter 1, 'Developments in Marxist theory' in K. Nash and A. Scott, eds, Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, Oxford: Blackwell, 8-16. It was reprinted in lightly revised form in the second edition of this book with a new book title and editors: E. Amenta, K. Nash, A. Scott, eds, The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, Oxford: Blackwell, 3-14. Marxists have analysed power relations in many ways. But four interrelated themes typify their overall approach. The first of these is a concern with power relations as manifestations of a specific mode or configuration of class domination rather than as a purely interpersonal phenomenon lacking deeper foundations in the social structure. The significance thus attached to class domination by no means implies that all forms of power are always exercised by social actors with clear class identities and class interests. It means only that Marxists are mainly interested in the causal interconnections between the exercise of social power and the reproduction or transformation of class domination. Indeed, Marxists are usually well aware of other types of subject, identity, antagonism, and domination. But they consider these phenomena largely in terms of their relevance for, and their overdetermination by, class domination. Second, Marxists are concerned with the links – including discontinuities as well as continuities – between economic, political, and ideological class domination. Despite the obvious centrality of this issue, however, it prompts widespread theoretical and empirical disagreements. For different Marxist approaches locate the bases of class power primarily in the social relations of production, in control over the state, or in intellectual hegemony over hearts and minds. I will deal with these alternatives below. Third, Marxists note the limitations inherent in any exercise of power that is rooted in one or another form of class domination and try to explain this in terms of structural contradictions and antagonisms inscribed therein. Thus Marxists tend to assume that all forms of social power linked to class domination are inherently fragile, unstable, provisional, and temporary and that continuing struggles are needed to reproduce the conditions for class domination, to overcome resistance, and to naturalize or mystify class power. It follows, fourthly, that Marxists also address questions of strategy and tactics. They provide empirical analyses of actual strategies intended to reproduce, resist, or overthrow class domination in specific periods and conjunctures; and they often engage in political debates about the most appropriate identities, interests, strategies, and tactics for dominated classes and other oppressed groups to adopt in order most effectively to challenge their subaltern position.
Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, 2023
Although Marxism does not explicitly theorise about power per se, Marxist theory is predominantly concerned with issues of power in society. Indeed, Hearn (2012: 49) points out that while Marx offers one of the most 'strenuous critiques' of exploitative power relations that exist in capitalist society, he never systematically defines what he means by power. Nevertheless, power remains the central tenet for Marx's core ideas on social labour, the
The argumento f this paper is based on the assumption that the devalorization that the domain of power has suffered in the received wisdom of Marxism is, in crucial ways,r esponsiblef ori ts inability to take on the problemo f democracy power, franchiser,e presentation, etc. in socialism. With this view, this paper seeks to explore the phenomenono f power and its theoreticals tatus in Marxistt heory,i n the lighto f recenth istoricael xperience
Critical Sociology, 1999
What is the place of power in society? What is the relationship between class and power? Answers diVer, as is to be expected, given the obvious signi cance of class and power to the evaluation of a given society. The question itself, however, appears simple and straightforward enough. Ideological biases apart, what seems to be at issue is the famous question of scienti c method, of what is the most adequate method to answer the question. 1 But is the question really so clear and simple? From what we know about "paradigms" (Kuhn) and "problematics" (Althusser) of science is it very likely that, for example, a proletarian revolutionary and critic of political economy (Marx), a German academic historian and sociological follower of Austrian marginalism (Weber), a descendant of JeVersonian democracy (Mills), an admirer of contemporary liberal economics (Buchanan-Tullock, Parsons), or an adherent of some of the ruling political ideas of present-day USA (Dahl, Giddens[ 2 ]), would be concerned with the same problem and ask the same question-even when they use the same words? Leaving subtler points and distinctions aside we can distinguish at least three diVerent major approaches to the study of power in society. The rst and most common one we might call the subjectivist approach. With Robert Dahl it asks: Who governs?, 3 or with William DomhoV: Who rules America?, 4 or in the words of a British theorist of strati cation, W.G. Runciman: "who rules and who is ruled?", 5 or in the militant pluralist variant of Nelson Polsby: "Does anyone at all run this community?" 6 This is a subjectivist approach to the problem of power in society not in the same sense as "subjective" in the so-called subjective conceptions of strati cation, which refer to strati cation in terms of subjective evaluation and esteem, in contrast to strati cation in terms of, say, income or education. It is a subjectivist approach in the sense that it is looking for the subject of power. It is looking, above all, for an answer to the question, Who has power? A few, many, a uni ed class of families, an institutional elite of top decision-makers, competing groups,
Journal of Economic Methodology, 2014
In the economic debate on power, seemingly opposite positions have been presented. Contractualists have claimed that power relations do not exist in capitalism, and radicals have maintained that they are ubiquitous. In the middle, transaction costs and property rights economists have argued that power relations exist only within the firm. The underlying conception, however, is the same: power is an interpersonal relation caused by imperfections in the decision-making context and is incompatible with Walrasian competition. The difference among these theories involves their viewpoints on the concrete spread of imperfections in reality. The thesis of this paper is that this narrow conception of power is a consequence of neoclassical methodology. Following Marx, I analyze power as a social relation, and I discuss three problematic aspects of the neoclassical conception: its individualistic methodology, the assumption of universal rather than historical categories, and an ontology that conflates production and circulation.
The New Handbook of Political Sociology, 2020
The social organization of capitalism in the twenty-first-century is radically different from in the middle decades of the twentieth century. Scholars from multiple disciplines and theoretical perspectives present this historical transition as a shift from a manufacturing to a finance-based economy. Although scholars from several disciplines examine dimensions of the transition to financialization, they tend to focus on outcomes and give limited attention to the political process of enacting policies and laws that made this transition possible. As a result, the transition to financialization is often assumed to be the outcome of an inevitable historical process moving toward economic equilibrium or the actions of an autonomous state. In contrast, conflict perspectives in political sociology focus on process and demonstrate how the emergent social structure is an outcome of conflict among different power holders. A core presupposition of conflict theory is that society consists of multiple overlapping and conflicting networks of interacting power relations. These complex and varied arrangements create different historical trajectories because multiple rationalities exist at a given point in time and it is unclear which one will prevail in a particular historical circumstance (Mann 2017). Although the multiple rationalities are often manifested as conflict, no unified conflict theory exists that explains how conflict is created and resolved at various loci in the social structure. Conflict among groups was anticipated by the nineteenth-century philosopher Frederick Hegel (1977 [1910]), who was among the first to theorize how socially constructed mediative categories, which serve to organize human experiences and create a sense of selfhood, produce divisions that contribute to conflict among groups and undermine the political unity necessary to advance their mutual interest. While this focus on groups was elaborated by sociologists such as Simmel (1980 [1955]), other conflict theorists focus on how class conflict affects macro-level change in the social organization of capitalism. Conflict
Freiburg i.B.: Herder, 2025
Citation: Murphey, T. (2017). Asking Students to Teach: Gardening in the Jungle. In Gregersen, T. and MacIntyre, P. (eds.), Exploring Innovations in Language Teacher Education. Switzerland; Springer.pp. 251-268 BK CHAPTER., 2017
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