Character Amnesia
An investigation into the challenge of writing Chinese characters and kanji for native
speakers of languages using logographic scripts
1. Introduction
1.1 Overview
In our increasingly globalized, homogenized, technology-reliant world, little research
has been conducted on the influence modern communication devices have on native
speakers of various languages. It must be recognised that there is a growing problem
for native speakers of Chinese languages (inc. Modern Standard Chinese, Cantonese
etc) and Japanese in that they are forgetting how to write their language. Among the
super languages of the 21st century, MSC holds a unique position in that it uses
phono-logographic ideograms, more commonly known as „Chinese characters‟ as its
principle orthography. In Japan, traditional versions of these same characters (called
kanji) are used alongside the native syllabaries hiragana and katakana. „Character
amnesia‟ is the phenomenon of how many (mostly) young, educated, upwardly
mobile native Chinese and Japanese speakers are experiencing difficulty recalling and
writing their language without recourse to a referential aid (i.e. character look-up
programs on one‟s mobile phone or computer). The widespread uptake of modern
technologies in China and Japan (email, mobile phones etc.) has had the unintended
consequence of re-wiring the brain in favour of alphabet/syllabary-based processing,
consistent with the romanized input methods available on such technologies. While
there has been little science-based research conducted on the issue of character
amnesia, it is nevertheless vital that academics raise relevant questions about the
various outcomes that could arise should character amnesia continue to grow with
each generation. Pair this with the undoubtedly exponential increase in interest the
world will have in China this century, and the spread of the use of Chinese languages
both within and outside China, and one sees many opinions, many theories, many
brains, searching for an optimum means of written communication with the nativeChinese speaker.
This essay investigates the clash between the world‟s oldest continually used script
and the impact of modern technology. It is also concerned with how the nativeChinese-speaker‟s brain operates and how this issue could cause our (fantastically)
plastic brain to adjust to a new, technology-reliant normal. The issues presented in
this essay also raise questions for academics of other disciplines, such as: how are the
Chinese and Japanese governments likely to react/are reacting to the phenomenon of
character amnesia? How will domestic policies in these countries regarding education
be affected? This phenomenon of character amnesia has, to date, had extensive
(mostly alarmist) media coverage, but very little academic input. I hope that this small
contribution can help to initiate a multi-disciplinary conversation about the future of
MSC and Japanese in our globalized world, and offer solutions to the problems faced
by a generation struggling to engage with the script of their native language.
1.2 A note on the difference between speech and script
“Children are wired for sound, but print is an optional accessory that must be
painstakingly bolted on.”
Stephen Pinker, in McGuinness, 1997.
One thing we must first acknowledge is the deep and complex divide between speech
and script. If one follows the findings of geneticist Oppenheimer and his work
analysing skull and spinal modifications relating to speech production in early
humans, then the emergence of (oral) language can be dated back 2.5 million years
(Oppenheimer, 2004). This data competes with the theory of heavy-weight linguist
and outspoken academic Noam Chomsky, who insists that speech emerged
spontaneously 35,000 to 50,000 years ago. Regardless of these arguments, the first
writing systems are, at most, only 6,000 years old. Here we must differentiate
between writing, and a writing system. Current evidence of our first attempts to record
information, i.e. to write, can be dated back to 8000 - 4000 BC for tokens found in
west Asia (Schmandt-Besserat, 1978), but the civilization laying claim to the first
writing system is still a hotly debated topic, with Sumerian cuneiform and Egyptian
hieroglyphs being the two main contenders. However, Chinese characters are the
oldest continually used writing system in the world, with an evolutionary lineage that
can be systematically traced back to the Shang Dynasty of 1600BC (Boltz, 1986) and
the beautiful inscriptions that appeared on Bronze Age bells. It is for this reason – the
burden of carrying such history and the power that comes with the prestige of having
the world‟s oldest script – that Chinese characters will not, suddenly, cease to be in
use. This is an important argument to make, and one that I will refer back to later in
the essay.
2. The Logographic Brain
How does the brain of a native logographic script-based language-user work? How is
it different from the alphabet-reading brain? What might we see in the brain of an
individual with character amnesia? These questions are of vital importance and must
be addressed as comprehensively as possible in order for linguists, behavioural
psychologists and neurologists to offer insightful, creative solutions to the problem of
character amnesia.
“The alphabet-reading brain differs substantially from that of the … logosyllabary
reader in the decreased amount of cortical space it needs in some areas. Specifically,
the alphabet reader learns to rely more on the posterior of the left hemisphere…the
Chinese achieve efficiency by recruiting many areas for specialized, automatic
processing across both hemispheres.”
Wolf, 2007: 61.
“Neuroimaging studies of reading thus reliably reveal a broad network of brain
regions that are plausibly related to higher visual processing (occipito-temporal
cortex, or the „visual word form area‟), phonological processing (posterior portions of
middle and superior temporal and opercular inferior frontal gyrus) and semantic
processing (triangular inferior frontal gyrus …).”
Yang et al., 2011.
Engaging with studies in neurology is inherently a terminology-laden quagmire of
brain areas and processing paths, but for our purposes it is necessary to be as clear as
possible about such areas of brain activity so as to predict where the activity may be
less automatic, less fluent, in that of a fluent speaker suffering character amnesia. The
important points to note from the excerpts above are that the Chinese reader differs
from that of the alphabetic reader in that it uses areas in both brain hemispheres to
accomplish the task of reading, and that the reading of characters involves a network
of brain activity with neural pathways created only from repetition of a learned action
(see Yu et al., 2011 “A Chinese character is composed of a finite set of strokes whose
order in writing follows consensual principles and is learnt through school
education.”)
Chinese characters as read by native Chinese speakers are a mixture of phonologographic (the character contains both phonological and semantic components) and
logographic (the character contains only semantic components, or is purely
orthographic) graphemes. Over 80% of the logographs in Chinese script are formed
on a principle of compositional duality – one part of the character referring to
meaning, the other referring to pronunciation (Tzeng et al., 1983). By using 20
characters whose components correspond to one of the three categories (phonological
and semantic, only semantic, or only orthographic), Yang et al. (2011) were able to
perform a comprehensive fMRI (frequency Magnetic Resonance Imaging) study of
how the sublexical structure of characters are processed by the brain. Separating the
task of reading into spatial, phonological, and semantic processes allows us to better
understand the hive of neurological activity that occurs during the reading process.
First, spatial calculations occur in the occipital lobe. More specifically, the ventral
occipitotemporal cortex (OT) is observed to be active when the subject is presented
with characters as stimuli (an area that is active in readers of any script). This
posterior area of the brain enables us to decide if the symbols presented are „words‟
and worthy of further processing, or if the symbols are a foreign, and no more than a
meaningless scribble. Yang et al. observed that the OT “responds more strongly to
real words or characters than to the artificial stimuli…”. Additionally in the
logographic reader, Brodmann‟s area 37 of the temporal lobe is utilised as an area of
object recognition (Wolf, 2007: 36). Next, activity to deduce phonological
information occurs in the dorsal processing stream (which connects the occipital lobe
with the upper temporal lobe and lower parietal lobe) and the right middle frontal
gyrus (Kuo et al., 2004). Interestingly, this dorsal processing stream is the same route
used by not-yet-fluent alphabet readers. Wolf notes that “…this slower pathway
(sometimes called the dorsal route) allows the younger child time to assemble the
phonemes within a word. It also allows more “look-up” time for all the various
representations attached to words.” (Wolf, 2007: 142). The fluent alphabet reader
eventually creates a system of storage for pattern and word representations entirely in
the left hemisphere (a streamlined process called the ventral system), but this is a
transition that the logographic brain will not make – the process of retrieving data in
order to comprehend the grapheme requires various brain areas for spatial,
phonological and semantic comprehension, therefore a localised system cannot be
developed. Of course, this does not mean that both systems cannot exist in the same
brain – they can and do in the brains of fluent Japanese readers. Because Japanese
script consists of both logographic script and two syllabaries, the Japanese reader has
a highly developed dorsal and ventral system. What must be made clear however, is
that hiragana and katakana (the syllabaries) is read faster than kanji (Feldman and
Turvey, 1980) and though the speed of brain processing is measured in hundredths of
milliseconds, it is widely accepted among neurologists and linguists that reading
logographic script is more taxing on the brain than reading an alphabet or a syllabary
(see also Koyama et al., 2008 and Yamada, 1992).
Though there has been much exceptional work done in identifying areas of the brain
involved in the reading process, there is currently very little qualitative data about the
brain when it is in the process of writing. Medical studies referenced thus far
(specifically Kuo et al., 2004; Yang et al., 2011; Yu et al, 2011) involved analysing
the brain activity as shown in the colour-coded output of fMRI technology, and
because these machines require the subject to remain as still as possible during the
examination process, the only data available relates to areas of the brain activated
when a reading task is performed. Other fMRI studies (Ferretti et al., 2001) have
involved the subject performing minimal hand-gestures: tapping the thumb and
forefinger, and writing the letter „I‟ repeatedly. Although this study found evidence of
similarity between the neural pathways that elicit finger tapping and the pathways that
elicit hand-writing, I would argue that this does not require the subject to recall the
letter „I‟ in the same way or to the same extent that recall is required when writing a
phono-logographic grapheme on command. Slightly more useful is the 2001 fMRI
study by Japanese neurologists (Katanoda et al., 2001) who asked subjects to (1) write
the kanji of images displayed on a screen with the right index finger (2) name images
silently and (3) tap one‟s finger to visual cues. They noticed activity in the (left
superior) parietal lobe (as mentioned above, this area is also involved in phonological
processing) and superior frontal gyrus when the writing task was studied, but not
during the naming or finger tapping. “Stimuli consisted of… watercolor pictures of
concrete objects. Items for the pictures were selected from commonly used words
comprising one to three syllables from categories such as animals, plants, and
buildings.” (Katanoda et al., 2001), but note that the purpose of this study was to
compare images of a healthy brain in the writing process to a brain with acquired
dyslexia or dysgraphia. On the topic of character amnesia, the data required would
involve a study of the activity of a healthy brain in a free, creative writing process (as
opposed to a brain reacting to stimuli), and instead of comparing the activity of a
healthy brain to an afflicted brain, we want data comparing a literate Chinese writer of
a certain age who has been exposed to modern technology, to a writer of the same age
who has not been exposed to technology and thus has spent many more hours
involved in the neuromuscular exercise that is writing.
Even in very recent studies and with all the data available on the reading brain,
conclusions about brain areas involved in writing are wrapped in tentative language,
such as “…it is possible that the left-fusiform encodes dynamic sequence information
in Character writing” (Yu et al., 2011). As noted above, the logographic brain utilizes
different areas of the brain when reading, compared to the alphabetic brain when
reading, and therefore one can cautiously assume that there is also some degree of
difference between the logographic and alphabetic brain when involved in the writing
process. However, until neurologists have a method by which to „see‟ areas of brain
activity whilst the subject is writing more than just a single letter or tracing a tiny,
single character with their finger in an fMRI machine, we can only acknowledge the
problem of character amnesia from the increasing amount of people who have
experienced its effects on their otherwise fully-literate life.
3. The Case for Character Amnesia – Quantitive Data
„Character amnesia‟ is a term that first gained media prominence in Jennifer Lee‟s
2001 New York Times article, “Where the PC is Mightier Than the Pen” (Lee, 2001),
however the only acknowledgement of this phenomenon by an academic is in the blog
of Victor Mair, a Sinologist from the University of Pennsylvania. In 2010, in a post
entitled “Character Amnesia” (Mair, 2010), Mair notes that:
“Because of their complexity and multiplicity, writing Chinese characters correctly is
a highly neuromuscular task. One simply has to practice them hundreds and hundreds
of times to master them. And, as with playing a musical instrument like a violin or a
piano, one must practice writing them regularly or one‟s control over them will
simply evaporate.”
(Mair, 2010)
Mair gives examples of friends forgetting how to write words such as „shrimp‟, and
reflects on the difficulty the average literate Chinese must have on recalling more
obscure characters such as zhā: simplified - 皻 or traditional - 齇 (red flecks on the
nose of a drunk person) but notes that there is no evidence of individuals actually
forgetting these words, only the way they are written. Later in the piece Mair refers to
a survey he conducted with native Chinese speakers, asking what their preferred IME
(input method editor) was for inputting characters to devices such as computers,
mobile phones etc. 98% responded with a preference for using pinyin input, with the
remainder stating that they preferred stroke-recognition programs where one draws
the character using a stylus. Mair comments that the respondents who prefer the latter
are from Hong Kong and Taiwan where the use of traditional characters is still the
norm. However is unfortunate that Mair is not more specific in asking exactly which
pinyin system was preferred – there are many variations on pinyin input programs,
with some designed especially for smart phones and some designed for computers.
Additionally, there was no mention of wŭ bĭ shū rù fă 五笔输入法, a keyboard-based
method whereby each (English) letter corresponds to a stroke, with characters entered
by typing the letters corresponding to up to the first five strokes (HKTV, 2012). This
method is preferred in business circles in China and is believed by some to be a more
efficient method of input than pinyin (Li Wang, personal correspondence, October
2012).
Of the several newspaper/online newspaper articles collected for this essay, Jennifer
Lee‟s piece is by far the most comprehensive. Along with anecdotal evidence from
Chinese citizens of various professions who say they occasionally suffer from „tí bĭ
wàng zì‟ 提笔忘字 (pick up the pen, forget the character), Lee also asks for opinions
on the future of the Chinese writing system. Professor Ping Xu of Baruch College,
New York insists that because of the ease-of-use of computers, we should encourage
those who wish to learn Chinese by placing less emphasis on character-writing
exercises. “Why would you still spend so much time on handwriting Chinese
characters when you are eventually going to use computers?”
For many speakers using logographic script, that „eventually‟ is right now. In 2011 a
BBC news article reported “Schools in China have been told to run more classes in
calligraphy because computer use and text-messaging are ruining children‟s writing
style” (BBC, 2011). The reason given by the Education Ministry for the new priority
was for the benefit of the children – that they should be trained in correct writing
habits and that they should know how to use soft and hard brushes. Additionally, the
more recent findings from Japan‟s Cultural Affairs Agency released in September
2012 which questioned Japanese citizens about their use of Japanese (both spoken and
written) showed that “66.5 percent of people think they are losing the ability to
correctly handwrite kanji or Chinese characters because they write e-mails with
computers and cell phones on a daily basis”. (Yomiuri Shinbun, 2012). Another 42%
of respondents said that they felt that “writing by hand was a bother”. From a neurolinguistic perspective, this feeling is absolutely justified. The brain expends far more
energy writing than it does reading, and it expends more energy on logographic
scripts than it does on alphabets or syllabaries. Choosing from a selection of character
or kanji options on a screen is easier on the brain, but note that there have been no
qualitative science-based studies (yet) to say whether this method is actually
physically quicker than writing graphemes by hand.
However, this data competes with a deeply ingrained cultural attachment to
logographic script that I would argue is felt by both Chinese and Japanese (as the
question of „what is the future of kanji?‟ was apparently not included in the survey). I
would posit that Chinese characters will not be replaced by pinyin in China because of
the cultural and historical weight they carry; the pride and unification that comes with
using an ancient script that transcends language and dialectical variation for
communication across China is not something that can be replaced with romanization.
The opinion that lends the greatest weight to this argument is that of the creator of
pinyin, Youguang Zhao, who insists that characters will not fall out of favour with
native speakers of Chinese (for full interview, see Planet Word, 2011).
In Japan, I believe kanji will not be wholly replaced with kana for several, similar
reasons. In the words of one Japanese blogger: “I am against the idea that it is fine
that young people forget how to write kanji since kanji is an important (part of)
culture for both Japan and China, (therefore) we should know how to write them
correctly.” (Setunyan, 2012). There is both a sense of national pride that comes with
the many unique Japan-only characters (kokuji) and a notion that kanji are Japanese;
they are based on traditional (rather than simplified) Chinese characters and an
absence of kanji can render a text extremely ambiguous (a device loved by Japanese
waka poets who preferred the ambiguity of writing in kana than with kanji).
4. Conclusion
Writing, unlike speech, is a skill. It is, unlike speech, “…an optional accessory that
must be painstakingly bolted on”. While it took our brains several thousand years to
move from writing to writing systems, we expect children to transition from speech to
script in their first ten years. Neurologists have comprehensively and thoughtfully
examine the reading brain, and with this data we can begin to make informed
assumptions about that next great frontier in neurology: the writing brain. Although
there is much anecdotal data regarding the phenomenon of character amnesia in the
native-speaker of a logographic script language, it has not yet been subject to rigorous
scientific experimentation or analysis. Regardless of the (not insignificant) challenge
posed by technology to the recall process traditionally involved in character writing, I
postulate that despite the laborious task of writing Chinese characters or kanji, the
script will not, suddenly, cease to be in use for the cultural and historical weight it
carries for the societies that utilise it.
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