Katie Wright (2006) 'Therapy Culture', from P. Beilharz & R. Manne
[eds] Reflected Light: La Trobe Essays. Black Inc.: Melbourne
Therapy Culture
Katie Wright
A
pproaching the halfway mark of the AFL season, there was
a flurry of speculation surrounding one of the league’s high-profile players. Nathan Thompson, then vice-captain of the Hawthorn
Football Club, was struggling. He’d been in poor form for several
weeks, was a late withdrawal from the round eight match against Fremantle, and did not return to the premier league to play the following
week. As speculation was building about his form – and his emotional
state – Thompson revealed that he was suffering from clinical depression. In a prepared statement, he said:
Five weeks ago I was officially diagnosed with clinical depression.
It is an illness I have been dealing with for many years … I have
been seeing the club psychologist during that time and we have
worked through many issues … I hope that by speaking today, that
it helps people better understand depression and the importance of
being open and honest with yourself, and those around you.
Thompson’s public disclosure sparked commentary in dozens of
newspaper articles and radio reports, as well as reverent discussion on
such bastions of masculine culture as The Footy Show, On the Couch
and Talking Footy. Fox Sports’ Back Page saw the tough blokes of sports
journalism endorsing the value of ‘talking through feelings’ as they
discussed what constituted depression. One of the presenters even
reflected on his own use of alcohol and gambling to stave off depressive
episodes. Another high-profile AFL player, Western Bulldogs’ Scott
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West, also spoke about his own experience of depression. On the sports
radio station SEN – described by the Age journalist Suzanne Carbone
as ‘aimed at men aged to and their fi xation with bum-slapping
locker-room banter, corked thighs, strained groins, footballers’ hairstyles and Gary Ablett’s glory days’ – West supported Thompson’s
disclosure by saying that his life had improved after seeking help and
‘going public’. Within days it was reported that each year more than
AFL players utilise the counselling services of the Players
Association, a figure suggesting close to half the league are getting
some form of ‘counselling’. On Channel Nine’s Footy Show the same
week, Brisbane Lions star Jason Akermanis spoke openly about his
own psychological battles and revealed that he has worked extensively
with the club psychologist, not just to improve his mental resolve, but
essentially to get rid of ‘baggage’ from his teenage years. Later in the
year his autobiography was released, with the wonderfully therapeutic
title Aka: The Battle Within.
Public revelations of psychological distress and personal weakness
are a hallmark of therapeutic culture. When the language of therapy is
evident even in the discourse of ‘Aussie Rules Footy’, there can be no
doubt about the saturation of the psychological. Within the football
fraternity, discussion of depression, counselling and emotional life
generally is significant on a number of fronts. With regard to diagnoses
of clinical depression, there is generally a concerted effort to situate the
condition within a biomedical model of illness. It is widely acknowledged that depressive disorders constitute a major world health
problem, but despite attempts to align depression with any other illness, Thompson’s revelation was regarded by many commentators as
courageous – a response that arguably would not have been generated
had he revealed he was suffering from a physical ailment. Other problems of adjustment associated with poor form, injury or retirement, for
example, are usually contextualised within a model closer to ‘situational’ or ‘reactive depression’. But more interesting from a cultural
point of view is the way in which such revelations provide a platform
for discussions about emotional life more broadly. The coming together
of sport – particularly the boorish masculinity of Australian Rules
Football – and the emotional realm is just the kind of cultural shift that
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Frank Furedi, professor of sociology at the University of Kent, is so
concerned about. Footballers talking about their feelings, telephone
help-lines for stressed children, counselling for the police force and
military – like public revelations of personal weakness – are all evidence of a world gone mad with therapy.
*
Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability in an Uncertain Age examines
with a familiar pessimism the terrain first excavated by the American
sociologist Philip Rieff. In his treatise The Triumph of the Therapeutic, Rieff was pessimistic about the emergence of ‘psychological
man’ and the cultural consequences of a burgeoning therapeutic ethos.
His central concern was that the modern West was becoming increasingly remissive as a result of the weakening of cultural authority and
an increasingly therapeutic orientation. For Rieff, the therapeutic
imperative signalled cultural demise as it brought about the birth of a
society in which the ‘self improved is the ultimate concern of modern
culture’. Following Rieff, Christopher Lasch in the late s identified
a Culture of Narcissism which he saw as a shift from ideals of social and
political change to a focus on ‘psychic self-improvement’. This ‘turn
inwards’, away from politics and engagement with public issues,
according to Lasch, involved a narcissistic obsession with personal
fulfilment and an unhealthy reliance on experts.
Furedi continues in this tradition as Therapy Culture comprehensively maps the contemporary therapeutic landscape: the confessional
mode of celebrity addictions, the expansion of counselling and the
institutionalisation of therapeutic experts, the rise of identity politics
and the normalisation of the idea that everyone needs therapy, even
America’s most popular mobster, Tony Soprano. The book opens with
the case of linguistic shifts, in which terms like stress, syndrome, addiction, anxiety and self-esteem gained currency throughout the s and
are now so central to the contemporary worldview that even children
complain of being stressed-out. ‘The vocabulary of therapeutics no
longer refers to unusual problems or exotic states of mind’, Furedi
notes, but have been normalised to become part of everyday life. He
illustrates with striking intensity the example of ‘self-esteem’, noting
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that not a single mention was made of the term in British newspapers in , but two decades later it was mentioned more than ,
times. The spectacular rise of the terms trauma, stress, syndrome and
counselling are also noted, as Furedi argues that the language of therapy
and emotional deficit ‘has become part of our cultural imagination’.
Therapy Culture uncovers a pervasive therapeutic ethos in all areas
of society, the legacy of the strengthening of the therapeutic over the
last couple of decades. Therapeutic interventions are now commonplace in all social organisations and institutions – the school, the workplace, government – even those institutions once renowned for a
culture of stoicism – the military, police and emergency services. Institutional expansion (like linguistic markers) is significant because it is
evidence of how pervasive the therapeutic has become. Consequently,
what used to be the routine challenges of life are now understood, he
argues, as a threat to emotional wellbeing. Every stage of the life cycle
has become a potential crisis and, by extension, an opportunity for
therapeutic intervention. Birth, death, marriage, starting school, being
bullied, the disappointments of love, divorce, losing a job, going to war:
all come to be understood and experienced through ‘the idiom of
therapy’.
*
In a familiar lament, Therapy Culture re-articulates the bleak consequences for self and society of a pervasive therapeutic ethos. And just
as Lasch reworked Rieff ’s ‘psychological man’ and ‘the therapeutic’ as
‘the culture of narcissism’ and the ‘narcissistic personality of our time’,
Furedi appeals to a new generation with the idea of ‘therapy culture’
– in which the emotions become the prism through which the world is
experienced, and the ‘diminished self’ the inhabitant of this cultural
landscape. Rieff ’s ‘dispirited modern’ emerges in Furedi’s language as
emotional, weak and, it seems, emasculated. Therapeutic culture is
thus the harbinger of ‘a radical redefinition of personhood’ in which
emotional damage and psychological vulnerability have become part
of ‘the new cultural script’. Dependency has triumphed over autonomy
and all but eclipsed are the ideals of stoicism, fortitude and selfreliance. The contemporary self, according to Furedi, is ‘incited to feel
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ill and powerless’ as many of the normal experiences of life have been
redefined as damaging to people’s emotions. Love is risky, sex is dangerous and childhood has to be carefully managed so people are not
‘scarred for life’. The sense of vulnerability is exacerbated by the
broader trend of amplification of risk and danger in the contemporary
world and reinforced by a belief in the need for psychological expertise
to assist with what used to be the ‘routine challenges of life’.
The culture of emotionalism that has gripped Anglo-American
societies, according to this analysis, subjugates reason to affect – so
how one feels is more important than what one thinks. Emotion itself
has been depoliticised, uncoupled from social action and recast as a
problem of subjectivity. But it is not simply a matter of an unfettered
privileging of emotions. Rather, it is about a policing of emotions, with
some affective states acceptable and others not. Expressing your
feelings and emotionally oriented communication is desired, but anger
has to be ‘managed’ (through therapeutic intervention). Therapeutic
culture as a form of social control and a mechanism of depoliticisation
is advanced through the argument that therapy culture ‘imposes a new
conformity through the management of people’s emotions’.
Like many others, Furedi is unsettled by a cultural shift in which
emotional and psychological life have come to the fore. Therapy Culture
provides abundant evidence that a therapeutic ethos saturates contemporary culture, has been institutionalised and frames contemporary
experience. As such, the depiction of therapy as an insidious and
menacing development is compelling. There are echoes of Lasch and
others here, in the argument that this imperative recasts social
problems as personal ones. The concern is that social injustice is psychologised and therefore the material and social are obscured by a focus
on the psychological and affective dimensions. But while it is true that
a psychological worldview has the potential to obscure the social and
political, the cultural phenomenon in question is far more complex and
multi-dimensional than this analysis suggests. It involves much more
than a simple shift from the social to the psychological. In Furedi’s
reading, all aspects of therapeutic culture are treated with equal
disdain. From representation in popular culture of fictional mobsters
in therapy to mandatory counselling for sex offenders, there is little
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differentiation accorded to a range of social and cultural phenomena
– it is all part of the same monolithic, disturbing trend of enchantment
with all things psychological and emotional.
From a feminist standpoint, there are disconcerting connections
made between the rise of emotionalism and shifts in the gender order.
Furedi is clearly worried about the implications of these changes in the
construction of manhood, as help-seeking behaviour is privileged and
‘aspirations of self-control’ pathologised. In a discussion on ‘emotions
as objects of management’ and the attitudes of health professionals,
he says:
Men who act like women are clearly preferred to women who act
like men. According to the emotionally correct hierarchy of
virtuous behaviour, feminine women come out on top. Feminine
men beat masculine women for second place. And, of course,
masculine, ‘macho’ men come last.
An inverted gender order is perhaps the ultimate expression of ‘the
triumph of the therapeutic’, but Furedi should worry less. Despite the
alignment of ‘femininity’ and ‘emotionalism’ in the rise of therapeutic
culture, it would be impossible to sustain an argument that ‘feminine
women’ or ‘men who act like women’ have actually usurped ‘traditional men’ in many areas of social life. It is difficult to imagine this
even in the middle-class milieu of the educational institution, much
less the corporation, the police force, the prison, or even – discussion
about depression aside – the footy club.
There is something disturbing too about some of Furedi’s other
examples. A case in point is the analysis of contemporary representations of crime. He identifies a shift in the cultural imagination from
‘violent public crime’ to ‘high profile crimes of the emotion’ – domestic
violence, child abuse and date rape. His emphasis is on the way emotional deficit and perversion are now privileged over social explanations of crime, such as poverty. He says, ‘None of these recently
constructed crimes is inspired by the motive of economic gain’. But
the language here is telling. To characterise domestic violence, child
abuse and rape as recently constructed crimes may be a rather clumsy
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(or provocative) way of articulating changes in social acceptability, but
to cite them as examples of yet another way in which the therapeutic is
fi xated on emotion and perversion is more than a little worrying.
Perhaps domestic violence, child abuse and rape are part of the ‘routine
challenges of life’ that were once stoically tolerated. What Furedi either
doesn’t recognise, or knowingly laments, is the opening up of new
spaces of expression (through a therapeutic idiom) for those who have
been marginalised and oppressed – women and children in this
example. But men, too, are not immune from his attack. In the case of
domestic violence against men, he writes with disdain, ‘it is even
argued that relatively routine forms of physical trauma can cause psychological damage’. He stops just short of asking where all the real men
have gone.
For every example Therapy Culture cites, there is a more complex
story to tell. Ever-expanding definitions of psychological disorder, for
example, have developed alongside more humane treatment and
ongoing efforts to destigmatise mental illness. Cultural life, like psychological life, is rarely simple and rarely one-dimensional. In an
unfettered disdain for all things psychological, emotional and therapeutic, there is no recognition of complexity and contradiction. To
claim that therapeutic culture is pervasive is one thing. But to argue
that the ramifications inevitably entail the diminishment of self and
society is an altogether different matter. Not only does Furedi fail to
acknowledge counter-trends, but he fails to offer a structural and historical analysis of the examples cited. Instead, his position repeatedly
rests on a nostalgic idealisation of ‘previous times’.
Furedi’s ‘previous times’ seems to refer to a lost golden age, before
the therapeutic imperative ruined everything. Few would contest the
assertion that the excesses of ‘emotionalism’, to use his language,
produce effects that are undesirable. The banal fi xations of emotionally
driven reality television, the hijacking of the psychological by corporations and consumer culture and the excessive framing of childhood
experience through a lens of potential damage are all troubling. But all
aspects of therapeutic culture are not equal, and the modern trend of
the management of childhood, to take just one example, is infinitely
more complex than he admits. Recognition that child abuse and
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neglect have dire consequences is surely a welcome development, not
simply a creation of therapeutic culture. In Furedi’s account, there is no
space for the recognition that self-reliance, stoicism and the separation
of the public and private spheres benefited some individuals and
groups at the expense of others. For Furedi’s work (as with Rieff ’s on
cultural authority) we need to also ask who suffered under those structural arrangements that he laments are in decline.
To dig a little deeper, it is worth noting that debates about the
therapeutic are often also debates about repression. This is most explicit
in the Freudian-inflected analyses of Rieff and Lasch, but it is also
implicit in Furedi’s hankering for stoicism. But valuing a cultural
climate of repression fails to recognise that this comes at a cost.
Therapeutic culture certainly privileges the expression of emotion, the
exposure of intimate details of one’s life and subjective experiences of
suffering. The question is whether in lifting the lid on abuse and suffering, people are incited to become ‘victims’. Identity politics and the
apparent excesses of litigation for psychological damage are two
examples. But like the ridiculous spectacle of Jerry Springer, in which
everyone is a ‘victim’ in search of ‘recognition’, apparently trivial
claims of compensation for psychological damage are an easy target.
Equally important in such discussions, though, is the recognition of
distress and suffering. An alternative reading might well value cultural
shifts that give rise to greater openness, afford legitimacy to claims of
violation and recognise that social injustice also has psychological consequences. The task is not to conflate real suffering and greater respect
for human dignity with the ever-present extremes.
Contra Furedi’s position, an argument could be made that the
therapeutic ethos has provided a vehicle for the exposure of abuse
against some of the less powerful groups in society. Critiques beg the
question of whether the exposure of child sexual assault in the Catholic
Church, for example, would have been possible without a cultural
climate that encourages revelations of the hitherto unmentionable.
That it is acceptable and even encouraged for victims once silenced to
challenge the authority and legitimacy of oppression opens up potential spaces of transformation. The ascendancy of the emotional and
the concern for psychological health mean that the psychological and
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emotional are mobilised politically, with ramifications beyond the
inner life of the individual. Indeed second-wave feminism made the
personal political. More recently, the Australian Human Rights
Commission’s National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention
stressed the long-term psychological damage to children and their
families. The ‘pro-therapy lobby’, as Furedi would call them, were some
of the strongest advocates and agitators for changes to government
policy on mandatory detention.
*
Footballers talking about psychological distress and emotional life may
provide an interesting case in point about the extent to which the
therapeutic saturates cultural life, but two further points are pertinent.
While there is now room for discussion about emotional difficulties in
the context of professional football, it would be ludicrous to read this
as evidence that the therapeutic had eclipsed other kinds of ‘macho’
behaviour. Public disclosure of illness and personal weakness, in this
case, sits alongside the still powerful imperatives of masculinity that
privilege traditional manhood. But a second, more important point
needs to be made. Within the same period that the psychological
entered the footy vernacular, there has been more public scrutiny about
acceptable forms of behaviour. Allegations of sexual assault have meant
that a range of strategies has been developed by the AFL, the clubs and
the Players Association to regulate the conduct of players. In November
, the AFL released a new social policy, amending the rules regarding ‘Conduct Unbecoming’ to include allegations, charges or convictions of sexual harassment and assault. These changes are brought
about by a variety of social and cultural shifts that the AFL has had to
respond to, one of which is the recognition of psychological damage to
women following sexual assault.
To view these kinds of changes merely as evidence of an enchantment with the psychological or a fascination with ‘crimes of the
emotion’, as Furedi’s analysis would, does not take into account that
they are part of a response to changes in social acceptability of men’s
behaviour. These changes are not simply driven by the ‘pro-therapy
lobby’ but have emerged within a broader context of social and cultural
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change that has forced organisations to take the emotional and psychological realms seriously. It is important when considering the spread of
therapeutic ideas and practices to acknowledge that there are complex
structural arrangements within which counselling, for example, has
blossomed. That footballers or officials who are alleged to have sexually
harassed or assaulted a woman may be forced to have counselling is
arguably not such a bad thing, but importantly it is only one of a
number of strategies the club or the league may adopt. Players found
guilty of an offence also face action by the AFL that is decidedly antitherapeutic: like being delisted.
To be sure, therapeutic solutions should never replace social and
political ones, but neither should they be regarded as necessarily antithetical to social action and politics. The culture of therapy can and
does operate in ways that are depoliticising and individualising. But on
the other hand, the therapeutic itself also provides an alternative social
critique. It provides a language and legitimacy to claims of oppression,
abuse and violence, and as such it is taken up in ways – both at the
individual and collective levels – that are emancipatory. Superficial
characterisations of ‘victim culture’ obscure the reality that some
groups have always been victimised more than others. The question is
perhaps not so much whether we are all ‘victims’ now, but whether the
ascendancy of therapeutic culture signals a shift in social acceptability
of abuse and suffering.
Therapy Culture concludes with a section entitled ‘Final Thoughts:
Does it Matter?’. The same question could well be asked of the book.
Despite its limitations, Therapy Culture raises important questions
about the state of the self in contemporary society and has reignited the
therapeutic culture debate. It was widely reviewed by the popular press
and sparked heated debate in the British media, including an outraged
response from the British Association of Psychotherapy and
Counselling. To Furedi’s disappointment, however, debate focused
more on the value of therapy and counselling than their cultural
ramifications, perhaps because ‘therapy’ and its cultural ramifications
are not so easily disentangled, but probably also because the thesis rests
largely on evidence of the burgeoning numbers of therapists and counsellors, and increasing practices of therapeutic intervention. A polemic
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about ‘therapy’ was bound to ruffle feathers, and understandably
divided public opinion. It is certainly true that the book was heavily
promoted. It is probably also true that had it been more complex,
assessing the contradictory nature of this cultural development, it
would have received less attention. As a contemporary map of the reach
of this cultural phenomenon, Therapy Culture makes a valued contribution. It does not, however, speak to what is largely still missing in
debates on this subject – the acknowledgement of suffering and struggles for human dignity. The ascendancy of a therapeutic ethos has
certainly been a mixed development. But perhaps when considering
the many cultural consequences of therapy, the question that has yet to
be seriously considered is whether as a society we now are in less denial
about human suffering.