Indigeneity of Transport in Developing Ciies

International Planning Studies ISSN: 1356-3475 (Print) 1469-9265 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cips20 Indigeneity of transport in developing cities Iderlina Mateo-Babiano To cite this article: Iderlina Mateo-Babiano (2015): Indigeneity of transport in developing cities, International Planning Studies, DOI: 10.1080/13563475.2015.1114453 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2015.1114453 Published online: 10 Dec 2015. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 8 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cips20 Download by: [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] Date: 18 December 2015, At: 11:33 INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES, 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2015.1114453 Indigeneity of transport in developing cities Iderlina Mateo-Babiano School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 ABSTRACT This paper offers an alternative conceptualization of informality within the transport sector. While it shows that informal transport is a far from trivial component of urban economies, it also highlights the sometimes problematic use of informality to homogeneously describe various public transport modes within the Southeast Asian transport landscape. It initially reviews a number of contested assumptions in the informality discourse within the context of public transportation in developing cities. It then proposes the concept of indigenous transport as a potential alternative, arguing that such perspective may better acknowledge and describe the mode’s local and vernacular qualities as well as its complementary and supplementary functions. For the purposes of this paper, indigenous transport is described to pertain to those modes that respond to local demand, evolved based on local conditions and endemic to local mobility cultures. The indigenous transport framework aims to elucidate the five key characteristics of indigenous transport modes from a transport user’s perspective. This is supported by an empirical study conducted in three Southeast Asian developing cities of varying geographical scales, namely Baguio (Philippines), Bandung (Indonesia) and Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam) to provide evidence that a transport user’s prism will and can authentically present an alternative version of informality, and assist in painting an overall picture of the role of indigenous transport within the transport system of developing cities. Introduction Discourse on informality is generally set within the context of the developing city (Roy 2005; Dovey 2012). While informality has been considered as the unplanned and the unplannable, and therefore, a state of exception (AlSayyad 2004; Roy 2005), its widespread presence within cities of the Global South paradoxically makes informality the norm and no longer the exception (Watson 2009: 157; Dovey 2012). For example, Arvin-Rad, Basu, and Willumsen (2010) note that it ‘has become an integral part of the economic landscape across the developing economies of Africa, Asia and Latin America’ (662). Chen (2006) claims that informal employment comprises 65% of non-agricultural employment in Asia. The dilemma for policy-makers now is that there are clear advantages and disadvantages in supporting this crucial economic center. This dilemma is nowhere more apparent than in dealing with informality within the transport sector. Informal transport has traditionally been described as the unregulated, illegitimate, inefficient and uncontrolled nature of operation and use of transportation (see, e.g., Cervero 2000, 10). This is sometimes represented as the opposite of the ordered, regulated, and more efficient formal transport CONTACT Iderlina Mateo-Babiano © 2015 Taylor & Francis [email protected] Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 2 I. MATEO-BABIANO system. As such, informal transport is conceptualized as the ‘other’ further resulting in policy responses that misrepresent the real issue brought about by informality (Golub et al. 2009). For example, to solve the problem of informality, formal regulations tend to ban their operation or restrict their registration and licensing (Lomme 2008; Golub et al. 2009; Schalekamp and Behrens 2009). But planning is said to inherently drive the production of the informal (Roy 2005), and instead of banishing them from the road, has actually driven their growth and has moved beyond informal transport practices. In fact, Cervero (2000) contends that informal transport has a ‘traditional’ component, which this paper ascribed to as its indigenous qualities. While Guillen, Ishida, and Okamoto (2013) describes local modes as indigenous if they represent domestic innovations, for the purposes of this paper, indigenous transport is described to pertain to those modes whose development is influenced by local needs, appropriate for local conditions and based on local cultures. Therefore, this paper proposes a new rubric by which informality can be described, drawing upon and teasing out qualities that can convincingly differentiate the particular species of transport in question from the mainstream local transport. This alternative but complementary conceptualization of informal transport draws upon the modes’ vernacular and local qualities to explore the concept of indigeneity from a transport user’s prism. The core questions that this paper aim to address are twofold: what is the role of informal public transport modes within developing Asian cities? What can be the alternative perspective that may better acknowledge and describe the mode’s complementary and supplementary functions? The expected outcome would be this paper’s ability to paint an overall picture of the perceived role of the informal, indigenous transport within the overall transport system in developing cities. Within the premise that informal transport is a critical component in the Southeast Asian transport landscape, this paper will initially comprehend various assumptions and perceptions in the informality discourse within the context of the public transport system in developing cities. While it will show that informal transport is a far from trivial component of urban economies, it will also highlight the sometimes problematic use of informality to homogeneously describe various public transport modes. It then proposes the concept of indigenous transport as an alternative but complementary perspective at understanding informality by introducing the indigenous transport framework. This framework elucidates three key characteristics of indigenous transport modes to demonstrate that a transport user’s prism can present an alternative version of informality. Informal transport: barriers to development or opportunities for innovation? While urban public transport in developing cities is characterized by a diverse mix of formal and informal transport modes (Cervero 2000), modal share of informal transport is significantly higher than their formal counterpart. This is evident in the mode share of passenger transport in developing cities. According to Luthra (2006), paratransit caters to 80–90% of total passenger transport in medium-sized Indian cities; 80% of public transport in Dhaka is being served by cycle rickshaw, while Laquian (2005) states that in Kolkata, 59% of passenger transport is undertaken through informal means, and in the Philippines, the modal share of paratransits is pegged at 39%. However, informal transport modes are generally perceived to significantly increase urban road congestion as well as contribute not only to rising health but also major safety issues within developing contexts (Cervero 1991, 2000; Tiwari 2003; Cervero and Golub 2007). Given that licensing is not required to operate some types of informal transport (e.g. rickshaw), these problems have often been blamed on unlicensed drivers who lack the proper driving skills or are unfamiliar with road rules. In addition, informal transport are also blamed for the imbalance in public transport provision as some informal transport ‘cream-skim’ or, in other words, only ply during peak periods competing with other formal modes (Cervero 2000; Iles 2005; Cervero and Golub 2007). These modes, therefore, appear to impose a number of social costs to individuals and communities in developing cities. Equally, we can see that the popularity of informal transport not only in developing but also in developed countries (see, e.g., Valenzuela et al. 2005) has come about with the numerous perceived INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 3 benefits attributed to informal modes (Cervero 2000; CDIA 2011). For example, on-demand mobility, wider service coverage as well as the affordability and door-to-door service offered by informal transport make it a more attractive option for passengers (Cervero and Golub 2007; McConville 2010). This is compounded by the tenuous access to public transport in Indian cities and the lack of reliable formal public transport, which has led to the increasing demand for informal transport. Informal transport has, thus, become a vital component within the public transport system in cities in the developing world, and most especially in Southeast Asia. Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Interpretation of informality in transport Informality is gaining significant attention both in the planning literature (Duminy 2011) and international development (e.g. UN-Habitat). While its discourse spans four decades, it is only at present that a number of policy responses are being pursued to effectively address informality. In recent years, an increasing focus on informal transport has been brought about by the recognition that a strong relationship exists between transport and urban poverty (Gwilliam 2002). Informality, however, has been understood in different ways and in various contexts, and its definition encompasses various themes. As an attempt to contribute to a better conceptual understanding of informality in the transport sector, I review a number of propositions on the generation of, participation in and operation of informal transport in the next few paragraphs. Public transport modes in developing cities are typically categorized as either formal or informal. This dichotomy can be problematic because transport and its corollary services cannot and do not always exist in a formal–informal binary. For example, when deciding on ways to travel, passengers do not often discriminate between informal or formal modes. They consider different transport alternatives based on a number of factors which may include their availability and affordability, comfort and convenience, and other service qualities. The reality is that urban transport service functions as a mix of arrangements. Dovey’s (2012) ‘complex adaptive assemblage’, drawn from social theory, captures the dynamic weaving between the formal and informal, and can, for example, aptly describe the spatial and temporal relationship between commuter trains and the trolley taxis along the railroad tracks of the Philippine National Railways. Trolley taxis, made of bamboo platforms on light metal frames attached with roller skate wheels, provide north to south mobility to public commuters (Cervero 2000). They temporally operate in between commuter trains. The sound of the train operator’s sirens, which signal their arrival, also serves as a warning to trolley taxi drivers and their passengers to move out of the railway. Drivers then pick up their lightweight trolleys and only return once the trains have passed. Another example would be the Indonesian rickshaw, which is locally known as becak. It is not uncommon for becaks to carry locally mandated license plates and required registrations. On the other hand, most becak operators, however, do not have insurance, thus, share a number of traits with informal carriers (Cervero 2000). Because becak sits in between the formal and informal spectrum, their operation and management presents both a planning as well as a policy dilemma. We can surmise that informal practices, to an extent, are sometimes borne out of the formal local context, which then reinforces that informal transport is much more than the formal– informal dichotomy it has been generally ascribed to. Informality is regarded as representing a ‘landscape of poverty’ (Neuwirth 2005) wherein participation in informal transport either as user, operator or provider, has traditionally been equated with survivalist activities. For domestic migrants moving from rural to urban, the impression is that the informal economy allows ease-of-entry into the domestic job market, provides the required local experience and it also gives migrants the much needed initial income stream. As such, these workers typically accept the lack of job security and forego any kind of social protection (Ames, MateoBabiano, and Susilo 2015). It is often assumed that those who participate in the informal economy are individuals who could not enter into the formal workforce due to lack of expertise, experience or government support. Joining the informal sector as cycle rickshaw drivers or jeepney operators, for example, is presumed to be the only possible pathway into the urban workforce for these workers. Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 4 I. MATEO-BABIANO However, while this can certainly be true to some, participation in the informal economy may also be the result of conscious decision-making on the part of the operator or provider, echoing De Soto’s (2000) conceptualization of informality as ‘heroic entrepreneurship’. He considers the informal economy as ‘the people’s spontaneous and creative response to the state’s incapacity to satisfy the basic needs of the impoverished masses’ (14). Job opportunities with informal transport are considered to provide supplemental benefits to an otherwise inadequate job market in developing cities. For some, their participation may result in higher income streams compared to joining the formal workforce, as such, engagement in informal transport is not always a survivalist tactic but can also be an attractive and productive economic pathway. Hall and Pfeiffer (2000) described the informal sector as a localized collective subsistence economy, which sums up how it has been typically perceived, a series of small-scale economic transactions, wherein participation is on an individual basis. While this can be true in a number of aspects, the spectrum of informal transport modes present in the streets, and the diverse roles they play within the transport network indicates that the scale of operation and service provision vary across areas and is highly dependent on the demand of users. For example, while some informal transport are owned and operated by the owners themselves, operational setup might slightly differ from one case to another. For example, one individual may own several fleets of informal transport modes in Metro Manila, which are then operated by a number of drivers or operators on a regular basis (e.g. daily). The drivers are then required to pay a daily lease, in the form of what is colloquially known in the Philippines as ‘boundary fees’. These fees generally take up a substantial proportion of their daily income from plying the route. Thus, the scale and scope of informal transport activities is highly varied and in fact, heterogeneous, and often, not always small scale. Informal transport, because they are typically unregulated, are erroneously described to lack coherence and structure. However, in practice, the operation of informal transport modes, particularly at the local level, present a semblance of regulation. For example, Jakarta’s pathways to traditional residential settlements (kampung) and Bangkok’s streets serve as provisional terminals for motorcycle taxis. In these locations, drivers are required to put on a uniform, typically a colorcoded jersey, to identify them and their respective routes. Also, a systematic queue of passengers and motorcycles lining up waiting to be served and to serve would also be observed within these spaces. Informal transport operators form local unions or mode-specific cooperatives or route associations to advocate the rights and interests of drivers and operators as well as to legitimize their presence in the locality, as well as in the sector (Cervero 2000). These associations operationalize locally developed rules and regulations, which are generally agreed upon by transport users, operators and the community, thus, contributing to their overall coherence and structure in operating local, informal modes. It is clear that while the numbers of propositions mentioned in the previous sections are far from exhaustive, they illustrate that informal transport has, in several instances, been considered as local, social and economic challenges. However, their continued presence in the transport system of developing cities appear to imply the importance of the role that they play in providing for the accessibility and mobility needs of individuals within the locality. Moreover, these problematic ramifications is purported to have continued to persist because those who have the power to change the rules and regulations are not users of the informal transport modes and, therefore, do not have first-hand experience of the extent to which these modes have become essential to the mobility of individuals, particularly the disadvantaged, who regularly use them to access important and critical destinations (e.g. medical facilities, schools and markets). This paper argues that equitable outcomes in urban development can only come about if we move away from the limitations posed by the formal–informal binary and acknowledge the multitude roles of informal transport modes: as gap fillers, feeder connections, instruments for empowering individuals through job creation and by enhancing accessibility. It also provides a more equitable and cost-effective transport option to the locality and the public, especially in enhancing the mobility of the transport-poor. To borrow AlSayyad’s (2004) phrase, it therefore becomes urgent to consider INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 5 ‘a new paradigm for understanding urban culture’, alluding to the potential of examining the values and benefits underpinned on the ‘indigenous-ness’ of transport in developing cities, making them an important and crucial element for the improvement of local transportation. Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Indigeneity of transport Indigenous transport pertains to modes that respond to local demand, have been developed based on local conditions and are endemic to local mobility cultures. Central to this definition is the consideration of the mobility and accessibility needs and demands of transport users. Transport passengers may include a diverse set of local users such as women, men, children, and elderly, whose needs and demands should serve as basis for the development of a city’s public transportation. While these modes have been referred to as informal transport, an alternative perspective is an indigenous view which would allow for a better understanding of the modes’ indigenous and vernacular qualities. In addition, it also encourages a broader respect for local powers and cultural diversity. More than a decade ago, Cervero (2000) first introduced the term ‘indigenous transport’ in his seminal work on informal transport in a developing world on a similarly titled report submitted to the United Nations Commission on Human Settlements or UN-Habitat. Cervero pointed out that some of these informal transport modes are not truly informal but in fact have an attached indigenous and traditional quality to them. Butler (2009) defines the term indigenous as ‘originating in and characteristic of a particular region or country, or native’. This definition suggests that ‘indigeneity’ connotes originally developing in and characterizing a particular area. In the conceptualization of indigenous transport, it becomes imperative to clearly discuss and illustrate indigenous attributes of various transport modes. Such an approach allows us to explicitly emplace our discussion within its specific context to add clarity to our discourse, and more importantly, to create a common understanding about the concept. The next section proposes an indigenous transport framework. This framework represents three key attributes describing indigenous transport, from a user’s perspective. Indigenous transport pertains to modes that respond to local need and demand One of the key features of indigenous transport is that it is responsive to the needs of the populace (Gupta et al. 2010). It offers on-demand service, which is appropriate to the mobility needs of the locals (Guillen 2004), especially in areas where demand is clearly unmet (Cervero 2000). In Philippine cities, for example, motorized tricycles provide ‘taxi-like’ services to ferry late night commuters and travellers (e.g. workers on the graveyard shift), filling in the ‘mobility gap’ within the formal transport system. Also, indigenous transport is said to provide mobility to the most disadvantaged transport users such as women, elderly and children (Hossain and Susilo 2011). In Dhaka, the elderly who require frequent visits to medical facilities are particularly dependent on rickshaws to conveniently bring them to health centres (Wofford et al. 1995). Rickshaws are used to transport commercial goods to and from the market (Rivera 2010) and also serve as ‘school buses’ to ferry children to and from their primary school (Hossain and Susilo 2011). Southeast Asian streets have generally accommodated a growing spectrum of paratransit services to suit the diverse and varying needs of its populace (Cervero 2000). Because these modes tend to have relatively lower fares compared to formal public transport modes, they are considered more affordable to the commuting public (Gallagher 1992; Iles 2005), according to Kaltheier (2002), benefits those belonging to the low- to middle-income groups. The demand for indigenous transport has continued to rise. Indigenous transport is context-sensitive Indigenous transport is particularly tailored to local conditions and context. The form and structure of settlements require transportation that can effectively integrate within these settlements (Joewono and Kubota 2005). For example, motorcycle taxis (e.g. Philippine’s habal-habal and Indonesia’s ojek) and motorized tricycles (e.g. Thailand’s tuktuk) are typically configured to be small in size and designed as low-occupancy vehicles for ease of circulation along narrow pathways within traditional Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 6 I. MATEO-BABIANO settlements (e.g. kampung). Another example is the Philippine’s jeepney, one of the most ubiquitous type of public transport mode in urban centres in the Philippines, serving both intra-city and intercity movements (Iles 2005), it does not only create jobs for new migrants (Domingo 2004), but it also supplements the transport system in areas with a pronounced lack (Hossain and Susilo 2011). Its configuration has also been transformed to be more physically adapted to the requirements of the local tropical climate. Except for the glass front, its open configuration allows cross-ventilation of its interiors, making the mode well adapted to the hot, humid climate and tropical weather of the country. In the case of Dhaka where it is hardly possible for one car to access the road, two rickshaws can easily operate on opposite directions quite efficiently (Habib 2002). In addition, indigenous transport’s form and configuration can also vary subject to the symbolic and functional requirements of the local context where they operate. Sometimes, this variation is not only manifested from one country to another but even from one city to the next. Cycle rickshaws in Dhaka have one front wheel and two rear wheels with drivers positioned at the front middle while passengers sit at the back (Replogle 1992). On the other hand, Philippine rickshaws, locally known as pedicabs, have passenger sitting to the right side of the bicycle. While Dhaka’s configuration makes it easier for the rickshaw to manoeuvre, Philippine pedicabs keep passengers safer and more protected when they get on and off the vehicle. Moreover, indigenous transport, because they generally respond to local transportation needs, tends to have wider coverage, and allows better physical access to destinations (e.g. employment, education and health services). Indigenous transport is socio-culturally-appropriate and accepted by the local community Guillen (2008) in her study on the motorcycle taxi (locally known as habal-habal) within the context of Davao (Philippines) classified the mode as indigenous by providing a working definition for indigenous public transport system as ‘a microenterprise, private in nature, is a mixture of locally designed transport modes adopted by the community and accepted for transporting passengers and goods’. The concept of socio-cultural appropriateness refers to the mode’s ability to complement the daily life, commuting practices and travel experiences of individuals. A diverse range of transport modes serve Jakarta’s public, from human-powered rickshaws (known as becaks) to minibuses offering differentiated passenger services. For example becaks serve short distance trips while ojeks or motorcycle taxis serve slightly longer distances but both provide neighbourhood level service coverage. Ojek has become a very common and popular public transport within Indonesia and can be found in almost every road intersection, serving both as a feeder as well as a main mode of transport. Its flexibility to move in very narrow road within kampungs or in congested road makes these modes advantageous as well as socio-culturally appropriate. Because it is socio-culturally appropriate and responsive, women perceive rickshaws in Dhaka to be a safer alternative to travel, which has encouraged the female populace to frequently use the mode for commuting and social trips (Hossain and Susilo 2011). Jeepneys can also be argued to be distinctively ‘Filipino’. Not only do they fill in the mobility requirements of the people but they also have transcended to become the country’s cultural symbol. In summary, the use values associated with indigenous transport do not only establish the mode’s significant benefits to the majority of the populace but also serve as an excellent indicator of the community’s acceptability of the indigenous mode. The indigenous transport framework offered and described various attributes associated with indigenous transport. In the following section, this framework is used as basis to present three types of indigenous public transport within the three case cities of Baguio, Bandung and Ho Chi Minh. Results and discussions: a user’s viewpoint on indigenous transport While indigenous transport may pertain to networks and systems as well as behaviours and practices, for the purposes of this paper, the discussion on indigenous transport is limited to public transport modes identified by transport users as indigenous. We take a case study approach, focusing on three INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 7 Table 1. Socio-demographic profile of respondents (Baguio, Bandung and HCMC). Categories Baguio city sample, N = 405 Bandung city sample, N = 397 HCMC sample, N = 408 Male Female 18–25 26–30 31–35 36–40 41–45 46–50 61–60+ Elementary Secondary/high school Technical/vocational College/University Postgraduate Professional/executive Businessman/self employed Unemployed Student Overseas workers Worker/employee 47.2% 52.8% 64.69% 14.07% 6.67% 3.95% 2.22% 2.22% 3.95% 2.51% 39.95% 7.54% 47.74% 2.26% 8.64% 12.10% 10.62% 46.67% 0.00% 21.98% 37.01% 62.99% 75.00% 10.20% 6.12% 2.81% 2.04% 0.77% 0.77% 6.31% 58.59% 3.79% 30.05% 1.26% 1.48% 5.93% 5.19% 63.46% 4.44% 19.51% 34.3% 65.7% 30.40% 17.84% 11.56% 11.56% 7.54% 5.53% 10.80% 1.24% 7.20% 2.23% 85.86% 3.47% 1.75% 13.00% 17.75% 26.25% 0.00% 41.25% Attributes Gender Age Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Educational level Employment status Southeast Asian cities. We do not examine the demand for informal, indigenous transport or any particular mode in detail, focusing instead on the sampled participants’ perception on indigenous transport. A face-to-face public transport user survey was rolled out in three Southeast Asian case cities: Baguio (in 2010), Ho Chi Minh (in 2011) and Bandung (in 2011). These cities were chosen because they represent varying urban scales. Baguio, a small-sized city, located in the Philippines has an area of 57.5 km2 and has the lowest overall urban population at 318,676 (2009) amongst the three. Bandung (Indonesia), a medium-sized urban centre, is three times larger than Baguio with a land area of 167.67 km2 and a population of 2.4 million while Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) in Vietnam, classified as a megacity, is the largest amongst the three case cities with 40 times the land area of Baguio (2095 km2) and an overall population of 7.4 million (2009). Bandung, however, has the highest urban population density amongst the three cities at 14,000 persons/km2, while HCMC has the lowest at 3531 persons/km2. Baguio’s population density is pegged at 5251 (2009). The aim of the survey was to elucidate the concept of indigenous transport by examining the extent to which particular indigenous attributes are present in identified indigenous transport modes. The survey gathered 405, 397 and 408 respondent samples in Baguio, Bandung and Ho Chi Minh, respectively. The number of respondents and respondents’ socio-demographic profile according to each city are provided in Table 1. In general, there were more female respondents than male (e.g. Baguio, 53% and 47%, respectively), with significantly higher proportion of female for both Bandung (female = 63%) and HCMC (female = 65.7%). Baguio and Bandung are known to be university towns owing to the presence of major universities and colleges within both cities. The majority of Baguio and Bandung respondents were students belonging to the 18–25 years age bracket. On the other hand, HCMC respondents portrayed a more diverse age range, education level and employment status. Majority of the HCMC respondents have completed tertiary education (85.86%) and a little over 40% of HCMC samples were employed. Indigenous transport After eliciting individual socio-demographic information, each respondent was asked to nominate one public transport mode they perceived to be indigenous. Table 2 shows identified indigenous transport by the respondents in each city and the response rate. 8 I. MATEO-BABIANO Table 2. List of indigenous transport identified by transport users in the case cities. Identified indigenous transport Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Minibus/jitney Motorcycle taxis Cycle rickshaws Baguio sample, N = 400 Bandung sample, N = 360 HCMC sample, N = 400 400 (jeepney) 0 0 277 (angkot) 54 (ojek) 7 (becak) 4 (xe lam) 395 (xe om) 1 (cyclo) Survey respondents identified three types of public transport as exemplifying indigenous traits. Out of the 400 respondents in HCMC, 395 respondents identified xe om (motorcycle taxis), 4 respondents mentioned xe lam (minibus) and 1 respondent picked out cyclo (cycle rickshaw) as indigenous transport; in Bandung, 277 out of the 360 respondents chose angkot (minibus) while 54 answered ojek (motorcycle taxi) and 7 responded that becak (cycle rickshaw) as indigenous transport; in Baguio, all respondents stated jeepney (minibus) was an example of indigenous transport. Figure 1 illustrates the different configurations of indigenous transport modes identified in the three cities. In the succeeding sections, the discussion on indigeneity of transport, while it may cover a wider spectrum of transport modes, will only be limited to describe the three identified by the respondents, namely (1) minibus, (2) motorcycle taxis and (3) rickshaws. Perception on the extent to which indigenous transport are context-sensitive To examine the extent to which indigenous transport is context-sensitive, we examine their operational characteristics. Baguio, Bandung and HCMC survey respondents identified the minibus (jeepney, angkot and xe lam) as indigenous (Table 2 and Figure 1). At least in Baguio, jeepneys are the only public transport mode in the city that can provide intra-city mobility given the Figure 1. Indonesia’s (a) becak (rickshaw), (b) ojek (motorcycle taxi) and (c) angkutan kota (minibus); Vietnam’s (d) cyclo (rickshaw), (e) xe om (motorcycle taxi), (f) xe lam; (minibus), (and g) Philippine jeepney (minibus). Photo credits: Author and http://www. tourisminthephilippines.com/transport/jeepney/what-is-a-jeep.html. Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 9 limitations posed by the city’s hilly topography. Historically, jeepneys evolved largely as a reaction to the local needs of the populace. Immediately after the Second World War, the lack of existing transport to move people and goods to destinations saw the conversion of American surplus jeeps into Public Utility Jeepneys. Jeepneys have now evolved to become a cultural symbol of the country representing unique designs distinctively identifiable with its country of origin (Guillen and Ishida 2004). While in Bandung (Indonesia), the angkot (paratransit/minibus) serves as the primary means of public transport. Although the minibus can cruise from 60 to 80 kph and ply longer distances, their average speed tends to be lower — approximately 8 kph in both Baguio and Bandung due to congestion, thus, would generally ply routes shorter than 5 km. This also reflects the smaller land area that minibuses serve. Angkot and xe lam can accommodate up to a maximum of 12 passengers, while jeepneys can sometimes accommodate more passengers (up to 24). Minibuses have fixed routing and semi-fixed scheduling but can serve a wider, subregional scope. For example, jeepneys in the Philippines serve inter-provincial passenger mobility but would typically follow a specific route from origin to destination. They serve either as a feeder mode complementing other types of public transport, or supplement the lack of transport service provision in an area. Majority of HCMC respondents and a significant number of Bandung respondents considered motorcycle taxis as indigenous. Xe om in Vietnamese literally means hugging vehicle as passengers tend to hold on to the driver or the person in front when riding the motorcycle. These motorised two wheelers have a cruising speed of 80 kph but typically ply at a rate of 9 kph due to congestion within urban centres. They typically ply short routes with an average trip length less than 5 km at about 3.9 km. They offer individualized taxi-like services with a general capacity of 1–3 persons, thus, are considered flexible because of their variable route and scheduling. Compared to minibuses, they however serve a limited feeder-type service at the neighbourhood-scale but have continued to be a critical player in the urban transport system for HCMC (Vu and Mateo-Babiano 2013). Reflecting their context-sensitive qualities, they are the only means of accessing into and between kampungs (traditional residential settlements) as well as serve as feeder modes complementing other public transportation modes. The cycle rickshaw (e.g. cyclo, becak), at least in both Bandung and HCMC, was another mode identified as indigenous. A three-wheeled non-motorised vehicle typically charged by foot and pedal power, cycle rickshaws are capable of carrying 1–3 individuals in addition to the driver, or freight loads of up to 250 kg without a passenger. Its cruising speed can be up to 10 kph but generally has an average speed of 5.3 kph. As it also serves a smaller neighbourhood catchment, its average trip length is the shortest amongst the three identified indigenous mode at 2.3 km. Cycle rickshaws generally serve as feeder modes complementing other modes with variable route and schedule. Because of the smaller number of passengers per trip, waiting time of passengers is significantly shortened. The mode do not require fuel, thus, they can operate more economically and efficiently (Gallagher 1992). However, these modes are not as common as they used to be. For example, in HCMC, they are generally used for tourism purposes, including transporting foreign visitors, and can be commonly seen in tourist spots within Ho Chi Minh including areas near Ben Thanh market such as Le Lai, Le Loi streets (District 1). At present, their numbers are decreasing, and are mainly operated within residential areas. Some of them can be found in major markets as well as traditional markets. This could be attributed to the various policies aimed at eliminating them from plying the streets. It can be surmised from the responses of the survey participants that they tend to specify public transport modes as indigenous if these modes were typically present within the locality, thus, respondents were familiar with them and they generally catered to local transport demand with the modes addressing transport users’ mobility and accessibility needs and diverse trip purposes. Perception on the extent to which indigenous transport: (1) met vital mobility needs and (2) is socio-culturally appropriate and accepted by the community When selecting amongst a number of transport mode options, Iles (2005) states that passengers tend to assess each mode based on the extent it meets their needs as well as based on its service Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 10 I. MATEO-BABIANO characteristics. There is a growing literature documenting the diverse service attributes and operational characteristics manifested by informal, indigenous transport modes (Cervero and Golub 2007). These service characteristics fall in-between the local, public transport service provision and the private vehicle domain (Iles 2005). Focusing only on analyses of people’s perception on the modes’ service quality, the benefits accrued to the wider community, and the perceived way forward for these modes, each survey participant in the three case cities were asked to evaluate their selected indigenous transport mode based on a 6-point likert scale choice-set following each service attribute with 1 signifying strong agreement while 5 referring to strong disagreement. They were also queried about the benefits that indigenous transport provides. Only the evaluation for jeepneys, angkots and xe om was included in the analysis. This evaluation is important because it helps us understand how these modes are perceived by those who use them, particularly on the extent to which modes cater to the needs and demand of the users in the locality as well as are socio-culturally appropriate to and accepted by the sampled participants. Figure 2 presents the likert scale results of the survey respondents’ perception on the service characteristics of the three indigenous modes, while Table 3 indicates their perception on the benefits contributed by these indigenous modes to individuals and communities. While this study takes on a case study approach, the aim is not to compare their service characteristics but illustrate how its users perceive indigenous transport modes in different contexts. Results from the questionnaire focusing on service characteristics of the modes suggest that Baguio respondents perceive the jeepney in a very positive way, 84% strongly agree/agree that jeepneys offer convenience; 80% strongly agree/agree that they are affordable and cheap; over 50% of the respondents strongly agree/agree that jeepneys are accessible, fast, reliable, flexible and provides Figure 2. Perceived service attributes of indigenous modes. INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 11 Table 3. Perceived benefits of indigenous transport. Co-benefits Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Reduces vulnerability of the urban poor Promotes the use of public transport An essential source of income for many people Baguio (N) Baguio (YES) RR Bandung (N ) Bandung (SA) RR Bandung (A) RR HCMC (N ) HCMC (SA) RR HCMC (A) RR 403 70.8 406 55.8 39.8 400 19.2 62.0 403 81.0 406 39.3 47.7 400 17.2 57.5 403 69.9 406 35.9 44.7 400 4.8 25.5 door-to-door service. Similarly, HCMC respondents appear to also have a positive perception of the xe om (motorcycle taxi): majority of the respondents (97%) strongly agree/agree that xe om is convenient, provides door-to-door service (93%), is accessible (91%), fast (82%) and flexible (90%) in addition to the provision of a better connection between origin and destination (88%). Existing literature supports these attributes as exemplifying informal, indigenous transport modes. For example, Rahman, D’Este, and Bunker (2009) found that NMPT rickshaws served as a safer, secure and comfortable transport option. In stark contrast, sampled responses in Bandung are highly fragmented and present a contrasting impression on the angkot: while 43% strongly agree/agree that the mode is convenient an equal proportion also strongly disagrees/disagrees; only 57% of the survey participants also strongly agree/agree that the angkot is cheap and affordable; 59% thought that it offers better origin–destination connection; and 53.5% perceive angkots to be accessible. However, these survey participants also report that they strongly disagree/disagree that angkot is convenient (43%), door-to-door service (54%), reliable (44%), environment-friendly (59%) and provides flexible service (37%). These findings reflect a highly variable view of informal, indigenous transport’s service quality. The main cause of service inefficiencies may be attributed to the lack of or limited regulation on the quality of service of these modes. On the other hand, when queried on the benefits of indigenous transport, survey respondents across the three cities report a strong agreement/agreement to its contribution to reducing vulnerability, especially of the poor; promoting public transport; and as an essential source of income, creating jobs for transport workers (Guillen 2008; Hossain and Susilo 2011; Ames, Mateo-Babiano, and Susilo 2015) (see Table 3 for actual figures), further reinforcing the already numerous benefits and some service advantages documented by the presence of informal transport in developing cities, in general (Cervero 2000; Cervero and Golub 2007), and their particularly critical role in providing the much needed mobility of the poor and disadvantaged. Cervero (2000) was the first to allude to the traditional and vernacular qualities of informal transport modes praising them as ‘most ingenious and resource-efficient forms of informal transport services’ (74). In this context, jeepneys are indigenous transport modes, which have arguably evolved to become an important cultural symbol for the Philippines. Although they have transcended to become the country’s cultural symbol, they also provide social benefits in terms of enhancing access and mobility needs of residents, given their predominance as a public transport mode for the country. While it serves as an ‘inspirational’ icon to the country, on the other end of the spectrum it also represents the ‘ordinary’ lived space of the driver. The jeepney serves as an extension of the driver’s private sphere. The dashboard in front reflects the most public aspect of the driver’s private life. It displays some of his (or her) most important paraphernalia such as figurines, decorations and even small religious items (Figure 3). In HCMC, xe om provides taxi-like service, being the preferred option during peak periods and in congested traffic conditions. Not only can these modes access narrow roads within traditional settlements, but they can also easily manoeuvre along congested road conditions, though often at the expense of other road users and motorists. They sometimes operate in longer period of times, and in a number of instances replace buses when the former is out of operation time. Compared to taxis, they are widely available, very convenient and reasonably cheap with variable route and schedule. Therefore, one of the more significant challenges for the 12 I. MATEO-BABIANO Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Figure 3. Elements found on the dashboard of Philippine jeepneys. Photo credits: Author. transport sector in developing cities is to strike the balance between the efficiency and social equity of informal transport while acknowledging the social benefits and cultural role informal transport play in the local setting. The analysis so far documented the significantly different perception of Baguio and HCMC sampled respondents, who perceive the jeepney and xe om, respectively, more positively, compared with sampled Bandung respondents, who appear to be divided on their perception of the angkot’s service quality, clearly reflecting the different levels of service characteristics these modes provide. While it is clear that most indigenous modes may provide comfort akin to a private vehicle, there is also adequate scholarly work, which documents the very low service standards that these modes possess (Cervero 1991, 2000; Joewono and Kubota 2005). Nevertheless, survey results concur on these modes’ ability to support the mobility needs of those that they serve, particularly the disadvantaged and transport-poor individuals, by improving their ability to access opportunities and supporting their way-of-life. A number of developing cities in Southeast Asia are predominantly served by indigenous– informal transport, especially if there is limited public transport provision. This is generally true in peri-urban areas. In this context, informal, indigenous modes become the main means of transport. However, informal, indigenous transport, because they are not regulated are generally dismissed by the government as inefficient and uncontrolled. While some policies aim to remove them from public roads, positive benefits incurred from informal–indigenous modes has led to the call for their inclusion and participation (Lomme 2008; Golub et al. 2009; Schalekamp and Behrens 2009; Schalekamp, Behrens, and Wilkinson 2010). Survey participants were posed with the question ‘do we incorporate indigenous transport in the country’s national and local regulations/ strategy/plan?’, Baguio and Bandung users responded positively indicating that at least in these two contexts, users believe that there is a need for indigenous transport to be incorporated into national strategies, which appear to support the need for greater regulation of informal, indigenous transport forms, on the other hand, only 44.3% of HCMC respondents responded that they strongly agree/agree. While strategies to regulate seemed appropriate to improve the security of operators in the context of developing countries (Ames, Mateo-Babiano, and Susilo 2015), Gwilliam (2005) claims that deregulation, as with other excessive regulatory reforms, has sometimes resulted in outcomes that were not always aligned with the original intent. He further expressed caution that such reforms have become more detrimental and damaging in the long run to be able to justify the shift to more liberal market regimes (Bangasser 2000; Golub 2003; Gwilliam 2005; Golub et al. 2009). In a similar manner, there was strong agreement amongst survey participants from Baguio (Yes, 83.1%) and Bandung (SA, 25.7%; A, 54.4%) on the need to promote indigenous transport mode use, on the other hand, only 45% of HCMC respondents (SA, 5.3%; A, 39.8%) strongly agree/agree. This is expected as positive social contributions as well as negative impacts of indigenous transport have INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 13 Table 4. Perception on indigenous transport, Baguio, Bandung and HCMC. Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 Baguio (N ) Baguio (YES) RR 403 83.1% Incorporate indigenous transport in the country’s national and local regulations/ strategy/plan 403 83.1% Promote use of indigenous transport 403 80.9% Improve physical design of indigenous transport 403 88.6% Reduce emissions of indigenous transport 403 80.9% Utilize clean fuels for indigenous motorized transport Note: RR, response rate; SA, strongly agree; A, agree. Bandung (N ) Bandung (SA) RR Bandung (A) RR HCMC (N ) HCMC (SA) RR HCMC (A) RR 406 44.8% 47.8% 400 4.3% 41.0% 408 25.7% 54.4% 400 5.3% 39.8% 405 35.3% 51.6% 400 25.5% 67.5% 405 57.3% 38.0% 400 26.0% 65.3% 406 39.2% 49.3% 400 19.0% 52.5% both been extensively documented. Thus, when posed with the next three questions on the need to improve indigenous transport, a majority of respondents across the three cities were generally in agreement towards: (1) improving the physical design of indigenous transport (Baguio, Yes, 80.9%; Bandung, SA, 35.3% and A, 51.6%; HCMC, SA, 25.5%; A, 67.5%); (2) reducing emissions coming from indigenous transport (Baguio, Yes, 88.6%; Bandung, SA, 57.3% and A, 38.0%; HCMC, SA, 26.0% and A, 65.3%); and (3) utilizing clean fuels for indigenous motorized transport (Baguio, Yes, 80.9%; Bandung, SA, 39.2% and A, 49.3%; HCMC, SA, 19.0% and A, 52.5%). Table 4 summarizes the level of agreement to future actions to be undertaken on indigenous modes in the three case cities. Discussion and conclusion As shown earlier, results from a questionnaire survey inquiring about informal–indigenous transport indicated that sampled respondents in the three case cities perceived that there was a need to improve the physical design, reduce emissions and utilize clean fuels on indigenous motorized transport. Some indigenous transport modes such as auto rickshaws and tricycles have been considered to be environment-unfriendly because these modes contribute to air and noise pollution. As such, pullers of rickshaw and jeepney drivers become more at risk and prone to health problems due to their constant exposure to environmental air pollution, which then contributes to increased health risks combined with health shocks (Begum and Sen 2004). The use of cleaner fuels has become a direct response to address the environmental issues associated with these modes. The conversion of fuel cell or battery operated two-or three-wheeled vehicles is already being promoted and undertaken by a number of cities around the developing world. This shift towards cleaner transport technology is becoming more rampant in various Asian developing cities. In the case of the Philippines, pilot electric jeepneys have been implemented in the cities of Makati City and Puerto Princesa retrofitting motorcycles to direct injection, which aims to reduce emissions from two-stroke tricycles and the use of electric tricycles in Bicol, Philippines (Ibay & Bathan, 2008). The design and development of the next generation electric auto rickshaws is considered as a potential improvement as well as the development of solar-powered battery recharging stations at the city outskirts (Lukic et al. 2007). However, with new technology, it also becomes imperative to ensure a community’s physical and social readiness to adapt and use the new technology especially in addressing technical and mechanical problems. Because mobility enables access to opportunities (such as work and education), a city must have a better understanding of the mobility needs of its residents. This paper described the role of informal transport, which exemplify indigenous traits in supporting the mobility needs of communities by placing transport within easy and affordable reach of the urban poor and the transport- Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 14 I. MATEO-BABIANO disadvantaged in locations that are particularly with a clear lack of transport options. It also explored the varied responses to informality highlighting that such responses are sometimes contrary to people’s needs and perspectives. In addition, the proliferation of informal public transport within urban centres implies that regardless of such informal connotations, indigenous modes evidently played an important and vital role within a developing city’s transport system. While Cervero (2000) described these modes as ‘somewhat in the background, and outside the officially sanctioned public transport sector’ (3), these modes have certainly become more visible and mainstream while they still continue to be outside of official sanctions and regulations. Further, this drew attention to different ways of regarding these modes beyond its current conception by acknowledging its local and vernacular qualities, which has already been collectively recognized by its users. On this basis, the paper presented indigenous transport as an alternative conceptualization of public transport in developing cities, not in lieu of the current discourse, but to expand on the current discussion on informality while also recognizing the need to move beyond such discourse, so as to be able to capture and conjure various local and vernacular qualities and potentially pave ways to new approaches of engaging with public transport in developing Asia. The paper was able to develop the concept of indigenous transport based on its definition as modes developed by locals, based on local conditions and cultures. Integrally discussed as the indigenous transport framework, this framework elaborated on various characteristics of indigenous transport, which are as follows: (1) demand-responsive, (2) context-sensitive, (3) socio-culturally appropriate and accepted, placing emphasis on how such framework was drawn from a user’s lens rather than any other. Acknowledging the presence and considering the potential of incorporating indigenous transport modes into the overall transport system are important steps toward ensuring a broader respect for local powers and cultural diversity. The survey conducted in the three cities across Southeast Asia further added to our present understanding of indigenous transport. Although perception varied, it clearly showed how users perceived these public transport modes to have inherent indigenous qualities that further enhanced the mobility as well as equitable access of sampled survey participants as well as the broader passenger transport populations. As a way of moving forward, it is proposed that further conceptualization and operationalization to validate the concept of indigenous transport in varied planning and policy contexts is crucial to open up ideas and insights while also develop fresh directions to expand such conceptualization to a broader audience. Acknowledgments The author would also like to extend her utmost gratitude to individuals, groups and associations who shared their time and material in the realization of this research. The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not reflect any organizations. The author takes full responsibility for all errors and omissions. Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. Funding The author would like to thank the Eastern Asia Society for Transportation Studies (EASTS) through the International Collaborative Research Activity (ICRA) grant for the financial assistance to undertake this project. ORCID Iderlina Mateo-Babiano http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9097-2126 INTERNATIONAL PLANNING STUDIES 15 Downloaded by [Iderlina Mateo-Babiano] at 11:33 18 December 2015 References AlSayyad, N. 2004. “Urbanism as a “New” Way of Life.” In Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, South Asia and Latin America, edited by A. 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