Simon Chu
Proust nose best:
Odours are better cues of autobiographical memory
Simon Chu & John J. Downes
Department of Psychology, University of Liverpool
Running Head : PROUST NOSE BEST
Address for correspondence : John J. Downes, Department of Psychology, University of
Liverpool, Eleanor Rathbone Building, Bedford Street South, Liverpool L69 7ZA, England
Telephone : +44 (0)151 794 1477
Fax : +44 (0)151 794 2945
E-mail :
[email protected]
Acknowledgements
Thanks are extended to Richard Cotler, Daniel Farrelly, Alison Gall, Rosie Hales, Emily
Highfield and Kevin Haigh for assistance in data collection. We also thank David C. Rubin
and two anonymous reviewers for helpful critiques on an earlier draft of this paper. This
research was supported by Unilever Research and by an Economic and Social Research
Council studentship award to SC.
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Abstract
The Proust phenomenon is an enduring piece of folk wisdom which asserts that
odours are particularly powerful autobiographical memory cues. We provide a more formal
exposition of this phenomenon and test this in two experiments using a novel double-cueing
methodology designed to negate less interesting explanations for the phenomenon.. In both
studies, recall of an autobiographical event was initially cued by a verbal label (an odour
name) for a fixed period, following which a second, extended recall attempt was cued by the
same verbal label, the relevant odour, an irrelevant odour or a visual cue. The focus of
Experiment 1 was participants’ ratings of the emotional quality of their autobiographical
memories, whereas in Experiment 2, content analysis was employed to determine the
quantity of information in participants’ recollections. Results revealed that odour-cued
autobiographical memories were reliably different in terms of qualitative ratings and
reliably superior in the amount of detail yielded. Moreover, visual cues and incongruent
olfactory cues appeared to have a detrimental effect on the amount of detail recalled. These
results support the proposal that odours are especially effective as reminders of past
experience. In explaining these effects, we draw upon Conway’s (1992) theoretical model
of autobiographical memory and expand on Conway’s conjecture that sensory cues have
direct access to event-specific knowledge in the autobiographical knowledge base.
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The belief that odours are especially evocative reminders of past experiences can be traced
to the literary anecdote described by Marcel Proust, in which he was vividly reminded of his
childhood when he dipped a madeleine biscuit into his tea (Proust, 1922/1960). The socalled Proust phenomenon has been defined more formally in a number of different ways
(cf. Chu & Downes, 2000). These vary from the belief that odours themselves are not
forgotten as rapidly as other perceptual events (Engen & Ross, 1973), to the belief that
odours evoke older memories than other stimuli (Rubin, Groth & Goldsmith, 1984), to the
belief that odours evoke more emotionally loaded recollections (Herz & Cupchik, 1995).
Engen and Ross (1973), for example, observed that while memory for odours
relative to stimuli from other perceptual modalities is initially poor, subsequent testing
reveals very little forgetting. This led them to conjecture that memory for odours differs in
important ways from that for stimuli from other modalities, a view which has since been
corroborated by a sizeable body of empirical evidence (for reviews, see Schab, 1991; Herz
& Engen, 1996; White, 1998), and which has led to the stronger claim that a separable
memory system for olfaction exists, and even that odour memory itself may dissociate into
different component subsystems (Lehrner, Walla, Laska & Deecke, 1999). Findings
concerning the relative persistence of odours in memory are clearly important to proponents
of Proustian retrieval because, for a stimulus to be an effective retrieval cue, it must first be
present as part of the memory trace. However, the development of testable hypotheses
about the Proustian phenomenon will necessarily involve more detailed consideration of the
unique ways in which odours interact with other event information to produce mnemonic
representations which are more detailed, more stable and more emotionally loaded.
There have been surprisingly few attempts at investigating the Proust phenomenon.
Some of these have examined experimentally induced memories, and reported them to be
significantly more emotionally-toned when cued by an odour compared to the odour’s
verbal label (Herz & Cupchik, 1995), or the sight or touch of the ‘source object’ (Herz,
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1996). Other studies have examined naturally occurring autobiographical memories and are
therefore of more direct relevance to the Proust phenomenon. Herz and Cupchik (1992)
concluded that odour-evoked memories tended to be highly emotional, vivid, specific, rare
and relatively old. However, the main purpose of that study was to determine if sex
differences were evident in these qualitative aspects of autobiographical memory retrieval,
and odours were not compared with other types of sensory cue. This comparison was made
by Rubin et al. (1984) who gave either odours, verbal labels or photographs to participants
and asked them to briefly describe and rate the retrieved autobiographical memories.
Compared with the other cue types, odour–cued memories were rated as more pleasant and
had been thought of and spoken of less often.
Rubin et al’s (1984) study highlights the obvious methodological approach to
evaluating hypotheses which claim that autobiographical memories cued by odours differ in
important ways from those cued by other sensory cues, an approach we refer to as the single
cue comparison method. The inclusion of a verbal label condition is important because it
allows one to evaluate an alternative verbal mediation hypothesis. According to this, it is
the generated odour name, rather than the odour itself, which operates as the retrieval cue.
Finding that odour cues are significantly different on some critical dimension(s) from labels
and from other types of sensory cue would therefore both negate this less interesting
hypothesis, and provide support for the Proust phenomenon. Although often not made
explicit, the phenomenon has been commonly interpreted as a retrieval effect. A more
formal version of this, which we refer to as the differential cue affordance hypothesis, is as
follows: Cues of many different types become associated with autobiographical memories,
but may differ in terms of their associated affordance value, a hypothetical measure of how
efficiently event details can be accessed. Proustian phenomena are explained by the higher
cue affordance values of olfactory compared to other cue types.
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It must be realised, however, that other interpretations of the finding that odours are
better cues than stimuli from other sensory modalities are possible. In contrast to the latter
retrieval based hypothesis, factors operating at encoding may be important in producing the
effect. One possibility, which we refer to as the differential encoding bias hypothesis,
follows: According to this hypothesis, autobiographical memories differ in terms of the
complexity of the underlying representations; that is, the number of event details which have
been encoded and consolidated. However, the more complex a particular memory
representations is, the greater the likelihood that ‘peripheral’ details were initially encoded
and consolidated. Olfactory details, then, which are peripheral in the sense that they do not
usually alter the meaning or interpretation of an event (cf. Baddeley, 1982), may tend to be
encoded only with more complex autobiographical memories. It follows that, other things
being equal, olfactory cues will lead to the recovery of more detailed autobiographical
memories than other cue-types.
Thus, although the accepted interpretation of the Proust phenomenon is that smells
are better cues, a plausible alternative exists. Obviously, using the single cue comparison
method, it is not possible to discriminate between these two alternatives, and the main aim
of the present investigation is to provide unambiguous evidence by which the differential
cue affordance hypothesis can be judged. To achieve this aim, it becomes necessary to
compare different cues anchored to the same autobiographical event, and below, we
describe a methodology which we believe accomplishes this.
In the present study, rather than comparing different single cues, a double-cueing
methodology is adopted (see Tulving & Bower, 1974, for a similar approach). Thus, all
autobiographical episodes are initially retrieved in response to a verbal label (an odour
name), but this is followed by an extended retrieval prompted by a second cue, which can be
either the odour (corresponding to the verbal label), a literal repetition (the verbal label), or,
in Experiment 2, a conceptual repetition (a picture). In this way, participants’ retrieval
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attempts are first anchored to specific autobiographical episodes using a label, and the
relative effectiveness of cues from different sensory modalities can be evaluated in the
second retrieval phase. The value of this approach is that any advantage observed for
odours cannot be due to a differential encoding bias, because for this to operate would
require that the autobiographical episodes be initially cued by the odours rather than their
corresponding labels. In the experiments which follow, we do not sample all possible cue
combinations. Consideration of these other conditions may help in evaluating more
complex hypotheses about the relative contributions of encoding and retrieval factors in
odour-cued autobiographical memory. However, our remit for the present work was more
limited, and we included only those cue combinations which are minimally required to
evaluate the differential cue affordance hypothesis.
The hypotheses described above do not exhaust the mechanisms which potentially
operate in influencing the retrieval and/or interpretation of odour-cued memories. A brief
discussion of some of these, and how they can be controlled for, is particularly important for
Experiment 1 which focuses on the emotional aspects of retrieved memories. One problem
relates to the fact that the hedonic valence of an odour is known to influence emotion (Baron
& Bronfen, 1994; Ehrlichman & Bastone, 1992; Ehrlichman & Halpern, 1988; Lorig &
Schwartz, 1988; Roberts & Williams, 1992), a factor which may, in turn, determine either
the actual or perceived emotional valence of retrieved episodes. Thus, mood-congruent
retrieval effects (e.g. Clark & Teasdale, 1982), whereby the hedonic tone of retrieved
memories matches that induced by the odour, may operate. Under the double cueing
methodology, however, this particular type of biased retrieval cannot operate because the
same cue-type (label) is used for the initial retrieval of an episode across all conditions. A
second type of bias might occur if the interpretation of emotion (believed to be) experienced
during a past episode was influenced by the emotional state induced by the odour at the time
of retrieval (cf. Levine, 1997). It is this type of explanation which Herz and Cupchik (1995)
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seem to invoke when discussing their finding that odour cues led to memory retrievals
which were more emotionally toned. The contribution of this potential bias can be
evaluated by the use of an additional control condition, in which a verbal label is paired with
an incongruent odour . If this bias operates, then the effect should emerge irrespective of
the congruence between label and odour, thereby allowing one to discriminate between it
and the differential cue affordance hypothesis
In what follows, two experiments which employ the double cueing methodology are
described. The first of these is concerned with memory for the emotional aspects of
retrieved autobiographical episodes whereas the focus of the second is the total amount of
event detail recovered.
Experiment 1
Method
Participants
Forty-two volunteer participants were drawn equally from the undergraduate
population at Liverpool University and people in full-time employment known to the
experimenters.
Materials
Ten odours were chosen on the basis of familiarity and ease of procurement. These
were coffee, vinegar, ginger, chocolate, whisky, onion, parmesan cheese, peanut, cinnamon,
and lemon. A small amount of each substance was placed in a wrapped glass jar, with a
punctured lid to allow participants to smell the contents without it being visible. Contents of
the jars were replaced regularly to maintain odour quality and freshness.
Seven rating scales were constructed to measure participants’ evaluations of recalled
memories on a selection of dimensions. Each scale used a 7-point Likert scale and the
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selection of targeted dimensions was determined primarily by previously published work.
The dimensions were pleasant, painful, embarrassing, anxious, vivid, unique and personally
significant. For each dimension, participants were asked, “On a scale of 1 - 7, how
[pleasant / painful / etc] are the events in this memory, where 1 is not [pleasant / painful /
etc.] at all and 7 is extremely [pleasant / painful / etc.].”
Design
A mixed design was used. All participants were cued twice, with the first cue
always being the verbal label, and following each retrieval attempt, participants completed
the seven rating scales in the same fixed order. The second cue was either the (repeated)
verbal label or an odour, and the odour was either of the same nominal identity as the first
(verbal label) cue or different. The three levels of cue combination - label, congruent odour,
and incongruent odour - comprised the between-subjects factor of the design. In other
words, participants always received the same cue-combinations. The ten odours were
divided into two stimulus sets of five each, and participants were presented with labels from
only one of the sets, with the other set forming the alternate odours for the incongruent
odour condition. Stimulus sets were used equally often across participants and groups.
Procedure
Participants were tested in quiet distraction-free surroundings, in which there were
no strong odours. All participants were provided with the following instructions:
“This is a study investigating memory for life events of the past. I am now going to
give you a word. I would like you to relate an event in your past history which you
associate with that word. When you do, please give as much detail about the event as you
can remember. Please restrict yourself to a single event and not a series of events which
occurred around the same time.”
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Following this, an odour label was presented auditorily, and the participant was
allowed three minutes to think of and relate verbally an autobiographical memory cued by
the label, following which the rating scales were completed. No record was taken of
participants’ accounts of their memories. The second cue (label or odour) was then
introduced with the following instructions:
Label group:
“It has been suggested that additional effort may be a factor in improving memory
performance, and so, given the word _______, I would like you to try as hard as you can for
a further few minutes to remember anything else about that event that you have just
described.”
Congruent and incongruent odour groups
“It has been suggested that additional effort may be a factor in improving memory
performance and that an odour might stimulate memory and help remember details about
past events. Here is an odour... sniff at it and try as hard as you can for a further few
minutes to remember anything else about the event you have just described.”1
Participants were given a further three minutes on this task, following which they
completed the ratings scales again. This procedure was repeated for 5 trials, using different
verbal cues on each trial. At the end of the study, all participants were fully debriefed.
Results and Discussion
The data from the rating scales were transformed by calculating the change in
ratings between the first and second cues. For each participant, change scores were
averaged across the 5 trials to give a single mean change score for each scale. As it was not
possible to specify a priori the direction of change for five of the scales (pleasant, personal,
painful, embarrassing and anxious), the absolute change on these scales served as the unit of
analysis. If congruent odour cues afford access to a more veridical record of the emotional
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experiences associated with a retrieved episode, then it is equally likely that, for example,
pleasantness will be re-evaluated more or less pleasantly than beforehand. The actual
direction will depend on the event which has been retrieved, something over which we have
no control. For the remaining two scales (vivid and unique), direction of change can be
specified a priori because access to a more detailed record of the emotion experienced
during an event should render the episode more vivid and more unique. Thus, for these two
scales, the prediction is that significant changes will occur in the positive direction.
Table 1 around here please
Mean initial and subsequent ratings for each scale in each condition are shown in
Table 1 from which it is apparent that memories are rated as being low on the painful,
anxiety and embarrassing scales with a large degree of consistency across all three
conditions, while the vividness of the memories is reported be quite high. Mean changes in
ratings for each scale in each condition are also shown in Table 1 where it is clear that the
changes in ratings in the congruent cue condition are greater than those in the other two
conditions. Significantly, on the scales where a direction of change could be specified a
priori, the changes are both in the correct direction.
Owing to a strong positive skew, the data for each scale were analysed using nonparametric Kruskal-Wallis one-way ANOVAs, with group as the between-subjects factor.
As non-parametric analyses are used, median change in ratings for each of the scales are
also shown in Table 1. These analyses revealed significant main effects for six of the seven
scales: (for all reported statistics, df=2) anxious, χ2 =13.11, p=.0014; embarrassing,
χ2=7.91, p=.0192; painful, χ2 = 19.32, p<.001; personal, χ2 = 8.78, p=.0124; pleasant, χ2 =
17.52, p<.001; vivid, χ2 = 13.08, p=.0014. While we believe non-parametric analyses to be
more appropriate in this case, one reviewer has queried the absence of parametric analyses.
Therefore, analyses were also carried out using parametric tests (ANOVA), and revealed a
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very similar pattern of results with the exception that between-groups differences on the
vivid scale only reached borderline significance (p = 0.065).
Post hoc multiple comparisons between groups (Siegal & Castellan, 1988) showed
that the mean ranks of change scores for the label group were no different than those for the
incongruent odour group on all but the painful scale, for which the mean rank for label
group was significantly lower (where smallest changes rank highest). More importantly, the
mean of the change score ranks for the congruent odour group were significantly lower than
the incongruent odour group on all scales, and significantly lower than the label group on
four (pleasant, anxious, painful, and vivid) of the six scales for which there was a significant
main effect. Furthermore, in the case of the vivid scale, the change was in the predicted
direction such that retrieved memories were rated as more vivid in the congruent odour
condition. On only one scale did the congruent odour group not show a significantly lower
mean rank (unique, χ2 = 4.95, df = 2, p=.0842).
All shifts in ratings in the incongruent cue and label cue conditions are small or
negligible but one interesting result is the negative shift in the unique ratings in the label
condition. Encouragement to retrieve additional details concerning the remembered episode
in the label condition, when little or no event-specific detail is forthcoming, may only serve
to yield more non-specific, schema-based knowledge. The activation of such knowledge
might serve to alter the perception of the remembered episode, such that it would appear less
unique in the light of schematically similar episodes. (D.C. Rubin, personal
communication).
As noted earlier, use of the single cue comparison method could mean that any
difference between olfactory and other cues resulted from the retrieval of more complex
memories, as postulated by the differential encoding bias hypothesis. However, because
direct cueing is prevented by the double cueing methodology, we can be confident that the
results obtained reflect the fact that odours are more potent retrieval cues. A similar
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argument applies to mood-congruity retrieval effects. Finally, the fact that a similar effect
was not observed for the incongruent odour condition rules out another alternative
hypothesis, that odours bias participants’ responses as a result of the emotional state they
tend to induce. Thus, the effects observed are memory-specific. The present results
therefore provide the first unambiguous evidence supporting one popular interpretation of
the Proust phenomenon, that odours are especially evocative as retrieval cues for the
emotional details of autobiographical memory episodes.
Four of the scales revealed greater changes in ratings in the congruent odour group
but there may be grounds for believing that the two scales for which the pattern was less
clear, embarrassing and personal, may be, by their very nature, less valid probes for
emotionality. In real life, embarrassment may be experienced only infrequently as an
emotional response to a situation, such that few naturally occurring autobiographical
memories actually represent it. There is some support for this assertion in the finding that
participants’ ratings on this scale were uniformly low. Of the 210 initial ratings taken of
embarrassment experienced in the retrieved episode, 89.5% were 2 or less on the 7-point
scale, with 80.1% being rated 1, the lowest point on the scale.
With respect to the personal scale, it can also be argued that once retrieved, any
memory will be experienced as personal, and additional details which are recovered will not
affect the initial impression. Although we are aware that these arguments are post hoc, it is
worth pointing out that the selection of scale dimensions was largely dictated by reference to
the methodologies of previous studies (Rubin et al, 1984; Herz & Cupchik, 1992), without
any serious consideration being given to the validity of the selected dimensions. Despite
this shortcoming we believe the results are, nevertheless, convincing.
Experiment 2
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In Experiment 1 the emotional aspects of a remembered episode were treated as one
class of event detail. In Experiment 2, the issue is widened by asking if the observed effect
applies more generally to all types of event details. One of the rating scales used in the first
experiment, vividness, suggests that this might be the case. However, participants may well
have felt that the memory was more vivid because their memory for the emotional aspects
of the recalled episode, the main focus of the rating scales, was clearer. Furthermore, on
another of the scales which might be expected to be influenced by greater detail, uniqueness,
the effect of condition was (marginally) non-significant. In measuring emotional versus
other details, different approaches may be necessary. In the case of emotional detail,
quantification requires the measurement of emotional states remembered as having been
experienced at the time of the episode. Hypothetically, an emotional state might be
represented mnemonically by values on a limited number of inter-related emotional
dimensions, and cues might be assumed to differ in terms of the precision with which those
scale values can be ‘read’. Thus, at the risk of stating the obvious, when we say that
participants remember more emotion detail this does not mean that they are remembering
that a greater number of (different) emotions were experienced, but that they have access to
a more veridical record of the limited number of emotions which were experienced. This is
why rating scales, rather than simple counts, are more appropriate for this type of event
detail. In Experiment 2, more general event details were measured using an approach which
entailed transcribing participants’ recollections of events and comparing the number of new
event details recalled after the second cue across different cue types.
An alternative explanation for the finding that congruent odours lead to enhanced
recollection of event details is that it results from the introduction of a qualitatively different
cue in the second retrieval phase, as opposed to the same repeated cue in the label condition.
Thus, there may be nothing special about odours; any cue which differs from the original
cue and is congruent with the content of the recollected episode may produce the same
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result. To address this additive cue hypothesis, a visual cue condition, in which the
participant is presented with a colour photograph in the second retrieval phase, is included
in Experiment 2. The photographs depict, in each case, the source object of the label used
as the first cue. This, then, represents a visual analogue of the congruent odour condition,
and is used to directly test the alternate hypothesis that any secondary cue which is
congruent with the recollected episode will significantly enhance recall relative to the label
condition. In addition, the incongruent odour condition was retained as a control for the
possibility that arousal levels may affect retrieval of event details.
Method
Participants
Forty volunteer participants, comprising a mixture of undergraduate students and
people in full-time employment, were assigned to one of four conditions (label, incongruent
odour, visual and congruent odour).
Materials
A reduced set of 6 odours were used: coffee, cinnamon, disinfectant, baby powder,
paint, and cigarette. They were presented in a manner identical to that in experiment 1. In
addition, 6 x 4 inch colour photographs of each of the stimuli were used as cues in the visual
cue condition.
Procedure
Participants were tested in quiet surroundings which were free of distractions and
strong odours. All participants were provided with the same instructions as in Experiment
1. As a second cue in the extra visual condition, participants were presented with a
photograph of the stimulus given as a label. Each participant took part in 3 trials, and the
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same 3 minute time limit was allowed for the recollective stage of each trial. The reports of
the recollected events were tape recorded and transcribed for content analysis.
Results and Discussion
The contents of the recollected episodes were transcribed and content analysed,
using single sentences as the unit of analysis. Given that the source text was transcribed
speech rather than written word, and that normal speech tends not to involve strict discrete
sentences, sentence form was imposed on the text by dividing long utterances into discrete
sentence units where it seemed appropriate i.e. where speech appeared to run into a new
sentence. The mean number of sentences vocalised after the first and second cue in each
condition were as follows (standard deviations in parentheses): label condition, cue 1 - 25.4
(13.2), cue 2 - 15.2 (11.1); visual condition, cue 1 - 24.6 (4.76), cue 2 - 9.6 (3.6);
incongruent condition, cue 1 - 24.8 (6.9), cue 2 - 9.2 (7.2); congruent condition, cue 1 - 22.7
(8.1), cue 2 - 19.9 (11.6). Total number of sentences uttered after the first cue was tallied
for each of the four conditions (label, 254; incongruent odour, 248; visual, 246; congruent
odour, 227). Chi-square analysis revealed no differences between the four conditions (χ2 =
1.68, df = 3, ns.) suggesting that the groups were evenly balanced in verbosity. The
experimenter then rated the recollections taken after the second cue, and assigned each
sentence to one of two simple categories: new for sentences which contained information
relating to the episode which did not appear previously in the recollection after the first cue,
and irrelevant for sentences which did not contain new information (invariably, statements
which did not contain new information were irrelevant to the retrieval of the episode). A
subset of recollections was then independently analysed by two blind raters (following
Holsti, 1969), and the inter-rater reliability between all three was calculated (Krippendorff,
1980). The inter-rater agreement was found to be strong (Krippendorff’s α = .717).
Insert Table 2 around here please
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The number of sentences in each category from each condition is detailed in Table 2.
As can be seen, the total number of sentences produced for the incongruent and visual
conditions is approximately matched (92 and 96 respectively), and much lower than that
observed for the label (152) and congruent (199) conditions. For these latter two conditions,
the difference in total number of sentences is explained by the increase in the number of
new detail which emerges in phase 2 (71 and 120 respectively), with the number of
sentences containing irrelevant detail approximately matched (81 and 79 respectively). The
relevant proportions of sentences containing new and irrelevant detail show a similar
pattern: For the congruent condition, the majority of sentences are those containing new
detail; for the label and visual conditions, the proportions are approximately matched;
whereas for the incongruent condition, the majority of sentences are those containing
irrelevant detail.
Given that the data took the form of frequency categorisations of a limited number of
statements, Chi-square analyses were deemed the most appropriate method of statistical
analysis (Siegal & Castellan, 1988). Data were subjected to a 2 (new vs. irrelevant) x 4
(label vs. incongruent odour vs. visual vs. congruent odour) Chi-square analysis, and the
result proved significant (χ2 = 16.72, df = 3, p<0.001). Further partitioning of the 2 x 4
contingency table and subsequent partition Chi-square analysis (Siegal & Castellan, 1988)
revealed that the congruent condition was significantly different from the other three
conditions (χ2 = 13.44, df = 1, p<0.001), indicating that episodes retrieved in response to the
congruent odour cue included more new detail than those retrieved in response to the label,
picture or incongruent odour cues.
These results provide clear support for the differential cue affordance value
hypothesis. Retrieval was anchored to specific episodes in phase 1 and the addition of a
congruent olfactory cue in phase 2 produced a significant increase in new details. That this
effect resulted simply from the use of two different cues, the additive cue hypothesis, can be
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ruled out because there was no evidence of a similar enhancement for the visual cue
condition. Interestingly, the visual condition yielded a much lower total number of
sentences than the label condition. There are probably two (related) reasons for this. First,
although not explicitly instructed to do so, participants tended to focus on the visual details
of the target cue as represented in their autobiographical recollection. In other words, the
visual cues induced a selective search strategy. Second, in the majority of cases, the visual
cues did not match those which featured in individuals’ recollections, which led participants
to comment on the differences. One reason why the additive cue hypothesis was not
supported here, therefore, may relate to the fact that the visual cues employed did not
sufficiently map the visual appearance of the items in the recollective episode. Of course,
exactly the same argument could be made about the (congruent) olfactory cues because it is
extremely unlikely that these matched exactly the sensory experiences of the original
autobiographical episodes. Despite this, the overall proportion of new detail which emerged
in the visual condition was no different from the label condition.
The inclusion of the incongruent odour condition in the present experiment
permitted a test of one further hypothesis, that enhanced retrieval results from increased
arousal levels associated with ‘sensing’ odours. This hypothesis can also be ruled out
because there was no evidence of enhanced retrieval for the incongruent odour condition. In
fact, as with the visual cues, there was evidence that relative to the label condition, the total
number of sentences produced in phase 2 was attenuated. Also, whilst the visual and
incongruent label conditions led to approximately equivalent sentence production in phase
2, the relative proportions of sentences containing new and irrelevant detail differed, with
fewer new details being given in the incongruent odour condition. This echoes the pattern
observed in Experiment 1 in which the change in ratings for the incongruent odour condition
was less than that in the label condition on every scale (see Table 1). One reason for this
may relate to the differential cue affordance hypothesis we set out to test. That is, odours
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are indeed especially potent as retrieval cues, to the extent that they automatically induce the
retrieval of unrelated and irrelevant detail in the incongruent odour condition.
General Discussion
Two sources of data, participants’ ratings of their memory quality and content
analysis of the recollective episodes recounted, provide converging evidence that odours are
especially potent reminders of autobiographical experiences. Several plausible alternative
hypotheses which might underlie the phenomenon were ruled out, through the use of the
double cueing methodology and specific control conditions. This permitted a test of what
we believe represents the more popular interpretation of the Proust phenomenon, the
differential cue affordance hypothesis, which we can now confidently say is unambiguously
supported.
The findings reported here do not represent the only distinctive features of odourcued memories which are relevant to the Proust phenomenon. As noted in the introduction,
odour-cued memories are postulate to be more detailed, more emotionally loaded, and more
distant in time. Although the single cue comparison method is unsuitable for testing
particular hypotheses concerning the quantity and quality of detail retrieved, we have
successfully applied the technique to evaluate the third of these memory attributes, namely,
the age at which autobiographical episodes were originally experienced. In this case, the age
of a memory, unlike quality or quantity, is a fixed property anchored in time and therefore
not open to bias. When plotting the distribution of autobiographical memories across the
entire lifespan in a group of elderly participants, we found that the peak number of
memories retrieved (the so-called reminiscence bump, Rubin & Schulkind, 1997) appeared
at an age earlier for odour cues than the peak for label cues (Chu & Downes, 2000). That is,
odour-cued autobiographical memories are older. Taken together, therefore, our
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experiments employing two complementary methodologies show that odour-cued memories
tend to be more emotional, more detailed, and more aged. Thus, we can state with some
confidence that the phenomenon attributed to Proust is more than a literary speculation.
In common with the vast majority of studies examining autobiographical memories
for personal events (rather than knowledge), our experiments present no means of assessing
the accuracy of the details retrieved by our participants. The crux of Banaji and Crowder’s
(1989) controversial attack on the field of everyday memory followed a similar line of
argument and the indignant rebuttals from prominent researchers in the field (e.g. Conway,
1991; Morton, 1991; Neisser, 1991) will not be discussed here. Nevertheless, one method
of achieving the form of empirical control which Banaji and Crowder would demand (and
one which we are currently pursuing in our laboratory) would be to arrange a series of
naturalistic events for participants to experience. This series would involve a range of
sensory elements (including odours) such that, after a long delay (i.e. months), detailed
retrieval could be examined (and verified) in response to an array of different cue-types.
However, we feel that the absence of such a methodology in the present study does not limit
the value of our findings, particularly given that we have no reason to presume that the
proportion of inaccurate detail in one condition should differ from that in any other.
Therefore, even allowing for the inaccuracy of a proportion of retrieved information, if more
absolute detail is retrieved in the congruent-odour condition, this implies that more accurate
detail is also retrieved.
Why should odours differ from other cue types in these ways? One class of
explanation draws on knowledge of the neuroanatomical projections to and from the
olfactory cortex, and the intrinsic links with circuits known to mediate episodic memory.
Thus, the olfactory bulb projects to the amygdala, the fimbria of the hippocampus and the
dorso-medial nucleus of the thalamus (Dodd & Castellucci, 1991; Nieuwenhuys, Voogd &
van Huijzen, 1988), each of which has some involvement in memory consolidation
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Simon Chu
processes (see Aggleton & Brown, 1999; McGaugh, Roozendaal & Cahill, 2000). The work
of McGaugh and colleagues in particular has shown that the amygdala plays a specific role
in modulating hippocampal-mediated consolidation processes. Furthermore, in rats, this
modulatory function is specifically related to appetitively or aversively motivated learning
(McGaugh et al, 2000). Thus, the amygdala may be directly involved in the formation of
emotional memories, a view supported by recent functional imaging studies of human
participants (e.g. Hamman et al, 1999), and its modulatory role in memory consolidation
will lead to the creation of more stable memory representations. Because of the
neuroanatomical projections between olfactory processing regions and the limbic structures,
odours may be especially privileged in their ability to directly influence the modulatory
functions of the amygdala.
A second class of explanation is grounded in cognitive psychological theories of
autobiographical memory retrieval. Conway’s (1992, 1996; Conway & Pleydell-Pearce,
2000) model of autobiographical memory structure proposes that autobiographical memory
retrieval processes are cyclical in nature, such that, given a single cue word, memory probes
become more refined, and thus more specific, with each retrieval cycle, eventually leading
to the retrieval of details from an event-specific knowledge base. In contrast, highly specific
cues, such as sensory stimuli, may be able to bypass the normal cyclic retrieval process and
directly access the event-specific knowledge base (Conway, 1992). The fact that there exist
independent top-down (thematic) and bottom-up (sensory) retrieval processes, though, does
not necessarily lead to the prediction that olfactory cues are selectively advantaged relative
to other cue types (although it may predict that retrieval is faster for olfactory cues). This is
because both provide access to the same event-specific knowledge base. Possibly, the way
in which the different types of cue map onto the knowledge base may differ for thematic and
sensory information, such that the latter provide more diffuse links with event details.
20
Simon Chu
However, without further independent specification, there is a danger of circularity in
adding these speculative assumptions to the model.
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Simon Chu
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Table 1. Mean initial and subsequent ratings, mean change in ratings (standard deviations in
parentheses) and median change in ratings for each scale in each condition
incongruent cue condition
Mean R1
Mean R2
Mean Change
Median
(SD)
(SD)
(SD)
Change
Pleasant
4.04 (2.08)
4.03 (2.07)
0.07 (0.16)
0
Personal
2.54 (1.90)
2.53 (1.88)
0 (0)
0
Painful
1.56 (1.33)
1.56 (1.33)
0 (0)
0
Anxious
1.47 (1.28)
1.47 (1.28)
0 (0)
0
Embarrassing
1.34 (1.27)
1.36 (1.27)
0.01 (0.05)
0
Vivid
4.50 (1.82)
4.50 (1.82)
0 (0)
0
Unique
3.31 (1.65)
3.21 (1.62)
-0.10 (0.17)
0
label cue condition
Pleasant
3.24 (3.00)
3.23 (3.00)
0.16 (0.21)
0
Personal
2.56 (2.00)
2.46 (1.74)
0.19 (0.23)
0.10
Painful
1.56 (1.09)
1.60 (1.18)
0.07 (0.13)
0
Anxious
1.77 (1.28)
1.79 (1.31)
0.04 (0.08)
0
Embarrassing
1.57 (1.25)
1.51 (1.15)
0.06 (0.14)
0
Vivid
5.14 (1.63)
5.11 (1.66)
-0.03 (0.07)
0
Unique
3.93 (2.07)
3.73 (2.01)
-0.20 (0.19)
-0.20
congruent cue condition
Pleasant
4.13 (1.74)
4.20 (1.86)
0.47 (0.34)
0.40
Personal
3.07 (2.07)
3.06 (2.12)
0.48 (0.50)
0.22
Painful
1.84 (1.45)
1.97 (1.65)
0.44 (0.50)
0.20
Anxious
1.99 (1.64)
1.96 (1.65)
0.34 (0.32)
0.20
Embarrassing
1.63 (1.48)
1.63 (1.43)
0.17 (0.21)
0.10
Vivid
5.09 (1.56)
5.29 (1.67)
0.20 (0.50)
0.20
Unique
3.97 (1.99)
4.00 (1.94)
0.03 (0.35)
0
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Simon Chu
Note: All changes are unsigned apart from vivid and unique which incorporate
direction of change.
Table 2. Number of sentences (proportion of the condition in parentheses) in each
content analysis coding category and total number of sentences from each condition
condition
1
new
irrelevant
total
label
71 (.47)
81 (.53)
152
incongruent
33 (.36)
59 (.64)
92
visual
44 (.46)
52 (.54)
96
congruent
120 (.60)
79 (.40)
199
One reviewer queried whether the different instructions used in the experimental conditions may have
introduced an unintended biasing effect. It is possible that explicitly stating that “odours might
stimulate memory and help remember details about past events” could induce additional motivation to
retrieve detail in the odour conditions, motivation which would be somewhat diluted in the incongruent
cue condition when participants perceive the mismatch between the cue and the retrieved episode.
While we acknowledge that the differences in instructions make this a possibility, we believe it highly
unlikely that these differences would influence the resulting data under this particular design. Given
that we employ condition as a between-group factor, participants in the incongruent cue condition are
not aware that there are other participants in the study for whom the odour cue is congruent with the
retrieved episode, and the fact that they experience a mismatch between odour and retrieved episode
should not reduce their motivation to retrieve event detail. In addition, all participants are told that
“additional effort may be a factor in improving memory performance” and, given that participants
know that improved memory performance is expected after the second cue, specific mention of “detail”
in the odour conditions should not serve to dramatically influence responses.
27