Changes in the meaning of schooling
Lorenzo Fischer
Changes in the meaning of schooling
Lorenzo Fischer*
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Abstract: The current third educational revolution realizes universal schooling.
Such transformation has not been sufficiently understood nor accepted yet. The
massification of secondary schooling radically modifies the very meaning of the
educational systems. We are facing an apparent paradox: education is experiencing
a deep crisis just when it is reaching its greatest expansion and thus, its greatest
success.
The third educational revolution requires new characteristics from teachers. In fact,
also secondary school demands for capacities which are more similar to those
within primary school: fundamental task consists in serving the learning needs of
their pupils.
The new task for the sociology of school is ample and partly new, both for the
mutated structural conditions of society and educational systems, and for the
transformations in meaning that have taken place. The objective is to build a
sociological analysis of the scholastic system which may overcoming the limits of
both micro and macro formulations, analyze the multifaceted aspects of scholastic
socialization in depth.
Keywords: third educational revolution, changes in the meaning of schooling,
theacher metacognitive mediator, opposition to relativism, overcoming micromacro.
__________________________________________________
The third educational revolution
Recently it has been stated that we are now facing the “third educational
revolution” (Esteve, 2003). The first can actually be identified with the
beginning of the educational processes addressed to the groups of chosen
few in ancient Egypt, Greece and Rome, whilst the second consists in the
*
Dipartimento di Scienze Sociali, via San Ottavio 50-1024 Torino - Italia. E-mail:
[email protected]
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rise and development of what can be defined as school in the modern sense,
which however (at least in its first phase) was restricted to the massification
of the learning of “reading, writing and elementary mathematics”. The
modern “scholastic form” is based in fact, on several elements which were
absent before: “the invention of childhood”, foundation of the pedagogical
relationship between teacher and pupil, which leads to learning through
decoding symbols (words) and the mental reconstruction of their meaning
representing reality. Reading is a specific scholastic “symbolicreconstructive” learning tool, which outpaces the traditional one, based on
imitation and which could be widely spread only thanks to the invention of
mobile typeface printing (Vincent, 1980). The second educational
revolution, characterized by the fundamental state intervention at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, continued until the aftermath of the
second world war, when it was decided to make upper school compulsory
in the United States. This is where, from our point of view, the third
educational revolution can be found, which has now spread to all developed
countries. This fact explains the early rise, in the USA, of some of the
problematic issues such as the importance of the peer group in school and
the violence within educational institutions.
The current third educational revolution, therefore, realizes universal
schooling, not only within lower secondary school, but also in the upper
secondary school, which now tends to be considered in terms of a right for
all, having extended compulsory schooling to ages 16-18. In Italy, as far as
lower secondary school is concerned, the attendance rate which started with
a mere 20% in 1945,got to a 59% in 1962 (at the time of the approval of the
reform of a single lower secondary school), reaching 100% in 1975 only
(Checchi, 1997). The upper secondary schooling rate, presents the
following progression:10% in 1951, 21% in 1961, 43% in 1971,51% in
1981,70% in 1991,86% in 2001 and 91% in 2003;furthermore in 2002,
82% of the nineteen-year-olds obtained an educational qualification above
lower secondary level, albeit not always quinquennial (Censis, 1984; 1992;
2003). These figures prove a strong development in schooling in our
country as well, which likewise in upper secondary school, now reaches
levels similar to those observed in the more developed European countries.
Such transformation has not been sufficiently understood nor accepted
yet: the massification of secondary schooling radically modifies the very
meaning of the educational systems. It is thus possible to talk about a third
educational revolution because, for the first time, not only do students with
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good learning abilities enter secondary instruction, but also those who were
once kept at a distance or did not even try to access do. A great contribution
to this situation's occurrence derived from the overturning of the difference
in gender in scholastic attendance and success: women's contribution to the
third “educational revolution” proves decisive (Moore, 2004). It represents
a fundamental example of “silent revolution”, particularly effective and
lasting as it proceeds in the population's mentality with no possibility to
establish a precise starting point in time, modifying however, values and
behaviors irreversibly. Around mid-nineteen hundred, some still tried to
impede female access to higher education, by the end of the century, in
almost all developed countries, the majority of those attending university
were women (Esteve, 2003).
In this new situation, the “collapse of the old certainties concerning
education” takes place: trust in a certain relation between schooling and
working position fails (so much that more than a few claim the uselessness
of studying in a situation of unemployment and loss of job qualification,
when a plumber earns more than a university graduate) as it does in the
consistency between social and scholastic values (as teaching solidarity and
cohabitation in an individualist and aggressively competitive society may
seem absurd). It is certainly possible to underline opposite argumentations:
the needs of an information and knowledge based economy, the realization
of a more democratic society, because better educated and thus conscious,
the request of the many families increasingly worried about their children's
rise in education, the educational policies aiming towards a development in
schooling; unfortunately however, the well established fact is a widespread
anxiety ( Fernandez Enguita, 2001). Therefore, we are facing an apparent
paradox: education is experiencing e deep crisis just when it is reaching its
greatest expansion and thus, its greatest success.
The third educational revolution transforms the very meaning of school,
and it is not easy for the actors involved to take cognizance of this,
although it is evident that the same objectives which applied to the elites
cannot be maintained within a standardized mass institution. Undoubtedly,
there are those who simplistically answer claiming that the only possible
solution consists in returning to the educational system of the middle of the
last century. They do not realize however «the social and economic costs
that would derive from rebuilding a selective and exclusionary educational
system in a technological society such as the present one, based on
knowledge and the continuous demand for higher levels of education»
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(Esteve, 2003, pp. 63-64).
An OECD and UNESCO report, recommends an improvement in the
access to education, and a reduction in scholastic dispersion. The rise in the
level of education, once passed a critical point, plays an increasingly
important role in the growth of economy, especially when high levels of
secondary and graduate education are reached (OECD-UNESCO, 2003).
The last decades' figures prove that in order to promote the growth of a
nation, a high level of education is far more profitable than the persisting of
ignorance, although a better educational qualification does not always
correspond to an adequate job. It is from this viewpoint that the European
Council of Lisbon (2002) set the objective to make our continent “the
economy of the most competitive and dynamic knowledge in the world”
(Reding, 2002).
In a globalized information-based society, workers can be divided into
two big categories: the generic ones and the “auto-programmable” ones; the
latter (about a third of the workforce), are characterized by a higher level of
instruction and by the ability to continue incorporating knowledge,
generating value for businesses. In this way, a fracture in the unity of
interests between the two types of workers is produced (Castells, 1997).
The outcome is a need for a deep change in school, whose major task thus
consists in providing the methodological tools to requalify its knowledge
and competences in a world which changes at the speed of the Internet. As
a matter of fact, if the educational system's main task consisted in the
transmission of knowledge once, it is no longer possible now, as knowledge
grows at such speed as to make the traditional educational model
unfeasible. It is now time to 'learn to learn', more than just storing
information, in other words to become autonomous in searching and
organizing useful knowledge for one's goals: this is particularly important
for lifetime learning. Another major issue must be considered: the
importance of values in education. In fact, in order to bear a constantly
changing and flexible situation, individuals, at work as well as in their
private life, must be gifted with solid and well-balanced personalities, able
to develop personal judgment criteria, as it is no longer possible to make
reference to well-established role models (Castells, 2002). These
circumstances re-bring traditional education into question: scholastic
systems are experiencing great difficulty in changing in tune with these
transformations, this is however a necessary challenge. The relevance of
instruction has never been as great as it is in the present world, both for
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single individuals as for society as a whole. We are living in the third
industrial revolution which is precisely based on information and
knowledge, whereas the first revolution could be identified with the steampowered machine and the second with taylorism-fordism. The scholastic
system plays a more and more essential role in job qualification which can
be considered at three levels. In terms of: a) applying specific routines to
certain chores, in other words an “operational knowledge”; b) diagnosing
every situation in order to establish the best procedure, which is
“professional knowledge”; c) identifying new problems and creating
original methods to solve them, or to face the old ones with different
approaches, that is, “scientific knowledge” (Fernandez Enguita, 2001).
Demand for operational knowledge decreases, whilst the professional and
the scientific ones increase; the first more abstract as it is aimed at framing
particular cases in a general vision and the second, not only even more
abstract, but also more active and critical, as it has to call all existing
knowledge into question. The speed of technological changes implies an
all-purpose type of training, that is, suitable to continuous and rapid
adjustments, with new attitudes such as the development of personal
initiative and the ability to work in a group. The importance of the
traditional professional training and value is conferred to an educational
qualification no longer considered as a credential, but as an indicator of a
strong learning capacity. The traditional separation between academic and
professional teaching is now losing meaning, suggesting a consequent
change in curricula: as one must now continue learning throughout their
entire lifetime, the methodological aspects are far more important than
specific notions (Young, 1993).
Although trust in education as a means of transformation towards a
more egalitarian society has weakened, still, a large international consensus
in considering it the foundation of future wealth has persisted in the last
decades (joining Left and Right). In the frame of economic globalization, it
is through education that “the rich become richer and the poor poorer”
(Reich, 1997), meaning with this that the growth of human capital for
individuals and nations, increases the polarization of the distribution of
incomes, favored by the opening of national work markets. The vision of
instruction as an essential factor for economic growth and international
competitiveness regains strength, albeit in a more qualitative than
quantitative view, compared with the old vision of the human capital
theory.
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Thus, the relationship between education and economy now stands in
partly new terms: education is not a universal panacea, it remains however,
a decisive factor for economic growth (Levin and Kelley, 1994). Economy
develops value, generates productivity and increases competitivity starting
from knowledge, especially thanks to the possibility of accessing
information and processing it in real time; furthermore, it is globalized in
the sense that the most important and strategic activities function as a
whole on a planetary scale in real time, along with all that this implies for
the free global flow of people and goods in terms of technological capacity,
organization and deregulation (Castells, 2002).
Several models of response to globalization have been realized, both for
the overall organization of society and for the educational systems: it is not
just a matter of choosing between State and market, but also different
possibilities, which seem to make the hypothesis of an organizational
convergence of both economy and education suffer a crisis. (Dale, 1997). In
fact, two remarkably different models have developed, a “neo-fordist” one
and a “post-fordist” one: the first characterized by a wide market flexibility,
a reduction of social expenses and of union power, privatization of public
services and exaltation of competitive individualism; the second assigns
crucial steering power to the State, thanks to investments in strategic
sectors of economy and in particular in education, maintaining the
fundamental workforce rights (Braun and Lauder, 1997). As far as
educational systems are concerned, it suffices to remind that four different
models persist in Europe (Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, German and LatinMediterranean), with a considerable differentiation, also in terms of results,
concerning secondary school especially; only in higher education the
attempt at a harmonization imposed by European agreements can be
witnessed.
It proves impossible to clarify future relations between globalization,
State, education and social change completely, consequently, this issue will
remain one of the essential preoccupations in understanding the meaning of
education in the next few years.
The main difficulty in the present day secondary school consists in its
being considered according to the selective viewpoint of the past, based on
the “exclusion pedagogy” (Esteve, 2003) and not on widespread learning,
essential for a compulsory school. In this new situation, a lowering in
learning levels seems to be taking place, whereas in reality, there is not only
a rise in the average level of education of the population as a whole, but
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also in that of the best pupils, more numerous today than in the sixties
anyway (Baudelot and Establet, 1989). Those who fear a leveling towards
the bottom, should be reassured by the fact that if it is necessary for all
pupils to reach a minimum level, this does not hinder more talented pupils
from obtaining higher results through a diversification of pedagogies.
Unfortunately, in the French collège for instance, the nature and vocation
typical of a compulsory school hasn't been clarified, thus many teachers
perceive it in terms of an “uninterrupted crisis.. long decline... sequence of
renunciations and drop-outs” yielding to the nostalgia of the past when
confronted with the attitude of some intellectuals who claim that
“democratization is a plot against culture and civilization” (Dubet and
Duru-Bellat, 2000).
If the single teacher can evaluate this situation as a “total disaster”, for
society as a whole it represents an improvement, especially for the less
talented students, as their learning did not exist, when they were kept away
from secondary school (Esteve, 2003). It is evident that teaching to a
homogeneous class of students, because previously selected, is quite
different from teaching to a heterogeneous one which represents a sample
of the entire population of students. To face this altered situation, a
reorganization of the teachers' work and a transformation of the formative
profile are necessary: the traditional learning model of the secondary
school, based on contents which are appropriate to prepare pupils for
university, must be drastically modified (Helsby, 1999).
Future role of teachers
School cannot avoid reflecting society and its contradictions: the new
difficulty consists in the unusual speed of the present transformations, that
is why the scholastic institution, more than ever relevant in a “knowledge
society” which sends new generations to school for a longer time and in a
more generalized way, becomes a much more difficult workplace for
teachers.
In particular, it must be underlined, that the pace of change shifts from
inter-generational to intra-generational: a life-lasting continuous education
is required for each individual, with a consequent change in the meaning of
initial education (Fernàndez Enguita, 2001).
The “third educational revolution” requires new characteristics from
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teachers, in fact, also secondary school demands for capacities which are
more similar to those within primary school and far from traditional
academic tasks: this fact constitutes e serious problem for teachers who are
unprepared for this event(Esteve, 2003). It is possible this way, to
understand why the scholastic institution appears to be facing crisis at the
time of its becoming generalized, and especially, the causes of “teacher
uneasiness” can be highlighted: many teachers find adjusting to such rapid
and drastic changes difficult. As we have seen, the meaning itself of the
scholastic institutions has changed, which can no longer guarantee job
opportunities corresponding to the educational qualifications reached: it is
necessary for pupils, parents and the professors themselves to realize that
education no longer ensures social privileges.
In the present-day Italian school, the impulse deriving from the norms
on autonomy and the long-time processes in existence, due to a more
complex society and mass secondary schooling, have produced a wide
diversification of teaching professionalism. This is not obviously a
specificity of our country, in France, for over a decade, an analysis of the
teaching profession based on three normative models has been suggested
for which the following three titles are proposed: “magister”, “pedagogue”
and “organizer” (Hirschhorn, 1993). The magister, the most ancient and
traditional, is centered on knowledge, which represents an absolute value in
itself: the teacher's task is to convey this to the pupils, his/her fundamental
competence thus consists in mastering and developing a high intellectual
quality, with the university professor as a reference point. This model does
not necessarily imply a refusal of pedagogy, but it is certainly considered a
tool which is subordinate to the knowledge of disciplines. From this almost
sacred viewpoint, the holder of knowledge asks for respect for his function,
an adequate social prestige and absolute freedom of teaching. There are
however, two different versions of this model: the first, elitist, which
refuses or at the least deplores mass schooling, and the second, democratic,
which considers the development in schooling a progress.
The pedagogue emerges when, thanks to the students' generalized access
to secondary school, it becomes more and more difficult for teachers to
identify themselves with the magister: this model is centered on the student
and instruction proves subordinate to education. Fundamental task becomes
that of taking charge of the pupil's needs; in this case the teacher asks to be
respected as well, not for his/her role however, but as a someone who wants
the respect he/she credits his/her students with, first. In this case, the
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pedagogical relationship is essential, but the teacher can adopt a
multiplicity of educational methodologies according to the different
situations. Furthermore, to make their educational action more effective,
these teachers are ready to cooperate with their colleagues (unlike the
previous). This model too can be interpreted in two different ways: the first
aims at developing the capacities, motivations and interests of each pupil;
the second tries to best adapt the individual to society, so as to make them
capable of social success.
These first two models have been re-analyzed by sociological research
considering their diverse effectiveness, highlighting the fact that the
pedagogical relation in class generates specific effects on learning. Pupils
provided with analogous characteristics (abilities at the beginning of the
school-year, age, gender and social class) if schooled with different
teachers can reach considerably unequal results during the school year
(Felouzis, 1997).
The teachers' effectiveness seems to depend upon their teaching concept
and their attitude towards their pupils: the massification of secondary
schooling makes the “magister” and the “pedagogue” differently effective.
The first (at least from an elitist point of view) with its educational concept
entirely based on the discipline to be taught, in some sort of “academic
ritualism”, proves modestly effective precisely because the magister
considers pupils incapable of reaching a knowledge which he/she sets very
high. This model of teacher expects nothing from them and considers any
effort to improve their learning substantially useless, thus making the
negative self-fulfilling prophecy come true. The second, relying on a
“pedagogical pragmatism”, focuses on the real and concrete pupil, not as it
should ideally be or once was: the pedagogue thus expresses positive
expectations towards his students, which develop into a greater
effectiveness, considering them capable of making progress, with a positive
prophecy.
The passage from magister to pedagogue definitely represents a real
“Copernican revolution”: unfortunately many are still fascinated by the
“image of the teacher as the only source of information who radiates
knowledge to the students who orbit around him” (Fried 2001). This
Ptolemaic vision finds its emotional roots in the memory of a classroom
“centered on the teacher”.
In France, for a longer period and in a more explicit way than what has
occurred in our country, (probably due to a greater interest in the scholastic
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institution demonstrated by politics and public opinion), a strong criticism
towards pedagogy and more generally towards educational sciences has
developed, accused of taking “school to destruction”. The cliché in these
positions consists in stating that the lessening of the level required by
school produces “thought's defeat” (Finkielkraut, 1989). This very
transition from the magister model to the pedagogue one, favored by school
reforms which require teachers to pass from the transmission of culture to
helping their pupils to “learn to learn”, would be the cause of the scholastic
institution's decline. Italy as well, does not lack followers of the magister
model: “ We Arts teachers had two certainties: that our métier was to
transmit something to someone, and that that particular something to be
transmitted was a certain and indisputable heritage which derived from
tradition” (Mastrocola, 2004, p. 48).
These critics don't seem to realize that the ideal student of the “good old
times” free from affective and social conditioning, only made sense when
the great majority of youths of a certain age group remained, precisely,
outside the school institution. Furthermore, in a rapidly changing world, in
which single contents soon become obsolete, as UNESCO claims, one
cannot commence from a discipline-focused education, but should instead
realize a teaching centered on the individual; the OECD's PISA project tests
also, derive from a schooling vision based on the development of each
pupil's capacity of thinking autonomously and building their own
knowledge.
From this view, the metacognitive perspective (which is the ability to
know and control ones own cognitive functioning) which has been
developing for over a quarter of a century within educational sciences, can
represent an essential element in helping individuals master the proper
capacities to promote what has now become an indispensable continuous
learning. A French scholar has suggested an interesting portrait of the future
teacher, regarded as an expert of learning: this teacher will have to help
pupils to develop their learning abilities, with a metacognitive type of
process. He/she will have to be “able to externalize what is usually implicit,
in other words the process used when learning” (Cros, 2001). The teachers'
training (initial and of those already working),will thus consist in the
preparation of an expert in metacogntive learning: this will allow the
regrettably topical dispute between those who view future teachers'
preparation based on the discipline to be taught and those who mainly aim
at the professional aspects required to form an educator, to be surpassed.
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The essential aspect will actually consist in the capacity of making the
modalities used to learn and to build knowledge explicit, utilizing both
rational and emotional intelligence.
The main supporters of the “magister” can be especially found in the
literary and philosophical area: in France, as in Italy, they consider
themselves the only repositories of Culture, showing an ill-concealed
contempt for other forms of knowledge. Instead, scientific and social
subjects teachers, appear to be more willing to adopt a school perspective
which can aid their pupils to “learn to learn”.
The organizer represents the third model, now in a developing phase: in
this case the fundamental value which determines his/her action is the
scholastic institution. “ The good teacher is no longer the one who devotes
him/herself entirely to the transmission of knowledge, nor the one who
takes his/her pupils in charge, but the one who participates to the
functioning, promotion and development of the school” (Hirschhorn,
1993). This author, at the beginning of the nineties, had already highlighted
how the increased autonomy of scholastic institutions favored teachers'
support to such model. This type of teacher's attention is centered on the
institution on its whole, and from his/her commitment, he/she expects
responsibilities which denote the importance of the role performed. In this
latter case, two variants can be identified as well: in the first case the
objective consists in transforming school into an authentic educational
community, in the second, the goal is to make one's institution more
productive and competitive. This model, unlike the others, does not directly
derive from within the scholastic institution, but from the transposition of
organizational modalities initially developed within businesses, into the
scholastic domain. The teachers who incline towards this typology, widely
invest in activities which go beyond their duties, and mainly with no
remuneration and rather weak gratifications: concerning this aspect, we
cross-refer the reader to the wide quantitative research recently published
by us (Fischer et al., 2006).
Having cleared the need to abandon the first model, entirely inadequate
for a secondary school, a problem concerning basic training and training for
those already teaching emerges. The professionalization of teaching
requires a formative model capable of giving ample space to reflective
practitioners, that is to school teachers, who possess the competences,
knowledge and abilities, just as useful as those held by university
professors, as far as teachers' training is concerned. The professional
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knowledge must be clearly distinguished from academic cognizance:
research of the last decades, proves the existence of a remarkable distance
between them. In fact, professional practice never is, a mere application of
university knowledge: in the best case, a process of transformation
according to the needs of the scholastic practice takes place; it is thus
necessary to integrate the university formative approach with the
knowledge that springs from professional practice (Tardif, 2004).
Four crucial components are required in teachers' training, also and
especially as far as secondary school is concerned: mastery in the subjects
taught, which however represents a necessary but entirely insufficient prerequisite, where an excessive specialization would even be counterproductive; epistemology, the history and the didactics of disciplines
especially; educational sciences, amongst which sociology of education
should have a particularly relevant role; apprenticeship supervised by
school-expert teachers so as to realize a reflective professionality. In order
to make future teachers effective, avoiding the present malaise, four
objectives must be achieved: help them build their own professional
identity considering the fact that secondary school teachers generally have
a far less clear vocation than primary school teachers, they must therefore
be aided in understanding that the essence of their task consists in serving
the learning needs of their pupils; supply them with the tools to control the
group communication techniques so as to mediate between scientific
knowledge and students; prepare them to manage class discipline, obtaining
students' respect; teaching those who are still being trained to adapt
scientific knowledge to their students' level of knowledge, stimulating their
learning motivations (Esteve, 2003).
New tasks for the sociology of school
The traditional secondary school, based on the transmission of
indisputable truths to a restricted circle of privileged youths in a frame of
loyalty to dominant values, is profoundly different from the present one,
which being extended to almost the entirety of every age group, requires
the promotion of an autonomous ethic, and, especially, to learn how to
learn. However anachronistic and obsolete may the old objectives be,
substituting them however is not simple: the transformation has been too
rapid and radical to be easily managed. There must be awareness
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concerning the fact that the process of change cannot be but long, avoiding
illusions on the rapid effectiveness of reforms. It is especially essential to
go beyond the functionalist optimism and the conflictualist pessimism, both
incapable of grasping the complexity of the school-society relationship. It
is necessary to carefully consider “limits and possibilities of the schooling
process” (Hurn, 1993), and thus to avoid considering this institution as a
panacea for social difficulties, as well as considering it responsible for
problems it cannot solve. The overestimation of the school's role in relation
to social stratification, in terms of production of equality or reproduction of
inequalities, represents an error committed by the sociologists of education
over a long period of time.
Differences (social, gender and ethno-cultural), influence but do not
determine the scholastic success of individuals: thus, school carries out a
reproduction and at the same time transformation task, that must be
analyzed in its full complexity. After all, research proves that social class,
ethnic group and gender intersect in relation to scholastic success, but the
first of these variables is the one which maintains the greatest weight.
Equality in opportunities and equality in results, are incompatible one with
another, unless a huge control apparatus is used to avoid those who have
greater resources from succeeding more than others: what must thus be
attempted, is to guarantee a good grounding in competences and learnings,
so as to live in present society completely. The concept of freedom implies
that of responsibility, therefore the «egalitarian-meritocratic approach to
social order, which combines equality and equity, is, in its general terms,
common to many different social models, as different as liberalism and
socialism (including Marxism)» (Fernandez Enguita, 2001, pp. 84-85).
Many researchers claim that in general, the differences in scholastic
success are very similar in developed countries and tend to decrease only
when there is a reduction the economic disparities, as the Swedish and
Dutch situation seem to prove (Shavit and Blossfeld, 1993). This is
however the result of the methodological perspective used, which bases the
analysis of the probability of success on its relation with the social origin:
furthermore, these researches have not been able to take the results of
feminine educational surpass into account yet. The limit of this approach
consists in the underestimation of the transformation of the educational
systems, with the consequent denial of the effects produced by the opening
of school to the entirety of the citizens. In fact, even if the statistic
association between social origin and scholastic career remained relatively
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stable, the opening of the system makes the distribution of education less
unequal, all but irrelevant fact, if not only an instrumental utility but an
intrinsic value is ascribed to it as well. It is therefore insufficient to observe
the permanence of differences in scholastic success since the overall level
of instruction rises (Durut-Bellat, 2002). It is undoubtedly true that the
extension of upper secondary school education drives the process of
differentiation higher, but underestimating the importance of the
phenomenon which modifies its social meaning appears to be incorrect, as
we have previously stated.
It seems now appropriate, especially after females' surpass in scholastic
success which appears particularly relevant for subordinate classes, to
question not only the theory of reproduction (Bourdieu), but also the theory
of perverse effects (Boudon), both being excessively deterministic. If this
statement of ours is almost obvious for the first of these authors, it is far
less so for the second. It must be reminded that in the latter case, the
rational actor is not free at all, since his/her behavior is determined by the
logic of the situation, and his/her actions, as long as rational, inevitably
take to a result which is frequently not even wanted (Favre, 1980).
Furthermore, also «the most rational decisions incorporate 'suffered'
inequalities... or attitudes formed in contexts that weren't chosen» (DurutBellat, 2006, p. 51). It is thus clear that both theories are unable to explain
greater feminine scholastic success, which yet represents a highly relevant
phenomenon in developed countries in the last fourth of the century. It must
be underlined that the scholastic success of particular social groups (such as
black girls in Great Britain), risks remaining “invisible” (Moore, 2007), if
one stays within a view which considers school as a race and gender
reproduction tool: there is an essential discrepancy between the description
of cases of discriminatory practices and the overall reality which testifies a
strong rise in the success of these groups.
The traditional sociological perspectives all consider school as a “black
box”, considerations already criticized by the “new sociology of education”
at the time, which however had its major limit in restricting the analysis to
face-to-face relationships within the classroom. This view thus naively
believed that the knowledge of the processes that take place within the
school class, can only be achieved inside this small structure (Archer,
1995). We agree with this scholar however, who claims that to understand
what happens in school completely, a multi-leveled conception of social
reality is required, based on a reciprocal interaction relation between
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structure and action. In fact, social structures influence, but do not
determine individual's actions, who in their turn produce the very social
structures, although not in the immediacy of the interactions. The objective
is to build a sociological analysis of the scholastic system which may,
overcoming the limits of both micro and macro formulations, analyze the
multifaceted aspects of scholastic socialization in depth. It is advisable to
start from the consideration that we know too little about what actually
happens in school, far less than what pedagogists and sociologists seem to
believe.
The “new sociology of education” also had an important constituent role
in the sociology of the curriculum, which however, Young himself
considers now inadequate in the formulation of the time. In fact, it was
exclusively based on the attempt at unmasking the ideological assumptions
of the official curriculum, slipping into a relativist cul-de-sac; caused by the
unsustainable stance which reduces all knowledge to the positions and
viewpoints of the individuals who know. Thus, sociology's present tasks
would consist in: exploring the conditions for the production of different
types of knowledge, in particular those which aim at objectivity;
identifying the necessary conditions for the acquisition and transmission of
knowledge reformulating a sociology of curriculum and of pedagogy;
questioning the existing curricula in the light of the conditions which
sociological analysis has identified as necessary for the acquisition of
knowledge, from a critical sociological viewpoint (Young, 2005).
The curriculum theme must thus be analyzed thoroughly, investigating
on the existing relations between the sociology of curriculum and the
sociology of teachers. There must be an awareness that identifying a nonrelativistic sociology of knowledge is necessary as what is taught at school
must possess a scientific foundation, without which, it would be impossible
to provide youths with the indispensable understanding both for the
preservation and transformation of society. Framing a curriculum
necessarily means making choices, and this presupposes the problem of
their justification, as what is taught is required to be worth teaching. This
justification implies two levels: opportunity and foundation. The issue of
choosing amongst a variety of learnings is posed on the first level; on the
second, the question of values is raised, as what is taught must have, in the
eyes of the teacher, a formative value, thus the legitimation issue becomes
an ethical one (Forquin, 1989).
It is essential to oppose the inclination to relativism, widely spread in
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social sciences, which considers values exclusively as social products,
determined by interests and prejudices of particular human groups. There
are two types of relativism: a hyper-subjectivist and hyper-constructivist
one which considers truth as a convention, and a hyper-objectivist and
hyper-determinist one which considers every representation as a mere
reflection of the social structure one is located in (Forquin, 1989).
These positions, albeit moving from different premises, agree in
considering every teaching activity as an arbitrary inculcation of values,
contents and meanings, thus causing complete demotivation in teachers. We
claim that on a pragmatic level this is a strong critical argument;
furthermore, as every radical relativism, it contradicts itself according to a
confutation already known in ancient times. In fact, relativists assert that
every truth is a relative one, however, in this case, there should be one at
least which isn't, that is, the truth according to which all truths are relative.
It is thus not true that every truth is relative, as, to affirm its viewpoint,
relativism must incoherently exempt itself from the general principle
(Moore, 2004).
An in-depth reflection concerning what occurs in school, the contents of
the courses and the actual didactic activity, highlights the existence of a
specific scholastic culture, which can be set in a rational and universal
perspective, and thus beyond single social groups' cultural will, as it derives
from a multiplicity of reorganized cultural traditions that serve the purpose
of teaching (Forquin, 1989). It must be realized that at the end of the sixties
of the last century, a composite trend developed in the sociology of
education (from Bourdieu's “symbolic violence” to Althusser's inculcation
of the dominant ideology), which overturned Gramsci's formulation which
claimed the importance of school ( in the workers' movement tradition), in
emancipating subordinate classes, due to a substantial cultural relativism
perhaps induced by the Maoist climate of the time.
A position one must confront with in the sociology of education, given
its wide diffusion and considerable success obtained in the last three
decades, is the “post-modern” one, with its Nietzchean and Foucaultian
premises. If there are no facts but only interpretations (Nietzsche) and if
every knowledge is just a will for power (Foucault), the postmodern
viewpoint appears as suspect as any other. Statements regarding the world
must have some non-discursive reference, if one wishes reasoning to be
comprehensible: it is not clear what post-moderns intend to argue about,
when they use words which, as they claim, have no relation with anything
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which goes beyond their own speech (Beyer and Liston, 1996). This
attitude is evidently not suited to the purpose of building the basis of a
scholastic curriculum, however, in order to effectively confute it, the
sociology of curriculum and the sociology of knowledge must face the
issue, avoiding the ever-present risks of relativism: an appropriate path
appears to be that of the 'critical realism', which however cannot be dwelled
on in this ambit.
These annotations should clear that the work that needs to be done
concerning school is ample and partly new, both for the mutated structural
conditions of society and educational systems, and for the transformations
in meaning that have taken place. In particular «it is better for the
sociology of education to support schools in doing most effectively the
things they can do best, rather than endorse positions constructed as
ideologically significant within the professional field, but of limited
material effect on the classroom or beyond» (Moore, 2007, p. 178). This
does not imply underestimating for instance, the meaning of feminism for
females' scholastic success, however, it is evident how changes in
occupational ambition, job market conditions and family structures, have
played a far more important role in the feminine surpass in education than
equal opportunity practices.
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