Potter, Ann (2019) Judging Social Work Expertise in Care Proceedings. In:
The Third Wave in Science and Technology Studies: Future Research Directions on Expertise and Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, USA, pp. 71-85.
ISBN 978-3-030-14334-3
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CHAPTER FIVE
JUDGING SOCIAL WORK EXPERTISE IN CARE
PROCEEDINGS
ANN POTTER
I. INTRODUCTION
This essay draws on a qualitative, socio-legal study which explored how the judiciary,
lawyers and social workers evaluate social work evidence within care proceedings in
England, across and between the disciplines of law and social work. First, the contemporary
context for social work practice in care proceedings in England is explained and approaches
to studying social work expertise are outlined. The empirical study is then briefly described,
followed by a discussion of findings relating to judicial evaluations of social work evidence
within legal proceedings. Collins and Evans’ (2007) theory of expertises was applied in the
study to analyse the presentation of social work evidence, and the evaluation of professional
social work expertise by judges in care proceedings, with a focus on interactional and metaexpertises. This new application of the theoretical framework within an empirical, socio-legal
study enables a focus on interdisciplinary communication and evaluation within legal
proceedings, understanding expertise as more than expertise in ‘doing’ social work or law.
II. CONTEXT: CARE PROCEEDINGS, FAMILY JUSTICE REFORMS AND THE
RE-POSITIONING OF SOCIAL WORKERS AS “EXPERTS”
Care proceedings in England are the legal means by which state-employed social workers
may apply to the Family Court to remove a child from its family, where parents have caused
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or may cause significant harm to the child (Children Act 1989 s.31). Care proceedings are
civil cases heard by lay magistrates (supported by a legal adviser) or by legally qualified
judges, depending on the complexity of the case (hereafter referred to collectively as judges).
The social worker, via their employing local authority, is the applicant in the proceedings and
they present evidence to the Family Court as a professional witness, to support the
application. The parents and the child are respondents within this adversarial legal process
and the child is represented by an independent social work professional (the Children’s
Guardian). The role of the Children’s Guardian is to represent the child in court; to make
their own enquiries and advise the court on the appropriateness of the local authority’s
application; to appoint and instruct a lawyer for the child; and to advise if additional evidence
is required. All parties are represented by publicly funded lawyers for the duration of the
proceedings. During the proceedings, written evidence is provided by all parties and
contested evidence may be challenged in oral cross examination, with factual judgements
decided on the balance of probabilities. Prospective judgments at the end of the proceedings,
about the most appropriate future plan for the child, are based on the primary principle in the
Children Act 1989 that the child’s welfare is the court’s paramount consideration (Children
Act 1989 s.1).
If a decision is made to issue care proceedings, local authority social work evidence is
generally comprised of the social worker’s written assessments of the children’s needs, the
capacity of the parents to meet those needs and consideration of environmental factors that
may support or hinder the parenting capacity (Department for Education 2014; Department
for Education 2015). Judges in care proceedings consider evidence from all the parties,
including the professional opinion evidence provided by the local authority social worker and
the Children’s Guardian (on behalf of the child), to decide on the appropriate outcome for the
child. Thus all care proceedings have at least two professional witnesses, both of whom are
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permitted to provide opinion evidence, based on their professional work with the family.
Whilst the Children’s Guardian plays an important role in care proceedings in representing
the child and advising the court, local authority social workers’ evidence in care proceedings
is an under-researched aspect of professional practice and is a focus within family justice
system reform, as discussed below. Accordingly, evaluation of the evidence of local authority
social workers in care proceedings, and particularly their expertise, was chosen as the focus
for this study.
In some care proceeding cases, in addition to the professional witnesses already outlined, the
court may appoint one or more independent ‘expert’ witnesses, as defined in court rules
(Family Procedure Rules 2010 SI2010/2955, Part 25). For example, a paediatrician,
radiographer or neurologist may be required to advise on the potential cause of injuries in a
case of suspected physical abuse; a DNA testing company scientist may report on biological
relatedness; a psychiatrist may advise on treatment options and prognosis for a parent whose
mental disorder is negatively affecting their parenting capacity. Independent expert witnesses
are appointed when the court requires specialised areas of knowledge and recognised levels
of expertise in relation to particular features of a case. Clearly the local authority social
worker (or the Children’s Guardian) is not qualified to provide this type of medical or
scientific evidence.
The relative status of professional and expert witnesses in care proceedings was addressed in
the most recent government commissioned reform of the family justice system in England.
The Family Justice Review (Ministry of Justice 2011b) highlighted a major problem with
care proceedings taking too long, causing delayed decision making for children (and
families), with increasing cost to the public purse. In particular, the review identified and
confirmed a generalised lack of trust in the quality of local authority social work practice and
evidence in care proceedings. This led to an over-reliance on court-appointed, independent
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expert witnesses, particularly clinical psychologists and independent social workers, which
was identified as a significant, contributory factor to unnecessary delay. This view was
supported by research which found that additional, independent expert witnesses were used
often in care proceedings to provide a ‘second opinion’ on the prospective, welfare decisionmaking at the end of proceedings, as a consequence of a lack of confidence in the evidence
and professional expertise of local authority social workers (Brophy 2006; Masson et al
2008). This was as opposed to the appropriate need for medical or ‘scientific’ experts in some
cases, as explained above. The increasing use of independent social workers and
psychologists reflected a perceived hierarchy of professional knowledge and expertise within
the Family Court. Evidence from independent social workers and professionals such as
clinical psychologists was deemed ‘more’ expert, and therefore preferable to relying solely
on evidence from local authority social workers (Ministry of Justice 2011a).
To reduce delay and curb costs, the Family Justice Review (Ministry of Justice 2011b)
recommended a mandatory reduction in the use of independent experts in care proceedings.
This Review recommendation resulted in legislative change, and the Children and Families
Act 2014 (s. 13(6)) now formally restricts the use of independent expert witnesses in care
proceedings to situations where it is ‘necessary’. In 2013, anticipating this legislative change,
the President of the Family Division of the High Court of England and Wales, Sir James
Munby made widely publicised comments about social workers, and the lack of trust in them
as professional witnesses. With fewer independent expert witnesses, he identified that judges
would have to rely more on social work evidence as the main source of professional
information, analysis and (hopefully) expertise in relation to outcomes for children. This
would require legal professionals to reconsider their approach to evaluating local authority
social work evidence within care proceedings. Accordingly, the President of the Family
Division outlined his expectation that, as there would be fewer independent experts, the
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judiciary and lawyers must now perceive and treat social workers in care proceedings as
‘experts’ in their own right (Munby J 2013).
These legal and policy changes aimed to influence professional legal practice and attempted
to re-position local authority social workers as ‘experts’ within care proceedings, by
promoting increased recognition of expertise within this professional group. However, the
prevailing social, political and media perceptions of local authority social workers was (and
remains) negative, particularly in relation to a well-documented ‘blame culture’ surrounding
child protection services, with social workers often seen as failing in their responsibilities to
protect children from abuse (Dickens et al 2017; Care Crisis Review 2018). The potential
contradiction between a policy driven attempt to re-position social workers as experts, and a
social context of negativity and blame towards social workers provided an appropriate
rationale to explore understandings of local authority social work expertise, using legal
evaluations of local authority social work evidence within care proceedings as a basis for
empirical enquiry.
III. UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL WORK EXPERTISE
Social work is a relatively new profession and is based in values such as empowerment and
social justice (see, for example, the Global Definition of the Social Work Profession: IFSW
2014). The concept of professional expertise is challenging for some in social work,
suggesting associations with and claims to privileged knowledge domains and elite social
groups, which may be considered to be potentially ‘at odds’ with the aims of the profession
(Parton 2014). However in the context of a ‘blame culture’ towards child protection services,
and a perceived ‘expertise gap’ amongst social workers (Dickens et al 2017), there is an
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obvious attraction to the identification and development of features of professional expertise
within social work, to improve practice and re-claim professional reputation.
In the literature relating to studies of expertise, theories of the structure, acquisition and
performance of expertise have tended to dominate (for example, Dreyfus and Dreyfus 1986;
Chi 2006; Ericsson 2006). Studies of social work expertise have usually focussed on the
development of expertise, with the mastery and application of a body of knowledge as a key
feature, acquired over time and often within professional education and training (Fook et al
1997; Drury-Hudson 1999; Fook et al 2000; Taylor and White 2006). In child protection
research, studies from across the international social work field have explored social workers’
expertise when using different types of knowledge and decision making tools in practice
based decision-making (for example, Gillingham 2011). Other studies have compared
novices and experienced social workers (for example, Davidson-Arad and Benbenbishty
2014; Fleming et al 2014). As in other research relating to professional practice, social work
studies often focus on recognisable features of expert performance during practice with
children and families, seeking to understand how social workers might become ‘more expert’,
through a developmental approach to domain-specific education and training. So far, much
less attention has been paid to how social work expertise is understood and evaluated in interdisciplinary settings, for example when social workers act as professional witnesses in legal
proceedings. Social work expertise in this scenario is about the effective communication of
social work knowledge and practice, within a legal (rather than a social work) process. Those
making judgments about the social worker’s expertise are professionals from a different
background (law), seeking to understand a different knowledge base to their own and
evaluate evidence (information about practice and professional opinion) from another
discipline. As such, questions are raised about how expertise may be communicated,
understood and evaluated across disciplinary boundaries. This shifts the focus away from
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domain-specific considerations of the structure or acquisition of social work expertise in
practice with children and families, to the types of expertise involved in inter-disciplinary
communication by a social work witness, and evaluation of this by the judge, within a legal
process.
Domain-specific, developmental theories of expertise are useful to consider how someone
progresses from novice to expert within their own discipline, over time (for example, Dreyfus
and Dreyfus 1986; Fook et al 2000). However such theories do not address the dynamic,
social processes involved in communicating knowledge and evaluating expertise across
disciplinary boundaries. In contrast, Collins and Evans’ (2007) theory identifies a range of
different expertises, including contributory expertise (expertise in doing) and interactional
expertise (expertise in communicating effectively with non-experts, derived from the expert’s
reflective and interactional abilities). In social work, expertise ‘in the field’, the practice of
social work with families and children, can be categorised as contributory expertise.
Following Collins and Evans, this is different to the interactional expertise required to
produce excellent written social work evidence for a legal process, or to be evaluated by legal
decision makers as an impressive and authoritative professional witness in a courtroom.
In relation to legal judgments about social work expertise, Collins and Evans also identify
types of meta-expertises (expertise in evaluating others) including technical connoisseurship.
Technical connoisseurship is described as ‘the ability to judge an expertise without being able
to practice it’ (Collins and Evans 2007, 59). It is also related to interactional expertise and is
achieved by socialisation not in the practice itself, but in its language and discourses. In other
words, judges need to be sufficiently socialised in the language and practices of social work,
in order for them to be able to make meaningful evaluations of the expertise (or otherwise) of
the social worker as a professional witness. In this study, Collins and Evans’ theory was
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useful in enabling consideration of the different types of expertises involved in interdisciplinary communication and evaluation of social work expertise in care proceedings.
IV. THE SOCIO-LEGAL STUDY
This qualitative, socio-legal study explored the views and experiences of local authority
social workers, lawyers and the judiciary in relation to the expertise of social workers in care
proceedings. This was an in-depth, ethnographic study of how local authority written and oral
evidence was presented and evaluated in a sample of contested care proceedings cases (n=4),
within one geographical area in England. Methods included judicial focus groups;
observations of court-based professional discussions; observations of the oral evidence of the
social work witnesses in the contested hearings; semi-structured interviews with the social
work and legal professionals in each case; and analysis of the written social work evidence in
each case.
Care proceedings in England are heard in private, with access usually restricted to the parties
in the case. The nature of the information presented in evidence by the parties is sensitive.
The subsequent legal decisions made may have life-long consequences for the parents and the
children involved, and families are often distressed by and within the proceedings. Ethical
approval for the research was granted by the University of Bristol Law School Research
Ethics Committee. Permissions to conduct the various elements of the study were granted by
the Ministry of Justice, the President of the Family Division of the High Court of England
and Wales, Her Majesty’s Courts and Tribunals Service, Cafcass (the body that employs
Children’s Guardians) and the local authorities whose cases were included in the study. The
focus of the study was professional practice and professionals’ experiences of the legal
process, however it was important to be mindful of and acknowledge the importance of the
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proceedings for each family in the sample cases. No data were collected from or about any
family members or children. However, when cases were identified for the study family
members were approached, via their lawyer, to provide information about the study and
request their agreement to the researcher observations. If any family members objected then
the observations did not proceed and the case was not included in the study.
Ethnographic data collection from the sample of cases involved triangulation of a range of
qualitative methods, including participant and researcher perspectives (Moran-Ellis et al
2006). Data were gathered from social work and legal professionals about what they
understood social work expertise to be, and their experiences of being a professional witness
or evaluating professional witnesses in care proceedings. Analysis of the data (Boyatzis
1998) led to the construction of themes relating to the preparation, content, presentation and
evaluation of social work evidence, across and between the professions of social work and
law. Part of the analysis involved the application of Collins and Evans’ theory of expertises,
in particular consideration of the social workers’ interactional expertise in presenting their
evidence and the judges’ meta expertise (technical connoisseurship) in evaluating the social
workers’ evidence within the care proceedings, discussed below.
V. DISCUSSION
All of the social workers in the study expressed a view that they found being a professional
witness in care proceedings intimidating and ‘nerve-wracking’. This was largely due to their
desire to perform well, and achieve a favourable evaluation by the judge in relation to their
proposed plan to safeguard the children in the cases. The social workers were concerned to
ensure that their written evidence addressed the legal requirements of the care proceedings
process, in terms of using the correct evidence format, and demonstrating a balancing
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exercise in their analysis that complied with judicial directions in case law (Re B-S (Children)
[2013] EWCA Civ 1146). The social workers also considered that, to be evaluated as
demonstrating expertise, they should include references to social work theory and research in
their written evidence, in addition to an account of their work with the family members and
the child. In relation to communicating effectively with the legal decision maker, the social
workers described that they would need to shape their evidence to the expectations of the
court, which required knowledge of the legal process and the practices and etiquette of
contested hearings, particularly when giving oral evidence and being cross-examined.
The social workers varied in their level of experience as a professional witness in care
proceedings, however they all described this deliberate approach to the preparation and
presentation of their evidence, within which they were mindful of the need to ‘have the court
in mind’ when providing their professional opinion. This highlighted a conscious awareness
amongst the social workers of the inter-disciplinary nature of the communication of their
evidence in legal proceedings. They were aware of potential barriers to understanding across
the disciplines of social work and law, and they recognised that the onus was on them, the
social workers, to shape the way they communicated their evidence, to meet the requirements
of the legal evaluators. Thus, to demonstrate expertise as a professional witness within care
proceedings, the social workers needed to be able to operate and communicate expertly with
legal professionals, within a legal process. The social workers recognised this and in the
study they highlighted the importance of becoming socialised in the language and practices of
the legal system and care proceedings processes, in order to maximise their potential to
achieve a favourable legal evaluation of their evidence.
These findings in relation to the social workers in the study align with Collins and Evans’
theory of expertises, and in particular their identification of Interactional Expertise.
Interactional Expertise is explained as the ability of a contributory expert from one domain
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(discipline) to communicate their expertise effectively to someone from another domain. To
achieve Interactional Expertise, the dispositions of reflective ability and interactional ability
must be engaged and combined. In this study, reflective ability can be seen in the social
workers’ deliberate and conscious attempts to reflect on what the decision maker wants and
needs to achieve the legal decision that the social worker is aiming for. Interactional ability is
seen in the social workers’ purposeful shaping of social work information and professional
opinion into a legally acceptable format, including acceding to requirements in case law
about setting out the analysis underpinning their social work recommendation in a particular
(legally determined) way. According to Collins and Evans it is the combination and
application of these reflective and interactional abilities that enables Interactional Expertise to
be realised.
Turning now to legal judgments about social work expertise, as explored in the study. In
order to be able to evaluate the evidence of a professional witness from a discipline other than
law, it follows that a judge must understand enough about the language and practices of the
other discipline to enable them to assess the quality of the practice and the professional
opinion presented in the evidence. Collins and Evans explain this as ‘technical
connoisseurship’. As explained above, all care proceedings involve social workers as
professional witnesses and as such Family Court judges are likely to acquire technical
connoisseurship through hearing cases, in addition to mandatory judicial training that they
must undertake, prior to being allocated care proceedings cases.
The judicial focus groups provided some general insights into the experiences and the
expectations of the legal decision makers when evaluating social work evidence in care
proceedings. In order to be evaluated favourably, the judges expected the social workers to
adhere to the legal requirements for the format of their evidence, and to show that the
analysis underpinning their recommendation was compliant with case law, as outlined above.
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The judges did not place significant emphasis on other potential indictors of expertise such as
the length of social workers’ practice experience, or the need for social workers always to
include theory and research in their evidence (this was in contrast to the expectations of the
social workers). Rather, the judges expressed a strong view that social work evidence that
demonstrated compassionate, relationship based practice with children and families (Turney
2012) would be more likely to indicate reliability, credibility and expertise in the social work
witness. In summary, the judges identified that, for them, social work expertise would be
evidenced by appropriately structured written evidence, with a clearly reasoned
recommendation, which demonstrated fair and value based work with children and families
The observations of the contested hearings in the sample cases provided an additional
opportunity to analyse how the judges evaluated the social workers’ evidence and their
expertise as professional witnesses during their oral evidence in the sample cases. In
adversarial legal systems, the lawyers for the parties in a case usually conduct the questioning
of witnesses. However, in contested care proceedings hearings in England, it is also common
practice for a judge to ask their own questions directly of a witness, during the oral evidence.
In this study, different types of judicial question posed to the social workers in the cases were
observed and categorised as clarification questions, elaboration questions and discursive
questions. Instances of discursive questions in particular provided examples of observed
inter-disciplinary communication and evaluation. This was judicial evaluation ‘in action’,
where the social work witness and the legal decision maker engaged in an exchange of
several questions and responses about a particular aspect of the social worker’s oral evidence.
Observations of these discursive exchanges between the judge and the social work witness
indicated that the judges were applying their own knowledge and experience of social work
practice, including social work theory and research evidence, in formulating their questions to
the social work witness. In one example, the judge and the social worker ‘discussed’ the
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social work research evidence for decision making as to the placement of siblings together or
apart. In formulating the discursive questions, the judge demonstrated familiarity with the
relevant social work knowledge base for this issue. During the exchange, the judge appeared
to respond favourably to the social worker’s (knowledgeable) answers to the questions and it
became apparent that the judge was eliciting the ‘expert’ opinion of the social work witness
on this aspect of the case. This demonstrated technical connoisseurship in the judge. The
judge was seeking to evaluate the social worker’s expertise about the issue, but in order to do
so they needed to know (enough) about social work’s language and practices (at least in
relation to this particular issue) to initiate and continue the discursive exchange as observed.
Interactional expertise was demonstrated by the social work witness, who responded
knowledgably and authoritatively to the judge’s questions, in effect engaging in a type of
professional discussion with the judge. This example highlights a dynamic relationship
between the expert (social worker) and the evaluator (judge). The social worker engaged their
interactional expertise to communicate their social work knowledge to a legal audience,
within a legal process. The judge used technical connoisseurship (about social work), both to
initiate the discursive question and answer exchange, and then to evaluate the responses of
the social work witness during their evidence.
VI. CONCLUSION
This essay has outlined some examples of the application of Collins and Evans’ theory of
expertises within an empirical, qualitative socio-legal study of social work expertise in care
proceedings. Although developed primarily within the field of Science and Technology
Studies, Collins and Evans’ theory has potential applications in other inter-disciplinary
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processes, in particular those involving the communication, presentation and evaluation of
professional knowledge across disciplinary boundaries.
The application of the theory within this study enabled a useful differentiation between
expertise in child protection social work with children and families, and expertise as a
professional social work witness in care proceedings. A social worker may be engaged in
excellent, expert social work with children and families ‘in the field’ (contributory expertise
within the social work process). However in order to be judged as an expert professional
witness within care proceedings, a social worker must prepare and present their evidence in a
form and manner that enables a favourable legal evaluation (interactional expertise within the
legal process).
Collins and Evans’ theory also enabled identification of a specific judicial meta-expertise,
technical connoisseurship. This is based on socialisation in the language and practices of
another domain or discipline, and was observed in this study in the judicial evaluations of
social work witnesses during their oral evidence. Technical connoisseurship underpins
expertise in evaluation and the formulation of informed judgments about a familiar domain. It
involves ‘acquaintanceship’ with the domain, rather than immersion within it. The example
from this study demonstrated how technical connoisseurship was used by a judge to evaluate
a specific, knowledge based aspect of a social work witness’s evidence.
The legal and policy context outlined earlier involves the re-positioning of social workers as
expert professional witnesses in care proceedings. This requires the judiciary to accept and
rely on social work evidence as their main source of expert professional opinion for legal
decision making. Prevailing negative views about social work practice present a challenge to
this process. The application of Collins and Evans’ theoretical framework assists with a
deeper understanding of the range of expertises involved in promoting effective inter-
14
disciplinary communication and evaluation in legal proceedings. This understanding has the
potential to assist social workers to develop and improve their practice and communication as
professional witnesses. It encourages them to focus on socialisation in the language and
practices of the court, thus enhancing their interactional expertise. For judges, the importance
of technical connoisseurship in effective evaluations of social work witnesses underlines the
need for judges to be or become sufficiently acquainted with the knowledge base of the social
work witness.
From both perspectives (social worker and judge), it is clear that expertise needs to be
understood as more than ‘doing’ social work or law. Rather, and as explained by Collins and
Evans, expertise is a social process, involving socialisation within the particular field of
knowledge and practice, thereby enabling effective and meaningful communication and
evaluation across domains and disciplinary boundaries. This understanding should inform the
types of professional development processes that will promote interactional expertise in
social work witnesses, and support judges to develop and maintain technical connoisseurship
to make informed evaluations of social work evidence within legal proceedings.
Applying Collins and Evans’ theory of expertises, it is clear that efforts to improve practice
and confidence amongst social work witnesses and judicial evaluators should prioritise
effective socialisation across and between the disciplines of social work and law.
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