Functions of Reduplication in Seychelles Creole
Christine Pejakovic
1.Introduction
(1) George i ansemoman admit lopital Victoria kot i pe resevwar
George is at.this.moment admit hospital Victoria where 3SG ASP receiving
tretman vi ki ler i ti ganny retrouve i ti tou fay fay
treatment seeing that when 3SG ASP get found, 3SG was all weak-RED
[George is currently admitted in Victoria Hospital, where he is receiving
treatment, seeing that when he was found, he was somewhat weak]1
This extract from the Seychelles Nation newspaper,2 relaying the contents of a police
communiqué, typifies the role that reduplication plays in Seychelles Creole 3, hereafter, SC.
Bollée (2003, p.220) posits that it can be considered a characteristic feature of the language.
The Gramer Kreol Seselwa makes reference to doublaz (doubling) in the language: ‘annandeler
letan nou double bann verb, nou ganny en diferans sinifikasyon’ [sometimes when we double
verbs, we obtain a different meaning] (Choppy, 2013). Reduplication – ‘the repetition of
a root, stem, or part of a root or stem to form a new word’ (Li & Ponsford, 2018, p.51) is
a widely-attested means of word-formation. In SC, it is used as a morphological device for
a number of semantic functions (Bollée, 2003).
It is to be noted that most research into reduplication is form-oriented, not functional or
pragmatic (Wang, 2005). The aim of this article is to elucidate the functions of
reduplication in contemporary SC. While considering the difference between
reduplication and repetition, the focus will be placed on three semantic-grammatical
function classes: iconic, word class changing, and attenuating. Within the latter category,
the study will also analyse the pragmatic functions of adjectival reduplication operating as
a hedging device; an element of negative politeness strategies. It is to be noted that hedges
as a function of reduplication have received little mention in linguistic literature. As this
study is largely focused on describing the functions expressed by reduplication, no attempt
will be made to typologically identify the precise origins of these patterns. Stem doubling
‘Somewhat weak’ (J.Z - Dr Justin Zelime).
Kominike Lapolis: Trwa dimoun ki tin raporte manke i ganny retrouve (2010, January 12). Seychelles
Nation. https://www.nation.sc/archive/225492/kominike-lapolis-trwa-dimoun-ki-tin-raporte-manke-iganny-retrouve
3 Autoglossonym Kreol Seselwa.
1
2
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for the ‘playful’ purpose of hypocoristics, baby-talk, echo-word formation, onomatopoeia
as well as fossilized reduplicative terms will be excluded.
Even though reduplication in creole languages is more prone to iconicity than languages
with longer histories (Inkelas, 2015), it can also result in non-iconicity, changed word class
and lexical meanings by derivation (Braun, 2006; DeGraff, 2001; Kouwenberg &
LaCharité, 2004, 2011). Research by the latter on Caribbean creoles effectively challenge
the assumption that creole morphology is simple and transparent, showing little inflection
and predictable semantics, as has been posited by certain linguists (McWhorter, 2001;
Seuren & Wekker, 1986). It would not be unexpected for SC reduplicated lexemes to also
demonstrate a certain degree of opacity. As the functions of reduplication are so diverse
cross-linguistically and even within creole languages, universal hypotheses are not easily
applied. However, there are patterns that emerge that are interesting from (at least) a
theoretical point of view.
2. Data and methodology
Primary linguistic data was obtained as follows:
From interviews with three leading SC language experts,4 who are native speakers:
Mrs Marie-Thérèse Choppy, (hereafter, MTC); Mrs Penda Choppy (PC); and Dr
Justin Zelime (JZ). Mrs Penda Choppy is the Director of the Creole Language and
Culture Research Institute at the University of Seychelles and formerly Director of
the Creole Institute. Mrs Marie-Thérèse Choppy is a creolist, author and
playwright. Dr Justin Zelime is the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Social
Development of the University of Seychelles. The interviews were carried out
either in a home or work-free office environment, with all speakers knowing the
interviewer/ author (a native SC speaker) well.
The three SC experts/informants view reduplication in SC as a device that contributes to the creation of
meaning associated with the local culture. For them, it reflects a conversational style that is typical of the
older (and less alphabetized) generation. ‘We can use Kreol terms well to explain concepts without resorting
to English or French’ (MTC). JZ asserts that ‘most of the time, when reduplication is used, I see it in an
informal sense. Not thinking too much about what you are saying’. He adds that the audience and their
relationship to the speaker determines whether one chooses to use reduplication of not. In other words, the
use of reduplication may well be an indicator of pragmatic competence in SC.
4
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Unless annotated otherwise, SC sentences and their translations into English were
constructed by the author.
To test the author’s supposition that adjectival reduplication functions as a
pragmatic hedging device in SC and understand the motivations thereof, a small
survey was administered to the three informants. The author has consistently
observed that it is usually the less desirable personal characteristics that are
reduplicated in SC. From a list of 25 adjectives in common usage, the informants
were asked to identify which ones could viably undergo full reduplication. The
master-list of adjectives was drafted by the author and featured twelve
‘positive/desirable’
(eg.
Zoli
[beautiful]);
ten
‘negative/undesirable’
(eg. vilenn [ugly]); and three ambivalent attributes (eg. thin). The intention was to
ascertain whether these adjectives could sensibly be reduplicated. It was interesting
to observe how the three ambivalent adjectives would be categorized – whether as
‘negative’ or ‘positive’. The feedback of this focus group comprising of only three
SC experts would not be unrepresentative of the of general population – taking into
account its small size (99,202, World Bank 20215). Nonetheless, in view of the
extremely small sample size (of both informants and lexemes under analysis), only
broad generalizations can be made in this exploratory investigation.
3. Definitions and abbreviations
Fossilized reduplications
Full reduplication
Hedge
Hypocoristic
Iconic reduplication
Non-iconic reduplication
Constructs that no longer function as an inflection or derivation,
but are fixed as a permanent part of a root (usually foreign
loanwords).
Occurs when the entire word, stem or root is fully repeated (eg.
fifty-fifty).
A word or phrase that makes a statement less forceful or
assertive.
Diminutive form of a person's name eg. Mimi for Michelle.
Repetition of the entire word, stem or root whereby
more of the same form represents more of the same meaning.
(eg. mango-mango = mangoes) (Kouwenberg & LaCharité, 2003,
p.8).
No apparent relationship between word form and meaning.
The World Bank. World Development Indicators
https://databank.worldbank.org/reports.aspx?source=2&country=SYC
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Partial reduplication
Semantic transparency
Semantic/lexical opacity
Reduplication of part of a constituent, either prefixing, infixing
or suffixing (eg. takin [sock]→takinkin [to wear socks])
(Moravsik, 1978).
A compound word that can be easily inferred from its parts.
A compound word that cannot be easily inferred from its parts.
ASP – Aspectual marker
DEM – Demonstrative
DET – Determiner
FUT – Future marker
NEG – Negative marker
PL – Plural marker
PM – Predicate marker
POSS – Possessive marker
PREP - Preposition
PST – Past time marker
RED – Reduplication
3SG – Third person singular
Reduplication versus repetition
Reduplication differs from repetition in that it is strictly grammatically defined (Michaelis
et al., 2013.) although the two terms are often used interchangeably. Repetition has
pragmatic functions whereas reduplication is tasked with the expression of grammatical
categories. In instances where repetition is associated with meaning creation, the meaning
is invariably iconic, with functions of intensivity, iterativity and plurality (Moravcsik,
1978). Stress and intonation as well as positioning play a significant role in determining
whether total reduplication or repetition is involved (Baker, 2003). Reduplicated forms do
not feature breaks in intonation while repeated forms appear under separate intonation
contours. These distinctions will be explored further in the context of SC, within the
sections on reduplication across word classes. Hyphens are used in this paper for
reduplicated forms and not for repetition.
4. Literature review
4.1 Historical overview of SC
The vast majority of the SC vocabulary has its origins in standard and non-standard
French varieties from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The French were the first
to colonize the uninhabited islands in the 1770s. Coming from the Mauritius outpost with
their slaves, they brought with them a stabilized type of Mauritian creole (hereafter, MC).
To this day, SC and MC remain mutually intelligible. During the early stage of MC
formation, Malagasy slaves were prevalent in the colony. In Seychelles, the composition
of the slave population during the time of colony settlement was predominantly speakers
of Bantu languages (of east African origin). Merchants from China and India, as well as
indentured labourers from the latter, were later migrants to the islands. Despite being a
British colony since 1815, there was not an influx of British migrants in the nineteenth
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century; the pervasive French influence remained from the previous administration.
Although there were but a few words of English derivation in Seychellois texts from that
era (Baker, 1982), these were steadily added to the SC lexicon due to education and
occupations requiring a knowledge of the language of administration. The SC written code
was only developed after Independence in the late 1970s; prior to which, it served largely
as an oral language. It is today the mother tongue of over 95% of the population (Michaelis
& Rosalie, 2013). Alongside English and French, SC has equal status in the revised
Constitution (Nadal & Anacoura, 2014), although, in reality, French plays a far smaller
role. SC is the main language of oral communication, including between friends,
colleagues, in the legislative assembly, and even for political speeches. In the written
sphere, it has been largely associated with folk culture. Nonetheless, with the advent of
social media, day-to-day discourse is increasingly in SC as well as code-switching with
English (Pejakovic, 2016).
4.2 Functions of reduplication, cross-linguistically
Morphological reduplication both full and partial is associated with a wide range of
syntactic and semantic functions (e.g. Moravcsik 1978, Kiyomi 1993, and Rubino 2005
for cross-linguistic surveys). Reduplication is well-attested throughout Austronesia
(including Madagascar), South Asia, Africa and Amazonia. As a word-formation process,
it has varying levels of productivity.
Reduplication is often semantically iconic, whereby more of form is equal to more of
meaning (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). The effect is pluralization, emphasis, and
frequency/repetition. ‘Aspectual functions, having to do particularly with the repetition
and extendedness of events, are the most frequent cross-linguistically, followed by
functions relating to the plurality of participants in events’ (Lǐ & Ponsford, 2018). While
Indo-European languages typically encode these meanings with inflection markings, in
certain languages, reduplication of nouns produces plural nouns eg. rumah [house] >
rumah-rumah [houses] (Malay), búku [book]> búku-búku [books] (Indonesian). The UtoAztecan language of Luiseno makes use of two types of reduplication for various plural
verbal actions: lawi [to make a hole], law-lawi [to make two holes, make a hole twice],
lawa-lawi [to make many holes, more than two] (Kroeber and Grace 1960, cited in Rubino,
2005, p.20). Reduplication of numerals can express a range of categories including
distributives, collectives and multiplicatives. In Santali (Austro-Asiatic, India) ge-gel [10
each, by tens], in Javanese, sanga [nine] > sanga-sangane [all nine] (Rubino, 2005, p.21).
Typologically, the range of functions of reduplication also includes categories that are noniconic, such as: attenuation, diminution, change of word class or meaning. (Moravcsik,
1978; Brdar, 2013). In Kíhehe, a Bantu language of Tanzania, the verb ‘to cough’ is
attenuated via full reduplication: Kú-gohomóla > Kú-gohomolagohomóla [to cough a bit]
(Odden & Odden, 1985, p.500). Reduplication can also be used derivationally (noniconically) to alter word class, e.g. in Kayardild (Pama-Nyungan language) kandu [blood]
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> kandu-kandu [red]. (Rubino, 2005, p.21). With adjectival reduplication, even if the
prototypical function is intensification of the property encoded by the base adjective, the
result can be attenuation as well as lexeme formation through derivation.
Reduplication can be used as lexical hedges6 for mitigating the force of a speech act;
hedging being a marker of pragmatic competence. Negative politeness strategies attempt
to avoid imposition from the speaker thereby reducing the risk of loss of face to the hearer.
Almost any linguistic item or expression can be considered as a hedge (Clemen, 1997).
Interestingly, a literature search of the functions of reduplication within the realm of
pragmatics reveal a paucity of research to-date. In a small number of areal Chinese studies
(Guowen, 2011; Lam; 2013; Zhan,1992), the reduplication of verbs or adjectives have a
diminutive outcome, which triggers a hedging effect.
4.3 Reduplication in creole languages
Reduplication is a common feature of creoles, possibly more so than other language
groups (Bakker & Parkvall, 2005, Rubino, 2005), whereby it typically manifests as full
reduplication. As the Western European lexifier languages of most creole varieties do not
generally display productive reduplication, the phenomenon is generally attributed to
substrate language influence. This is even where it is clearly substrate-influence and where
the substrate language utilizes partial reduplication (McWhorter, 2004). Variation is
evident in reduplication across creole languages. In Caribbean creole languages, verbal
reduplication is rare or non-existent (Kouwenberg & LaCharite, 2015, p.977) although
nominal and adjectival reduplications abound. Conversely, Berbice Dutch shows little
noun reduplication, as opposed to verbs and adjectives; a distribution that is comparable
to SC.
Creole morphology has long been said to be less rich than lexifier languages, both in terms
of formality and functional/semantic categories to be expressed (Plag, 2005). Its hallmarks
have been that of simplicity and transparency, showing little inflection and predictable
semantics (McWhorter, 2001; Seuren & Wekker, 1986). However, Kouwenberg and
LaCharité, (2003, 2005, 2011) demonstrate that, even if reduplication is generally iconic
in Caribbean creoles, an abundance of non-iconicity can be observed. Conversion is widely
used for deriving new lexemes, examples of which can be seen in Table 1.
Hedging is a commonly-used negative politeness strategy used as a face-saving device (based on
Politeness Theory proposed by Brown and Levinson (1978).
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Table 1: Examples of productive non-iconic reduplication in Caribbean creoles
Creole variety
Base
Reduplication
Interpretation
Input > Output
relation
Jamaican
laaf [to laugh]
laafi-laafi
[inclined to
laughter]
Similar to
Adj, V, N > Adj.
Saramaccan
geli [(to be)
yellow]
geli-geli
[yellowish]
Similarity/
diminutive
N. > Adj.
singi-singi
[sunken]
Deverbal/
stative result
V. > Adj.
Saramaccan
singi [to sink]
Source: Kouwenberg and LaCharité (2003:9)
Reduplication, as a morphological process is not a new linguistic phenomenon in the
Indian Ocean creoles; it has been attested in Mauritian Creole (MC) since the nineteenth
century and largely attributed to Malagasy (Corne, cited in Bollée, 2003). In MC, verbal
reduplication signifies iterativity or continuity; adjectival reduplication means
intensification or attenuation; nominal reduplication can signify plurality; in some adverbs
it can have an augmentative reading while in numerals, it has a distributive effect (Baker,
2003, p.13).
5. Reduplication in SC
5.1 Orality and lexicalization
The trilingual dictionary of Seychellois Creole, French and English (Gillieaux, 2017)
counts only 74 lexical entries of what appear to be SC reduplicated terms, although most
are in fact fossilized or onomatopoeic. Of these entries, only a handful can be considered
as instances of productive reduplication that involve the doubling or partial repetition of
reduplicant bases made up of free SC morphemes. The latter are effectively those that can
stand on their own, such as: pti-pti [very small]; pti [small] or the opposite gro-gro [biggish].
‘Tipti (tiny) and gro-gro occur so often that native speakers tend to regard them as
lexicalized’ (Bollée, 2003, p.222). In reality, there are numerous instances of
reduplications of verbs, adverbs and adjectives that are not lexicalized but are in active use
in SC. This is why Rastall (2004) points out that, as most of the reduplications that occur
in day-to-day life do not enter the language, it is imperative to study word formation
beyond the lexical level.
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5.2 Reduplication across word classes: findings and discussion
SC exhibits (full and partial) reduplication across the major word classes to achieve
different meanings.
5.2.1 Numeral reduplication in SC
Attestation of reduplication across the class of numerals in SC may at best be labelled as
limited; certainly, in relation to MC. Tamil influence is believed to have been the source
of numeral reduplication in the latter, which exhibits a largely distributive effect (Baker,
2003). A rare example from SC is as follows:
(2) Ti napa bokou kliyan dan laboutik bomaten, zis enn enn koumsa
PST NEG many clients in shop this.morning, just one one like.that
[There weren’t many customers in the shop this morning, just the odd one]
It is worth noting that the stacking of numerals is present in SC. This usually involves two
consecutive single-digit numerals acting as numeral determinants; this is observed in (3)
and (4).
(3) Ti annan zis enn de dimoun dan laboutik
PST have just one two person in shop
[There were only a few people in the shop]
(4) Ti annan forse trwa kat dimoun laba
PST have at.most three four person there
[There were at most, three or four people there]
One may argue that (2) may only appear as the surface form to be an instance of
reduplication but it is technically the product of a stacked (single) noun construction.
Nonetheless, its distributive effect differs somewhat to the slightly cumulative effect seen
in (3) and (4).
5.2.2 Nominal reduplication in SC
Unattested to date in SC (Bollée, 2003), reduplicated nouns do exist, albeit uncommonly.
In MC, Baker (1972) provides but a single example - mõtaɲ-mõtaɲ [mountains]. In SC, the
form-meaning relationship is that of augmentation. However, in contrast to languages
whereby nominal reduplication results in distinct plural forms, the effect here is more
diffuse.
(5) Mon pa kontan sa lasoup akoz i annan boul-boul ladan
1SG NEG like DEM soup because PM have ball-RED in.it
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[I do not like this soup because it is lumpy]
(6) Sa kari i anan zis lezo-lezo
DEM curry PM have just bone-RED
[This curry has only bones in it]
(7) I annan tas-tas partou lo karpet
PRED have stain-RED everywhere on carpet
[There are stains everywhere on the carpet]
The reduplicated forms in these examples encode a general and diffuse plurality that
translates into a visually loaded image. This is reflective of elements that are either
uncountable or not worth counting. Lezo-lezo (6) may be used to describe the texture of a
dish that has too many bones and not enough meat.
5.2.3 Verbal reduplication in SC
The majority of verbs can be reduplicated in SC. When this happens, the effect is largely
iconic as it relates to augmented (continued and/or frequentative) action. Repeated action
and duration only occur with verbs (Bollée, 2003). This category features actions that are
repeated but that lessens in intensity and focus, as can be seen in the following examples:
(8) Dan wikenn, nou kontan al mars-marse
In weekend, 1PL like go walk-RED
[At the weekends, we like to go for a stroll]
(9) Sa pti fiy pe sot-sot lo karpet.
DEM little girl ASP jump-RED on carpet
[That little girl is hopping on the carpet]
(10) Mon pe get-get televizyon anmezir ki mon kwi manze
1SG ASP look-RED television while that 1SG cook food
[I am watching some television while I cook]
Most verbs in MC and SC display verb alternation between the short and long form, as
can be seen in (8) for the long form and (9) and (10) for the short form. This is a relatively
unique phenomenon, cross-linguistically. These ‘verbs always adopt their short form when
immediately followed by a complement and their long form when they occur predicate
finally or are followed immediately by a time adverbial’ (Baker 1972, p.98).
With regards to (8) and (9), it is interesting to note that the equivalent of the verbs ‘walk’
and ‘jump’ when reduplicated, are effectively ‘stroll’ and ‘hop’. Baker (2003: p.212)
translates mars-marse as a ‘little walk/walk with no particular destination in mind.’ For
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reduplicated verbs in SC and MC, the reduplicated stem has the effect of reducing the
intensity of the verb. Mars-marse evokes a gentle and aimless walk while sot-sote denotes a
less intense, but more repetitive activity, compared to the non-reduplicated form. There
can also be a connotation of randomness in the activity, in that it is not structured or
focused. Bollée (2003, p.222) points out that ‘by means of a reduplicated verb, a speaker
sometimes wants to express an action repeatedly performed without ever being
completed’. ‘Some television’ (10) does not adequately convey the manner in which the
television is being watched. The literal translation ‘look-look’ gives a better sense that the
doer is repeatedly watching – discontinuous and not focused on the activity. For (8) to(10),
an overall diminutive effect on the action is achieved, in juxtaposition to iteration and
continuance. Overall, verbal reduplication is a marker of iconicity despite the attenuative
properties that it may encode.
The following exemplifies the doubling of a verb stem, which yields an unexpected and
interesting result:
(11) Ale-ale, dimoun pou ne pli bezwen al pey zot bil an person
Go-RED, people FUT NEG longer need go pay 3PL bill in person
[As time goes by, people will no longer need to pay their bills in person]
Ale-ale (literally go-go, with the base repeated once only) iconically encodes the passage of
time. Strictly speaking, this construct does not constitute verbal reduplication. The
reduplicated form undergoes a semantic shift and category change, emerging as a time
adverbial (‘as time goes by'). Ale-ale is not to be confused with I ale, i ale, i ale, (‘3SG goes,
3SG goes, 3SG goes’). The latter is an example of emphatic repetition involving the ‘i’ as
the doer of the verb. By repeating ‘he/she goes’ (in no fixed number of multiples), there
emerges a clear representation of the person continually walking away. He/she goes and
keeps going. PC associates this iconic form of speech with a story-telling genre that
emanates from a bygone era when the Seychellois lifestyle was ‘folkloric.’ MTC adds:
‘maybe the language is not developed in terms of adjectives to embellish what you are
trying to say.’ She believes that with the increased use of English, this type of creative
language is disappearing, with its vestiges present in the vernacular of the elderly.
As is the case with nominal reduplication, SC offers a number of examples whereby verbal
reduplication effectively changes word class, through derivation. The examples in Table 2
demonstrate how the forceful attribute of the verb culminates in a deverbal result.
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Table 2: Examples of non-iconic verbal reduplication in SC with deverbal/stative result
Reduplicant
base
Gloss.
Reduplicated
form
Gloss.
Effect
Fannen
scatter
fann-fannen
scattered (adj.)
V.→Adj.
Stative/deverbal result
Distributive
kase
break
kas-kase
broken (adj.)
V.→Adj.
Stative/deverbal result
Distributive
Or
V.→Adj.
Stative/deverbal result
Attenuative-stative
Fann-fannen encodes the state of the resultant objects (eg. leaves) that are in a scattered
state after having been actively dispersed, perhaps by the wind. The effect is also somewhat
distributive. The adjective kas-kase can refer to multiple breaks (as opposed to a singular
one). The effect is evidently distributive. However, it can also be argued that kas-kase may
refer to an object that is not completely broken, only cracked. This type of breakage would
manifest in an attenuated form of the broken state.
Another example of a deverbal result relates to the verb kabose:
(12) Sa loto ki’n dan aksidan, son deryer i’n tou kabos-kabose
DEM car PM PST in accident, it’s rear PM PST all crush-RED
[That car that was in the accident, it’s rear is all dented]
Example (13) presents yet another example of non-iconic meaning being derived, due to
verb doubling. Tape [to hit] effectively triggers a change of meaning. Although not fully
opaque, there is a significant semantic drift from the simplex to the reduplicated form of
the verb.
(13) Konmsi zis i tap-tape konmela
As.if just 3SG hit-RED these.days
[It’s as if he only has casual sexual relationships, these days]
5.2.4 Adverbial reduplication in SC
The (iconic) reduplication of adverbs does occur, although less commonly than that of
adjectives or verbs. As is the case with MC, adverbial reduplication in SC typically
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conveys an emphatic meaning. Intensification is conveyed by tone and a pause between
each stem.
(14) Koz dusmã dusmã [speak very softly] - MC - (Baker 2003, p.215)
(15) Koz brit brit [speak in a very ill-mannered way] - MC - (Baker 2003, p.215)
(16) Sa garson i’n fer byen byen dan son lekzanmen
DEM boy PM PST do well well in 3SG POSS examination
[This boy has done very well in his exams]
Example (16) relays emphatic speech - the stress on each of the byen and the audible pause
between them.
Conversely, byen-byen is pronounced in a single intonation contour with no stress on either
the stem or reduplicant. In (17) to (19), the reduplicated byen is postposed in relation to a
negator, the effect being that of a change of meaning.
(17) I pa byen-byen manze (PC)
3SG NEG well-RED eat
[He/she hardly eats]
(18) I pa tro pas isi byen byen (JZ)
3SG NEG too.much pass here well-RED
[He/she hardly comes round here]
(19) I pa’nn byen-byen al legliz (PC)
3SG NEG PST well-RED go church
[He/she hardly attended church]
Table 3 presents two further examples of adverbial reduplication resulting in changes in
meaning: from semantic drift to meaning change/homophony. The form to meaning
relationship that characterizes iconicity is not present in these reduplicated forms that
emanate from derivation. Significant lexical opacity is evident.
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Table 3: Examples of (non-iconic) adverbial reduplication in SC
Reduplicant
base
Gloss.
Reduplicated
form
Gloss.
Effect
anba
underneath
anba-anba
sneaky
Prep/Adverb → Adj.
Semantic drift
kare
square
kare-kare
smart
appearance
Adj./N.→ Adj.
Semantic drift
5.2.5 Adjectival reduplication in SC
5.2.5.1 Preposed and postposed
‘There is only a small set of high frequency adjectives which precede the noun’ in SC
(Bollée 1977, p.42); otherwise, the adjective follows the noun:
(20) Aswar ek lalin kler
In.the.evening with moon bright
[In the evening(s) with the bright moon]
All adjectives (preposed or postposed) and adverbs can be repeated when used as predicates,
resulting either in emphatic repetition and intensifying meaning, or in reduplication with the
meaning of attenuation.
In SC, preposed adjectival reduplication generally results in emphatic repetition. Bollée
(2003, p.222) posits that ‘intensifying reduplication occurs only with preposed adjectives’,
whereby both adjectives are separately stressed and – optionally – pronounced with a brief
pause.
(21) Li en gran gran dimun - MC - (Baker, 2003, p.213)
3SG a big big person
[He/she is a really important person]
Conversely, ‘reduplicated adjectives can express attenuation when used as predicates’
(Bollée, 2003, p.223). In these cases, both (postposed) adjectives are pronounced as a unit,
with hardly any stress at all. Akin to word formation created by affixation, this type of
reduplication generally expresses the equivalent of the suffix ‘ish’, as per (22) and (23):
(22) En zip rouz-rouz
A skirt red-RED
[A reddish skirt]
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(23) En lakaz sal-sal - PC
A house dirty-RED
[A rather dirty house]7
Rouz-rouz and sal-sal are unstressed and uttered in one intonation contour. Postposed
adjectives are often accompanied by modifiers such as ase [quite] and en pe [a little]. It is
worth noting that the modifier coupled with the reduplicated lexeme produces a
tautological effect, although arguably, it is the modifier that is effecting the attenuation:
(24) En pti pe sal-sal - PC
A little bit dirty-RED
[A little bit dirty]
5.2.5.2 Beyond the lexical level: hedging as a function of adjectival reduplication
In SC, adjectival reduplication with its minimizing, attenuative properties, is often used
to achieve pragmatic discourse functions. (25) and (26) demonstrate the attenuating role
of the reduplicated lexeme malgol.
(25) Si ou fiy i malgol-malgol, zot a mor vyey fiy menm (Bollée, 1977, p.166)
If your daughter(s), is/are badly-dressed-RED, they FUT die old girl still
[If your daughters are rather badly dressed8, they will die as spinsters]
(26) Malgre si lekol, zot ti sikann li akoz i vilenn-vilenn, i’n fer gran sikse konman en
akter
Even if at school, 3PL PST tease 3SG because 3SG ugly-ugly, 3SG PST has
done big success as an actor
[Even if at school, they made fun of him/her for being unattractive, he/she
has had great success as an actor]
According to the informants, the reduplicated term vilenn-vilenn [ugly-ugly] means
‘partially ugly’. JZ indicates that ‘to say it raw is too harsh; reduplication softens the
impact’. PC concurs that the diluted form has the ‘effect of making something sound less
harsh’ (PC). The same principle applies to (28), in which the severity of kouyon (considered
an insult and to some extent, vulgar) is significantly attenuated:
(27) Ou pardonn li akoz i kouyon-kouyon (MTC)
You forgive 3SG because 3SG stupid-RED
PC’s translation. An alternative translation would be ‘a dirtyish house’.
‘Malgol’ is also translated to ‘ugly’ in the World Loanword Language Database (2009) contributed by
Susanne Michaelis (with Marcel Rosalie, Katrin Muhme), although perhaps a more accurate translation
would be ‘dishevelled’. The latter being the author’s translation.
7
8
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45
[You forgive him/her because he/she is not very bright]
By resorting to adjectival reduplication, less-desirable attributes can be uttered without
causing a loss of face – the very intent of negative politeness strategies. Even insults are
mitigated. JZ credits the use of this hedging device to the cultural importance of respect in
communications and the use of tact when referring to someone’s shortcomings.
To test the presupposition that adjectival reduplication acts as a hedging device and to
understand the motivations for its use, the SC experts were presented with a list of 25
common adjectives (Table 4 refers) and asked to identify the ones that could viably
undergo full reduplication. In other words, they were asked to identify the unmarked
adjectival doublings.
Table 4. 25 SC adjectives and their perceived ability to be reduplicated 9
Adjective
Gloss.
PC
MTC
JZ
Adjective
Gloss.
PC
MTC
JZ
1
2
3
4
5
malen (+)
sal (-)
prop (+)
ris (+)
kouyon (-)
clever
dirty
clean
rich
stupid (vulg)
N
Y
N
N
Y
n/a
Y
N
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
Y
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
vilenn (-)
zoli (+)
bet (-)
entelizan (+)
fol (-)
ugly
beautiful
stupid
intelligent
crazy
N
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
Y
N
Y
Y
N
Y
N
Y
6
7
8
9
10
11
bon (+)
kapon (-)
for (+)
timid (-)
fran (+)
edike (+)
good
coward
strong
shy
frank
educated
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
Y
N
N
Y
N
N
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
brav (+)
drol (-)
feros (+/meg (+/-)
senp (+/-)
fay (-)
brave
strange
ferocious
thin
simple
weak
N
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
N
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
N
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
12
13
konpran (+)
pov (-)
civilised
poor
N
Y
N
n/a
N
Y
25.
kapab (+)
capable
N
N
N
The informants’ responses were generally consistent with one another. The adjectives that
denote undesirable characteristics were effectively prone to reduplication. These attributes
relate to: weakness, poverty, illness, low intelligence, and unattractive physical
appearance. Conversely, positive/desirable attributes such as malen [clever], ris [rich], or
zoli [beautiful] were perceived as ‘un-reduplicatable’ (author’s terminology); the three
adjectives having ‘either/or’ values, appear to have been assigned properties by the
Yes (Y), No (N), and Unsure (N/A) are the responses for whether the adjective can be reduplicated
in the opinion of the 3 SC experts.
The adjectives are listed as attributes that are seen to be positive (+) or negative (-) or either (+/-) for
ambivalent readings.
9
Seychelles Research Journal, Volume 5, Number 1, February 2023
46
informants, based on the principle that strength/might is a positive characteristic in the
language. Meg [skinny] senp [simple] had reduplicative potential and therefore assumed to
be potentially undesirable. By contrast, feros [ferocious] was not deemed reduplicatable,
possibly as it may have been considered a marker of strength. Only five of the 25 adjectives
featured of a lack of unanimity between the three experts in respect to which ones could
be reduplicated. In other words, there was 80% unanimity, which is significant.
6. Conclusion
In languages such as SC, reduplicated morphemes are features prototypically expressed by
inflection markings in certain other languages. Fay-fay is an example of how a young
language with its relatively limited lexicon stands to benefit semantically by this word
formation capability. In SC, reduplication is apparent across the major word classes
although, with regards to numeral reduplication, this phenomenon is extremely limited.
As for nominal duplication which has been unattested to date in SC, this study has
confirmed its existence, albeit on a limited scale. Unlike languages whereby plural forms
can be quantified by reduplication, reduplication of SC nouns relates to a more diffuse
plurality. As posited by Baker (2003, p.13) for MC, verbal reduplication denotes iteration
or continuity while adverbial doubling signifies an augmentative reading. The SC findings
have generally followed suit. With verbal reduplication, whether long-form/short form or
both stem and copy in the short form, the effect is one of iterativity and continuity.
Additionally, the diminution of the action’s intensity is achieved by verbal reduplication
in SC. As aspectual functions relating largely to repetition and continuation of events are
the most frequent cross-linguistically (Lǐ & Ponsford, 2018), SC is no exception as far as
verbs are concerned. With adverbs, the outcome is an augmented and intensified reading.
Adjectival reduplication encodes either attenuation or emphasis depending on whether it
is pre or postposed respectively, and whether the stem and reduplicant undergo stressed
intonation.
Attenuation brought about by the reduplication of adjectives ushers in a pragmatic effect
whereby hedging is used as a negative politeness strategy. There appears to be a lack of
literature on negative politeness strategies in SC (from a search in Google Scholar). JZ, in
particular, remarks that these strategies form an essential part of the culture. In a small
island nation with negligeable degrees of separation, politeness strategies embedded in the
language of interaction are essential. It is helpful to be able to access a hedging device that
allows one to reduce the strength of a negative adjective, thus saving face. The three
informants all make reference to the interplay between reduplication and expression of the
local culture. The observations made in this small study relating to the pragmatic functions
of adjectival reduplication suggest that there are systemic factors determining
reduplicability; factors that appear to be based on face-saving motivations. This
phenomenon does warrant further investigation.
Seychelles Research Journal, Volume 5, Number 1, February 2023
47
Even if prototypical reduplication is associated with iconicity, the overall theme of SC
reduplication as categorized in APiCS is attenuative. In reality, this generalization only
paints part of the picture. Iconic as well as attenuative and word class changing (through
derivation), reduplication exhibits transparency and opacity. Opaque lexicalization has
been observed with the reduplication of certain verbs and adverbs in SC, via examples of
non-correspondence between form and meaning. The belief that the grammars of creole
languages are simple and transparent has been challenged in this paper, as has been the
case with Caribbean creoles (Kouwenberg & LaCharité, 2004, 2005, 2010). It is clear that
SC creatively allows the production of meaning in ways that are not observed in its lexifier
language, French. There is a noticeable gap between the number of reduplicated lexemes
in oral use and those featuring in the dictionary. With SC’s relatively limited lexicon, it
would make sense to lexicalize a number of productive reduplications that are in
widespread usage.
In memory of Professor Annegret Bollée (1937- 2021) – architect of the modern
Kreol Seselwa orthography.
Acknowledgements
I wish to extend my sincere gratitude to Mrs Marie-Thérèse Choppy, Mrs Penda Choppy
and Dr Justin Zélime for their invaluable contributions to this article.
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---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Christine Pejakovic is the Director of Facilities and Technology at the University of Seychelles and
a PhD student in Linguistics at the University of New England, Australia. She hopes that her thesis
on morpho-semantic reduplication in French creoles will be able to shed some light on the formation
of creole languages – the subject of an ongoing debate in the realm of Creolistics. A proud Seychelloise,
Christine loves to learn about other cultures and their history and languages, and, in particular, creole
societies.
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