QUESTION OF RELATIVITY:
AN OPEN COMPARISON BETWEEN ALBERT
EINSTEIN AND ERNST CASSIRER
Elisa Belotti
AN HONOUR THESIS
in
Philosophy and History of Natural and Human Sciences
Curriculum in Philosophy and History of Natural Sciences
Fields of interest: Philosophy and History of Physics and Cosmology
Presented to the Department of
Letters, Philosophy, Communication
of the University of Bergamo
in fulfilment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master of Art
with honours
2021
Enrico Renato Antonio Calogero Giannetto, thesis supervisor and
Head of Department
II.
III.
There is no knowledge of the absolute,
but rather there is absolutely certain knowledge.
E. Cassirer, History of Modern Philosophy
IV.
V.
To me and to all my dreams.
To those who remain close to my heart.
To my never-ending passion for the history of science.
May this work be the first of a long, fruitful and,
most importantly, joyful career.
VI.
VII.
Acknowledgments
Words cannot express my gratitude to all the Professors and researchers I
encountered during that amazing and thrilling path this Master degree at the
University of Bergamo has been. I am extremely grateful to each of them because
without their professionalism, competence, deep passion, and excitement for their
studies and research, I would not have been able to choose the right direction of
journey, for both me personally, and my academic career specifically.
In particular, I am deeply indebted to Professor Enrico R.A.C Giannetto, PhD, for
his patience and guidance throughout the entire planning and writing process, and
for having shared parts of his limitless knowledge with me while diving in the
complex word of physics and its philosophy and for showing true dedication to
research, science and innovation as well as to philosophical consulting.
I am also thankful to visitor research fellow at the University of Bergamo, Sasha
Freyberg from the Max Plank-Institute for the History of Science, Berlin,
Germany, for having provided advice and suggestions while editing major parts
concerning Cassirer and Schlick so to enrich and complete the origins of relativity.
Moreover, I would like to mention my parents for their practical support during
these two years and in general, I would like to thank my family, particularly my
significant one and friends for their endless support and for being there, providing
me hope, happiness, and tranquillity when I needed it the most: their belief in me
and my capabilities has kept my spirit and motivation high for the entire time of
this path. Lastly, I would like to thank my cat for all the emotional support.
Table of content
ACNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………. VII
INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………. 1
CHAPTER 1. Continuum spatii et temporis est absolutum.…………... 15
1.1 On the cosmological problem …………………………... 22
1.2 God does not play dice… does He? ……………………... 27
1.3 An Einstein’s revision by…Einstein himself ………….... 32
1.4 The answers to philosophers and scientists ……………… 38
CHAPTER 2. A new, problematic face of the world …………………... 45
2.1 The problem of space and time …………………………. 56
CHAPTER 3. Open comparison between Einstein and Cassirer ………. 61
3.1 Truth: where do its boundaries lie? ……………………… 64
3.2 If truth has blended boundaries, reality gets problematic
………………………………………………………………. 71
CHAPTER 4. Albert Einstein at the creation of relativity’s origins ….
75
4.1 A step forward: Einstein and Moritz Schlick ………….
79
CHAPTER 5. Conclusions ……………………………………………
83
BIBLIOGRAPHY …………………………………………………….
85
Introduction:
On the theory of relativity, its roots, and its formulation, over the years much has
been written and thought. Still, despite this, its possible interpretations and
redefinitions are always in potential development and the deployment of my paper
I will try my hand at just that: a revisiting of it in a philosophical key following the
gaze of the German philosopher adherent to neo-Kantianism, Ernst Cassirer (18741925), within an open confrontation between the two.
Starting from the beginning of the question, the theory of general relativity was
presented by Albert Einstein (1879-1955) in 1916 and the heart of the problem, not
only epistemological but also physical, revolves around the concept of no longer
having the possibility to distinguish whether a body is at rest or in uniform motion,
so the laws of physics would be equal for all the reference systems, both inertial
and non-inertial ones, which leads to consider within Einstein's theory that
heliocentric and geocentric systems are mathematically equal because, from within
the solar system, we would not be able to discern the motion of the Earth with
respect to the Sun and vice versa. Certainly, these are the final considerations that
we can draw from the postulation of this theory, however, its origin is much more
complex than we can believe, because in fact it is already defined in the work
"Science and Hypothesis" by Henri Poincaré (1854-1912), published in 1902,
where he, thanks also to the introduction of the use of Chronogeometry (a nonEuclidean geometry that assumes a four-dimensional space-time), completely
reinterprets the mechanistic physics of Newton in a relativistic perspective,
postulating as relative motion , space and time, and then in 1904, Poicaré presents
an article at a conference in Saint Luis in which are contained the two principles
for the constitution of a new mechanics, which would later form the basis of
Einstein's writing: the principle of relativity of motion, expressed in terms of
invariance of the laws of physics to the variation of the inertial reference system
and the principle according to which the motion of light occurs at a speed of three
hundred thousand kilometres per second, called C because it is constant for all
inertial reference systems, which means that it does not depend on the radiation
rise.
In addition to this, the radical change in Poincaré's thought, which will accompany
Einstein from 1907 onwards, lies in the different conception of nature: it is no
longer simply the mechanistic one, but the electromagnetic one, derived from the
discovery of the existence of the electromagnetic field, pure energy that would be
transmitted from one body to another and that would go right to coincide with
nature itself, which then would no longer include only matter, but together with it
now would be added also light, which clearly would move in terms of
electromagnetic waves (indicated by λ)1, because satisfying the wave equations
thought by Jean Baptiste d'Alembert (1717-1783).
So, an electromagnetic field would be an immaterial entity because it is light and
also because it is in line with vacuum equations elaborated by James Clerk
Maxwell (1831-1879), that is it could perfectly continue to exist even where matter
would not exist, that is in vacuum. All this leads to a disruption in the ontology
concerning physics because a whole series of qualities that in previous periods
were considered as objective, first of all those related to the amount of matter and
then to the mass, now are replaced by those of the electric field that, summarizing
what we have seen so far, would exist only in motion and never at rest and would
find its deepest expression in the value of C, that is the constant indicating the
speed of light, because if it were to vary, then this would lead to a system that
would be in motion and not at rest, it would move at the same speed, where the
wave then would be equal to zero and therefore at rest, but it can never exist in a
state of rest by its definition. Just this impossibility of describing the wave in a
state of quiet has led, as seen above, to the use of Chronogeometry of the invariance
group of laws, which would explain the description in a dynamic way of spaceThe wavelength λ represents the distance between the corresponding points of two successive waves
(two successive crests), its unit of measure is the meter or its submultiples (micrometre, nanometre, etc)
and can vary depending on the change of transparent material crossed (vacuum, air, glass, etc). (via:
IFAC, Institute of Applied Physics "Nello Carrara")
1
time quantities. Pulling the sums of what was then declared by Einstein, the general
relativity would carry out the imposition precisely of this specific new type of nonEuclidean geometry, in which the space is a curved spherical type and therefore he
realizes mathematically what already assumed conceptually by Poincarè, and
moreover it is reputed as usable because related to the characteristics of the
electromagnetic field and correspondingly to the fictitious fields to which it is
related, because, in fact, the new theory, in order to be relational, that is to establish
a relation at a distance between bodies, should refer us to a conception of nature,
just as a pure field, where in fact the mathematical entities, called tensors, used by
Einstein with the letter G to represent space-time and with the letter T for energymatter, in the new Einsteinian gravitational field equation, are equivalent.
Ernst Cassirer places himself, as already mentioned, on the strand of neo-Kantian
thought and already from the writing "Substance and function" of 1910, he intends
to show how Kantian philosophy is intrinsically inserted in the development of
modern science since Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), asserting that ontology must
give way to the analytics of the intellect, or the study of a priori conditions that
govern the formation of the object of investigation of the various sciences: “Thus
a new evaluative criterion comes forward: what from the point of view of
metaphysics appears accidental and extrinsic, from the point of view of knowledge
is the proper and legitimate object. Galilei could have already pronounced the
words with which Robert Mayer characterizes the spirit and purpose of his method:
The strict indication of the natural limits of human research is for science a task
that has a practical value, while the attempts to penetrate the depths of the cosmic
order, using hypotheses, constitute feedback for the efforts of the adept.”2
In the analysis of modern science that he proposes, he notes that the conceptsubstance has gradually replaced the concept of function and so terms such as
energy, space-time, ether, atom, would no longer designate concrete realities but
would represent only symbols for the description of a context of possible
Ernst Cassirer, The Concept of Substance and the Concept of Function, 1910, edited by R. Pettoello,
Small Fires, Editrice Morcelliana, Brescia, 2018, p. 36.
2
relationships and from here would arise the importance that he emphasizes
language compared to other objects of epistemological analysis, given its relational
nature affects the constitution of the objective world.
In this context, he states that the consequence that seems to him to derive from the
relativisation so far implemented of space and time has led to the removal of
thought about the explicit determination of the object, because it would seem that
the unity of experience, on which epistemology based the unity of the object, is far
exceeded: “The nearest consequence that seems to derive from the relativisation
of all spatial and temporal measures seems to be that with this is generally removed
the thought of the clear determination of the object. The unity of experience, as
understood by previous physics and on which epistemological consideration
founded the unity of the object, now seems to have been superseded. There is but
one experience, so Kant summarizes the result of his transcendental deduction of
the categories.”3
He emphasizes this by basing it precisely on what Kant brought forward, and thus,
if one were to consider so many different spaces and times, variations from
reference system to reference system, to the common synthetic unity of experience
would be destroyed at its base. This led Cassirer to the extreme conclusion that
then, the concept of "truth" would be valid only and only concerning itself,
according to the point of view of the person expressing it, there would no longer
be a single truth that can be said to be original, precisely the theory of relativity
would develop the principle that there is no longer any system that can be
considered privileged over another and in fact, and he also argues that space and
time as conditions of physical judgments, they in the theory of relativity are
maintained, although eliminated as physical "things": “The world, the objective
reality, so would teach the contemporary physical principle of relativity, like the
old philosophical principle of relativity, for each are as they appear to him; the
perceptions of one subject have no superior "objective" value with respect to those
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, Lectures 1920-1921, edited by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis Edizioni, MIM Edizioni SRL, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 125.
3
of another.”4
Starting from this general introduction to the multiple problems and implications
found within the very constitution of the theory of relativity both in more strictly
scientific terms and in philosophical validity, I would like to continue my paper by
bringing to the surface the animated discussion in Cassirer's thought about the
advancement of natural philosophy, which as introduced earlier, is radically
revolutionized by the introduction of the electromagnetic field, also clarifying the
dynamics
4
Ibidem, p. 126
of
Albert
Einstein's
philosophical
and
religious
thought.
Chapter I.
Continuum Spatii et Temporis Est Absolutum
With this statement opens the writing of Albert Einstein on the theory of general
relativity, preceded by considerations on the status concerning space and time
conveyed in the theory of special relativity, in fact he states that if with Isaac
Newton (1642-1726) was possible to assert that spatium est absolutum and the
same for time, because the universe in Newton's vision coincided with the socalled sensorium Dei, the way God perceives nature, now instead we can postulate,
starting from the theory of special relativity, that continuum spatii et temporis est
absolutum, where absolute means not only physically existing but also not deviated
from its own physical conditions: “The preceding considerations (referring to the
theory of special relativity) are based on the assumption that, in order to describe
physical phenomena, all inertial systems are equivalent but that, in order to
formulate the laws of nature, they are privileged with respect to reference systems
in different states of motion. However, the previous considerations do not allow to
justify this preference for particular states of motion, neither based on properties
of bodies nor based on the concept of motion; this preference must therefore be
considered as an independent property of the space-time continuum. The principle
of inertia, in particular, seems to force us to attribute physically objective
properties to the space-time continuum. Just as it was consistent from the
Newtonian point of view to state the two concepts tempus est absolutum and
spatium est absolutum, so from the point of view of the theory of special relativity
we must say continuum spatii et temporis est absolutum. In this statement,
absolutum means not only physically real, but also independent in its physical
properties, having a physical effect, but not affected by its physics conditions”.5
This is because, according to his point of view, classical mechanics brought to light
an internal deficiency, and this makes that the principle of relativity must be
5
Albert Einstein, The Meaning of Relativity, 1922, edited and translated by E. Vinassa de Regny, Edizioni
Integrali, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, 2019, p. 61.
extended to reference systems that do not have inertial properties. This leads the
German physicist to be convinced of the possibility of being able to numerically
equal inertia with gravitation through the unification of their own nature and this
would give to the theory of general relativity a clear superiority with respect to
classical mechanics, in addition to the fact that inertial systems would present a
series of consequences that would lead directly to the development of a vicious
circle: a mass (m) would move in fact without acceleration (a) if it was far enough
from other bodies, but we know that it would do so only because it would move
precisely without acceleration.
At the conclusion of a series of mathematical considerations, Einstein comes to
affirm that a reference system not at rest, can be considered inverse, with respect
to which there could be a gravitational field, composed of "fictitious" forces or
centrifugal forces and those said of Coriolis 6, thus arriving to say that the
gravitational field would influence and even determine the metric laws of the
space-time continuum, in the presence of which, Einstein underlines very openly,
the geometry becomes non-Euclidean, because in this particular case it would be
impossible to introduce on a surface coordinates having a simple metric meaning:
“However, according to the principle of equivalence, K' can also be considered as
a system at rest, with respect to which there is a gravitational field (field of
centrifugal forces and Coriolis forces). Therefore, we arrive at this result: the
gravitational field influences and even determines the metric laws of the spacetime continuum. If the laws of the configuration of an ideal rigid body must be
expressed geometrically, then in the presence of a gravitational field the geometry
is not Euclidean. The case we have considered is analogous to that which arises in
the two-dimensional treatment of surfaces. Also, in this case it is in fact impossible
to introduce on a surface (for example on the surface of an ellipsoid) some
coordinates that have a simple metric meaning, while on a plane the Cartesian
Coriolis force: an apparent force to which a body is subjected when observing its motion from a
reference system that is in rotational motion with respect to an inertial reference system. (via: Treccani
encyclopedia).
6
coordinates, correspond directly to the lengths measured by a ruler-sample"7.
For this reason, Einstein introduces arbitrary coordinates x1, x2, x3, x4, which are
going to identify the points of space-time so that events in succession are
associated with values close to them. Therefore, it would be clear that the theory
of general relativity, requires a generalization of the theory of invariants and the
theory of tensors, the latter is referred to what was structured by mathematicians
such as Bernhard Riemann (1826-1866)8, long before the formulation of relativity.
In the continuation of the text, at the end of the elaboration of the necessary
mathematical apparatus, Einstein continues with the development of individual
results: starting from the principle of inertia, a particle of matter on which no forces
act, would move with uniform velocity along a straight line, which in the fourdimensional continuum of the theory of special relativity, was seen to be a real
straight line and its natural generalization, that is the simplest one derived from the
invariants of Riemann, is a of geodesic line: "Geodesics. A line can be constructed
in such a way that its successive elements derive from each other by parallel
displacements. This is the natural generalization of the straight line of Euclidean
geometry.... We get the same line when you look for the line for which the value
of the integral is minimum: ∫ ds or ∫ √gμυ dxμ dxυ between two points (geodesic
line)".9
Deriving so a series of equations, he was able to show how they express the
influence of inertia and gravitation on the material particle previously indicated,
and then the unity between inertia and gravitation would be expressed by the fact
that the entire first member of the equation, obtained by applying the principle of
equivalence, has tensorial character. So, Einstein would be able to take over the
position that would allow him to state that, the matter would be then constituted
by electrically charged particles and that therefore should be by considered itself,
as in fact it is done, the main part of the electromagnetic field itself.
Albert Einstein, The Meaning of Relativity, 1922, edited and translated by E. Vinassa de Regny, Edizioni
Integrali, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, 2019, p. 65.
8
Ibidem, p. 68.
9
Ibidem, p. 79.
7
However, the form of the tensor is left in this case undetermined because it would
not be known for the moment with enough precision the electromagnetic field
produced by these charges, but on the other hand it is just it that would transfer
energy and momentum to the matter because it exerts on it forces and then it would
provide energy. So, from equations would be evident the emergence of a
differential tensor, completely determined by three conditions (it cannot contain
any derivative gμν of order higher than the second, it must be linear and
homogeneous in the second derivatives and its divergence must be zero).
From a phenomenological point of view, this tensor would be composed by the
tensor of the electromagnetic field and by the tensor of the matter in the strict sense
and if we consider the different parts of the energy tensor according to their order
of magnitude, from the results of special relativity, it would follow that the
contribution of the electromagnetic field would be an absolutely negligible
quantity compared to the contribution of the ponderable matter.
The space we are going to consider here, as previously said but it is good to
underline it, is curved and not Euclidean and from the relations previously
indicated, it would show that the interval between two beats of the unit clock, in
the units used in our coordinate system, would correspond to "time":
1 + χ/8π ∫ σdV0/r. 10
Here, the rate of progress of a clock is therefore the smaller the mass of ponderable
matter in its vicinity. Another great consequence of the theory, which would be
glimpsed from these studies, would concern the path of light and light rays. In the
theory of general relativity in fact, the speed of light would be at every point the
same concerning a local inertial system and this speed unitary, and also in it, the
law of propagation of light in general coordinates would be characterized by the
equation: ds² = 0, and in the coordinate, system chosen previously, the speed of
10
Ibidem, p. 90.
light would be composed in:
(1 + χ/4π ∫ σdV0/r ) (dx²1 + dx²2 + dx²3) = (1 - χ/4π ∫ σdV0/r ) dl².11
From this, it would be then possible to conclude that a luminous ray would bend
when it passes in proximity of a great mass and therefore, if it was taken as valid
that the mass M of the Sun was concentrated all in the system of coordinates taken
in consideration, this analysed ray would be bent altogether over it.
We can already see from these considerations, how the theory of general relativity
flows in the great space occupied by astronomy because it is in this space that it
finds its most direct application and in fact from here would emerge also the other
great consequence of the theory, that is the one concerning the planet Mercury,
particularly in the analysis of its perihelion12 motion. Einstein affirms that the
secular changes in the orbits of the planets would be so well known that the
approximation used until now, would no longer be sufficient to conjugate the
theory with the experimental observations and therefore would be necessary to
return to the general equations of the field. The major result that the German
physicist from these premises would be able to obtain would be made explicit by
a secular rotation of the elliptical orbit of the planet in the same direction of the
motion of revolution of the planet, which is expressed in radians per revolution,
would be equivalent to:
24 π³ α² / (1 - e²) c² T²
Where13:
o α is the semi-major axis of the orbit, expressed in centimetres
Ibidem, p. 91.
Perihelion: point on the major axis of the ellipse described by a planet around the Sun, at which the
planet is at the minimum distance from the Sun. (via: Treccani encyclopedia).
13
Albert Einstein, The Meaning of Relativity, 1922, edited and translated by E. Vinassa de Regny,
Edizioni Integrali, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, 2019, p. 94.
11
12
o e is the numerical value of eccentricity
o c is the value of the speed of light in vacuum
o T is the period of revolution, expressed in seconds
This equation would then allow, according to Einstein's ideas, to explain the reason
for the motion of Mercury's perihelion, for which theoretical astronomy had not
yet been able to find an effective explanation. In any case, the question of whether
the universe is non-Euclidean or not would have already been discussed for a long
time and well before the development of his theory, for admission of Einstein
himself, but on the other hand he would affirm that the problem, thanks to his
studies, would have entered in a new phase and in the next level, just because in it
the geometric properties of bodies would depend on the same distribution of
masses. To sustain moreover that the universe is infinite and totally Euclidean,
from relativity point of view, according to Einstein would be a very complex and
complicated enterprise. Therefore taking into account the equations of the
principle of Ernst Mach (1838-1916)14, which he follows and sees in the
development of his reasoning, the scientist brings to the surface the fact that the
inertial mass would be proportional to the factor 1+ σ¯, and therefore it would be
increasing if the masses approached the body under analysis, as well as by a part
of the masses accelerated, then on the said body there should be an action of
induction of the of the same sign and finally a material particle that, inside a hollow
body, moves perpendicularly to the axis of rotation, would be deflected in the
direction of rotation (that is, the field of Coriolis forces). Unfolding these ideas to
their ultimate consequences, Einstein would conclude that all inertia, that is all the
gμυ → gravitational field, is determined by the matter of the universe: “Although it is
impossible to have an experimental demonstration of these effects because of the
smallness of x, following the theory of general relativity they certainly exist. We
can indeed consider them a strong confirmation of Mach's idea of relativity of all
14
Ibidem, p. 97.
inertial actions. If we develop these ideas to their ultimate consequences, we must
expect that all inertia, i.e., all the gμυ field, is determined by the matter of the
universe and not only by the boundary conditions at infinity.”15
It seems very satisfactory given his reasoning to show the hypothesis that the
universe is spatially limited and that therefore, in agreement with the hypothesis
of the constancy of σ, it has constant curvature, either spherical or elliptical. In
case this is adequate, the conditions at the edges of infinity, which is, as one can
easily imagine complex from the point of view of general relativity, could be
replaced by the conditions for a closed space and would be, from Einstein's point
of view, much more natural. What about matter? In this case, it is thought as
constituted by electrically charged particles, which according to the theory
developed by James Maxwell (1831-1879), cannot be considered electromagnetic
fields without singularity and for this, it would be necessary for Einstein to
introduce energy terms that in Maxwell instead were not present, to allow these
particles to remain united despite the mutual repulsion between their behaviours
as they have charges of the same sign, then he would then pass to the indication of
a pressure term suitable only for the energetic representation of the dynamic
replace
in
the
matter.
In the last analysis, Einstein is expressly in favour of a conception of a universe
spatially limited, therefore finite and for which he lists several arguments: first of
all, for the theory of relativity, postulating such a universe, closed, is much simpler
than stating the contrary, after which the idea made explicit by Mach, according to
which inertia would depend on mutual actions between bodies, would already be
contained in the equations of the theory of relativity itself and this would also
result, on a more strictly epistemological level, in a more satisfying determination
of matter in the mechanical properties of space, and finally an infinite universe
would be possible only if it would be satisfied the hypothesis that the average
density of matter in it is zero, which would also be logically correct, but certainly
15
Ibidem, p. 99.
less likely than the one that in the universe there is a finite average density of
matter.
I.I. On The Cosmological Problem
This just outlined, was Einstein's first elaboration of the theory of general relativity,
resulting in a complete remake of the gravitational field equations predicted by
Newton. He was strictly convinced that, as we have already explained, the universe
was not only finite and closed, for the reasons listed above, but also that it was
completely
unchanging,
frozen
in
a
non-expansive
state.
This vision of the universe, although discussed and supported by equations and
rigorous arguments, must be sought in its philosophical and religious convictions.
Albert Einstein, as is well known, was in fact of Jewish origin and very attached
to them and the construction, in a metaphysical sense, of the world by Baruch
Spinoza
(1632-1677),
who
wanted
to
demonstrate
in the posthumous work of 1677 Ethica ordine geometrico demonstrate that God,
the only infinite substance, is manifested through infinite attributes:
“6. With God, I mean an infinite entity or a substance that consists of infinite
attributes, each of which expresses an eternal and infinite essence.
I say infinite absolutely, and not infinite: because of everything that is infinite only
in its own kind one can deny an infinity of attributes, while to the essence of what
is infinite belongs everything that expresses an essence and does not imply any
denial.”16
Therefore, since these statements of his concerning God, that being infinite and to
maintain these attributes as such, must also belong to immutability, not to submit
to the movement of becoming, ideas as already explained, that Albert Einstein
makes his in unfolding the theory of general relativity. This situation, however, is
reversed at the dawn of 1929 when the young American astronomer Edwin Hubble,
16
Benedictus de Spinoza, Ethica ordine geometrico demonstrata, 1677, care, translation and notes by S.
Landucci, Biblioteca universale Laterza, Urbino, Editori Laterza, 2009, p. 6.
who in 1924 had already demonstrated a constant relationship between the period
of variation of brightness of a variable Cepheid (Star V1) in the Andromeda Galaxy
and its average brightness, thus sanctioning the existence of spiral galaxies outside
the Milky Way, gave to the press what in time became better known as Hubble's
law, which places in linear relation the redshift of light emitted by galaxies, or
more specifically redshift, and their distance: in particular, the effect of redshift
was already known in spectroscopy also under the name of Doppler effect 17,
indicates precisely the going, the move, towards the zone red of the spectrum by
the lines composed by the electromagnetic waves put by the body under
observation, a phenomenon that highlights that the universe is now considered as
an entity in becoming, in constant expansion, because the area of red would
indicate that this body examined, is moving away from the point of observation.
Considering these discoveries, Albert Einstein was forced to re-discuss his thesis
in an appendix to the second edition of the theory of general relativity, which is
marked in a particular way for the introduction of the cosmological constant in the
equations of the gravitational field. In fact, he points out that the problem of
cosmological character can be introduced in terms of safety given now that the
system in which the stars are located does not resemble at all an island floating in
an infinite empty space and consequently, would not exist based on this, nothing
that can be designated as a centre of gravity of all matter, for which, moreover, we
are led to think that we have an average density other than zero in space: “The
problem may be formulated more or less in this way: thanks to our observations of
the fixed stars we have become quite convinced that, as a whole, the system of
such stars does not resemble an island floating in an infinite empty space and that,
therefore, there is nothing like a centre of gravity of all existing matter;
17
Doppler effect: compared to a stationary observer, the wavelength of light emitted by a moving source
increases or decreases depending on whether the source is approaching or moving away. Discovered by
physicist Christian Doppler, is well known in everyday life: just think of the difference in the sound of
an ambulance siren depending on whether it is approaching or moving away from us: the effect is more
evident the faster the medium is. It became then fundamental in astronomy and it is thanks to it that it is
possible to measure the speed of galaxies, stars, and celestial bodies in general. (via INAF: National
Institute of Astrophysics).
furthermore, we are led to think that we have a non-zero average density of matter
in space. At this point a question arises: can this hypothesis, which is suggested by
experience, be reconciled with the theory of general relativity?”.18
So, on the basis of these considerations, Einstein passes to the attempt to make
these problems collide with the theory of general relativity and appeals to the way
found by Russian mathematician and cosmologist Aleksandr Fridman (18881925)19, who proposed a model of homogeneous and isotropic universe, calculated
with positive, neutral and negative curvature, leading him already in 1922 to guess
the actual expansion of the universe with matter in motion.
For the German physicist, there would then be the possibility to observe how the
star systems, are distributed with the same density in all directions and this leads
us to assume that the spatial isotropy of these systems is valid for all observers, or
for every point and time of an observer at rest for the surrounding matter, where
the hypothesis that the density of matter is constant over time, no longer maintain
its validity. This would also imply the abandonment of the independence of the
metric field concerning time, consequently a new need would arise, or to seek a
mathematical equation that allows to show that the universe is isotropic 20 with
respect to the four-dimensional space, concluding that there would be a family of
surfaces orthogonal to geodesics, with constant curvature, whose segments
between pairs of them, would be equal to those of geodesics.
Faced with these results, Einstein, proceeding in his mathematical analysis, now
wants to arrive at satisfying the gravitational field equations without, however, the
cosmological term, or cosmological constant, which is presented in this form:
Albert Einstein, The Meaning of Relativity, 1922, edited and translated by E. Vinassa de Regny,
Edizioni Integrali, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, 2019, p. 105.
19
Writings featured in "Über die Möglichkeit einer Welt mit konstanter negative Krümmung des Raumes"
(On the possibility of a world with constant negative curvature of space), published in Zeitschrift für
Physik (Vol. 21, pp. 326- 332) by the Berlin Academy of Sciences on January 7, 1924.
20
Property of a body to exhibit the same values of a physical quantity in all directions. In general,
amorphous bodies and crystalline bodies are isotropic only for some properties (such as optical and
thermal) that belong to the monometric system. (via: Treccani encyclopedia).
18
(Rik - ½ gik R) + χ T ik = 0 .21
Thanks to it, the scientist would be able to analyse the space in the three cases
already indicated above: non-zero curvature (i.e. positive), null and negative
curvature. Following the results obtained in this way, he would be able to draw
some conclusions about the matter, namely that, first of all, the introduction of the
cosmological constant in the equations of gravity, although admissible at a level of
relativistic realization, should be rejected from the point of view of logical
economy and for this statement, Einstein gives reason to Fridman, who would have
been the first to first reconciled the original form of the field equations with a finite
density of matter everywhere, and secondly, he admits that the hypothesis of the
spatial isotropy of the universe discussed above, naturally leads to the formulation
of Fridman. In addition, he takes note of the relationship between average density
and expansion supported by Hubble that, if neglected the influence of space
curvature, would be confirmed empirically and experimentally, and emphasizes
that in the known physical facts, there would be no support that avoid connecting
the Doppler effect with the red shift phenomenon always identified by Hubble
himself. Einstein asserts that according to those who try in vain to prove this, it
would be possible to establish a said connection between two stars S1 and S2, by
a rigid ruler. By doing so, the monochromatic light sent from S1 to S2 and reflected
back to the first star, would arrive with a different frequency, if the wavelength
number of light along the straightedge would change with time during the trip, but
this would lead to a contradiction for the special relativity theory: the speed of
light, C, measured at a point would depend on time: “Some try to explain the shift
of spectral lines discovered by Hubble without resorting to the Doppler effect, but
this does not find any support in the known physical facts. According to such a
hypothesis, it would be possible to connect two stars, S1 and S2 with a rigid ruler.
The monochromatic light that is sent from S1 to S2 and reflected back to S1 would
21
Albert Einstein, The Meaning of Relativity, 1922, edited and translated by E. Vinassa de Regny,
Edizioni Integrali, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, 2019, p. 110.
arrive with a different frequency if the wavelength number of the light along the
ruler changed with time during the path. However, this would mean that the speed
of light measured at a point depends on time, which is contradictory to the theory
of special relativity. Also, it should be noted that a light signal going back and forth
between S1 and S2 would itself constitute a “clock” which however would not be
in constant relationship with a clock placed on S1.”22
Einstein points out that these observations are based on the wave theory of light,
whose nature would be explained in a radiation of electromagnetic waves as
recognized by Maxwell's equations, while some supporters of this idea could have
gone into a description of light through an effect similar to the one exposed by
Compton, but it is clear that a hypothesis that does not include diffusion of waves,
could not have any justification, from the point of view of knowledge of the time.
Moreover, Einstein raises doubts about the Big Bang hypothesis, the possible
original explosion that should have given origin to the expansion of the universe,
as proposed first by George Gamow (1904-1968)23 and then by Fridman and
Georges Lemaître (1894-1966)24, because this should be made to go back only 109
years ago and moreover he supports the fact that this type of theory of the evolution
of the universe, is based on claims weaker than those of the field equations, also
because the main theoretical doubts, would derive from the fact that in the instant
of the beginning of the expansion, the metric should have presented a singularity
and the density σ should have been infinite. Certainly, Einstein does not deny the
presence of empirical arguments in favour of the dynamic conception of space,
such as the continuous existence of uranium despite its continuous and perennial
decay and the impossibility at the time of being able to recreate it or wonder why
the night sky does not appear as the day sky from the amount of radiation present
in space. In conclusion, for the German physicist it is necessary to analyse one last
aspect of great importance: the age of the universe, previously indicated with the
Ibidem, p. 119.
Peter Bowler e Iwan Rhys Morus, Making modern science. A historical survey, the University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, p. 323.
24
Ibidem, pp. 324, 325.
22
23
term 109, must certainly exceed by far that detected by the crust of the earth,
obtained through the examination of radioactive minerals in Earth's crust, obtained
through the examination of radioactive minerals, because otherwise the
cosmological theory so far exposed, should be abandoned, as contradictory, but
despite this, Einstein also clarifies the fact that in the case, he could not find another
solution logically acceptable.
I.II. God Does Not Play Dice ... Does He?
As noted above, the very constitution of the theory of general relativity in Einstein
results in a cosmological outpouring that has reverberations in his way of seeing
the world, through the aid of Spinozian metaphysics. In the writing entitled
"Cosmic religion", published for the first time in 1931 with the original title of On
cosmic religion and other opinions and aphorisms, his vision takes full shape and
in fact, God and universe come to fully coincide, in a peaceful union between
science and religion, as suggested also by the afterword of the essay by Enrico
R.A.C. Giannetto and Audrey Taschini.
On the other hand, what Einstein achieved here is not a novelty, in fact in the
history of science and philosophy there have been many systems of thought which,
even though developing extremely rigorous physical and scientific theories, have
shown a strong attachment to theology. One name above all is certainly that of
Newton, whose period of retirement from the public scene is well known to devote
himself to biblical exegesis and in particular to the interpretation in a prophetic key
of the book of Revelation, in which he described the origins of the Christian
Church in the light of his own subordinatist conception of Christ, that is, according
to the great English theologian, he was not at all omniscient by his very nature
because at the moment when the Lamb (Christ) takes the sealed book from the one
who sits on the heavenly throne (God), the content would be so excellent that it
could not be communicated to anyone except the Lamb himself, deserving of this
through his own death. This prophetic scene, contained in Rev. 5:6-825, represented
for Newton the symbol of the greatest apostasy, begun precisely by corrupting the
truth about the relationship between the Father and the Son, equalizing them, while
God should have been the supreme King on the throne, full of every perfection,
and Christ should have been second in dignity, as well as the only one deserving
to communicate with Him.26
The history of this plot is long and complex, but Einstein takes on an even
different character, asserting first that the religious feeling in man unfolds for
different reasons, the first of which would be the fear, established in primitive
peoples, after which there would be the so-called social feelings, that is the desire
to have a guide and a help from which would arise an idea of a protector and
consoler God, which would characterize the religions of civilized people, which
would all share the anthropomorphic character of God. For Einstein, only those
who are able to abandon this idea, reach the third form of religious experience, or
the sense of cosmic religion and, according to his peculiar point of view, all
religious geniuses would have reached this stage, without dogmas and without a
God in the image of man and, therefore, without a church. Precisely for these
reasons, Einstein maintains that "the experience of cosmic religion is the strongest
and noblest driving force of scientific research" as well as "the most important
function of science is to arouse and keep alive this feeling of those who are
receptive "27.
Therefore, he feels able to assert with reason that only those men who demonstrate
a deep religiousness, are also the only honest men of research and therefore, of
science: “Anyone who understands scientific research only in its practical
The Holy Bible, Edizioni Paoline, Pia società San Paolo, Rome, 1968: "Then I saw standing between
the throne the four Living Ones and the Watchmen, a Lamb as if slain, with seven horns and seven eyes,
which are the seven Spirits of God ... Now, he came forward and took the book from the right hand of
him who is seated on the throne. After he had taken the book, ... they prostrated themselves before the
Lamb, each holding in his hand a zither and golden cup filled with perfume, which are the prayers of
the saints."
26
Robert Iliffe, Newton: the Priest of Nature, translation by S. Di Biella, The biographies, Hoepli editori
spa, Milan, 2019, pp. 301-302.
27
Albert Einstein, Cosmic Religion, edited by E. R. A. C. Giannetto and A. Taschini, Red Pelican,
Morcelliana Publisher, Brescia, 2016, pp. 22-23.
25
applications can easily come to a misinterpretation of the state of mind in men
who, surrounded by sceptical contemporaries, have shown the way to kindred
spirits scattered throughout all nations in all centuries. Only those who have
devoted their lives to such ends can have a living conception of the inspiration that
gave these men the energy to remain loyal to their goal, despite countless failures.
It is the sense of cosmic religion that grants this energy. A contemporary has rightly
said that it is the deeply religious individuals, in our largely materialistic age, who
are the only honest men of research.”28
Einstein's cosmic religion then proposes an abandonment of both a devotion based
on terror and one that proposes a vengeful, acting God in human moral life, to
make explicit instead a form of reverence for the whole universe and empathy, and
compassion, toward all forms of life, exactly as Spinoza had also argued. It is also
characterized by feeling a dimension of mystery and inviolability, by fully
perceiving the beauty of the world as a universe and life, which remains
inaccessible to us, leaving behind every attempt of anthropomorphic and selfish
reading. In short, the theory of general relativity (but also special) would be the
final result of an intimate introspection by Einstein because in fact the same order
of the cosmos, formulated in the laws that make up the theory of general relativity,
would be the clear demonstration of the divinity, which opens then a real
reinterpretation of physics in theological terms, which also allows to understand
the denial by the German physicist of the constitution of quantum physics and in
particular of the theory Werner Heisenberg’s (1901-1976) indeterminacy, because
he could not conceive a God-universe that is compatible with the complete
quantum randomness. Consequently, if Nature is configured with God himself, the
curvilinear motion, also called geodesic, discussed in the previous paragraphs,
should be configured as natural and not due to an external cause, thus composing
the main formation of non-Euclidean geometry, going to delineate a “purer” and
“by heart”29 rectitude that would belong to the law of God. On the other hand, the
28
29
Ibidem, pp. 23-24
Ibidem, p. 84 and refer to The Book of Psalms, Psalm 18 verse 10: "He incurved the heavens and
image of the unlimited straight line had been the most evocative and marking for
the philosophy of nature of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, but with the
theory of general relativity, it is cracking more and more, establishing instead a
curved and free line in a pseudo-Riemannian space, now linked at the conceptual
level to the electromagnetic field described, as already seen by Maxwell.
The cosmic religion proposed by Einstein, would then undermine the Calvinist
doctrine of the absolute sovereignty of God 30, an idea also brought forward by
René Descartes (1596-1650) and Newton, thus causing the disappearance of the
mechanical god, already announced by Nietzsche through the words of
Zarathustra: “But when Zarathustra was alone, so he spoke ... << ... he has not yet
heard that God is dead! >>. And the parable of the insane man in "The Joyous
Science": << Where has God gone? >> he shouted, << I want to tell you! We have
killed him - you and I! We are all his murderers! ... God is dead! God remains dead!
And we have killed him ... >>”31 . For the German physicist, the force would not
belong only to God, but it would be the energy of Nature itself, in its perfect
Chronogeometric order, because as already underlined many times, God and
Nature identify each other in a Spinozian way.
In addition to this, the light, of which we have already spoken extensively and of
which we have already underlined the importance related to the new
electromagnetic conception of Nature itself would be identified here with the very
nature of God, in a so-called electromagnetic theology where light would take the
place of intelligence and soul.
In conclusion, for Einstein at the origin of science itself, there is an amor dei
intellectualis32 and it must be considered as the knowledge of Nature-God itself, a
descended, and dark cloud was under his feet" and Psalm 119 1-7: "Blessed are those whose way is
spotless, who walk in the law of God … I will praise you with righteousness of heart, instituted of your
righteous decrees."
30
Albert Einstein, Cosmic Religion, edited by E. R. A. C. Giannetto and A. Taschini, Red Pelican,
Morcelliana Publisher, Brescia, 2016, p. 87.
31
Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, 1883, introduction by F. Masini, translation by A.M.
Carpi, Unabridged Edition, Newton Compton Publishers, Rome, 2016, p. 45. F. Nietzsche, The Joyous
Science, 1882, edited by F. Masini, introductory note by G. Colli, Adelphi e-Book, Adelphi editions spa,
Milan, 2015, pp. 107-108.
32
This expression refers directly to the Ethica ordine geometrico demonstrata, 1677, edited by S.
vision that allows him to go beyond Newtonian mechanicism and the theory of
general relativity itself leads to the contemplation of God, which must be added to
a Chronogeometric order of the cosmos completely deterministic, in which the
human free will would be a pure illusion while the true freedom would reside in
adapting precisely to this order, in a wink to theological rationalism, while, in
contrast, the emerging quantum physics is structured in a Franciscan-style
voluntarism, in which the action, or better to say the Love 33, of God would not be
predictable and could not be enclosed in a series of predictions, leading to what is
called chaos physics34 that would be configured with the complete indeterminacy
of phenomena and this would be reflected on what concerns the microcosm and
the initial phase of the universe, called Big Bang because space and time would be
by now said infinite matrices, sanctioning, therefore, the impossibility to represent
the expansion of the universe. Therefore, contrary to what Einstein claimed, God
in this idea would not only play dice, but as said by the great cosmologist Stephen
Hawking (1942-2018), sometimes he would throw them where it is not possible to
see the result35: this is the last real consequence of the uncertainty principle
associated with quantum theory, in addition to the intrinsic entropy36 that would
bring gravity to a further level of non-predictability.
Landucci, Biblioteca universale, Urbino, Publishers Laterza, 2009, p. 38, proposition 31: "the intellect
in act, whether it is finite or infinite so also the will, desire and love and so on - have to be brought back
to the natura naturata, and not already to the natura naturante."
33
The Holy Bible, Edizioni Paoline, Pia società San Paolo, Rome, 1968: First Letter of St. John 4:8 and
16: "He who does not love has not known God, for God is love! ... God is love: and he who abides in
love abides in God, and God abides in him."
34
Theorized for the first time by Henri Poincaré in his study of three-body problems (1890) and some of
its aspects were analysed by Jacques Hadamard in his study of the behaviour of geodesic flows on
compact varieties with negative curvature (1898). after which the advent of the theory of relativity
relegated this field to a single area of classical mechanics called the theory of dynamical systems. The
importance of chaos theory was fully rediscovered only in the seventies when Ilya Prigogine extended
the concepts of the predictability limit to the study of non-equilibrium systems giving the basis for the
theory of complex systems (1977). Chaos, in the language of modern physics and mathematics,
identifies the situation of impossibility to estimate a priori with certainty the future value of the
quantities that characterize a physical system in evolution. (via encyclopedia Treccani).
35
Stephen Hawking and Roger Penrose, The Nature of Space and Time, 1996, translated by L. Sosio, Le
Scoperte, le Invezioni, Biblioteca universale Rizzoli, Milan, 2017, pp. 28-29.
36
Entropy is the measure of the degree of molecular disorder of the system or the degree of
indetermination with which molecular positions and velocities of the system are known. As a measure
of the degree of disorder or indeterminacy of a system, entropy has been used in application fields far
from physics, first the theory of information. (via Treccani encyclopaedia).
I.III. A Review of Einstein by ... Einstein
In 1949, aged 67, Albert Einstein wrote a rather peculiar but extremely interesting
text, both from a literary and, more importantly, from a scientific point of view.
The work in question is called Scientific Autobiography37, although the German
physicist, described it more than once as a sort of obituary that should have the
purpose of showing to students and, more generally, to those who stay with
scholars for a long time, the exhausting effort and research that are hidden behind
the immense and continuous work to which physicists are called.
Retracing the stages of his life, Einstein describes how his thought has evolved
since when, at 12 years old, he abandoned religion because he was convinced by
the science books, he read that many biblical episodes, could not find effective
feedback in history. He became an ardent supporter of free thought, transforming
himself also into a sceptical and suspicious boy, towards every authority and
towards those of the convictions of the different environments of society. But
Einstein wanted more: he wanted the contemplation of this world of ours which
thought cannot be traced back simply to memory with the surfacing of certain
images, and not even when these form a succession, but when an image recurs in
many of these successions, it then becomes a real ordering element because it
connects these alternations that otherwise would not be, and this element becomes
what we call "concept" or tool. So, Einstein says: “Here is my defence. All our
thoughts have this nature of free play with concepts, and the justification of this
play consists in the greater or lesser help it can give to reach a general view of the
experience of the senses. The concept of "truth" cannot yet be applied to this
mechanism: in my opinion, this concept can be taken into consideration only when
there is already a general agreement (a convention) concerning the elements and
37
Albert Einstein, Scientific Autobiography, translation by A. Gamba, Bollati Boringhieri publisher, Turin,
2014.
the rules of the game.”38
He is also convinced that thought goes on even without the strict use of words, in
fact, many times it happens unconsciously and in this way would explain the
wonder, which happens spontaneously, without warning, like the time when he was
5 years old he was kidnapped by the operation of a compass shown to him by his
father: the operation of the needle that did not need a contact to move, was
extremely amazing, for the conceptual world that clearly possessed at that age.
This came back vividly and strongly, again at the age of 12, when at school he was
able to read a manual of Euclidean geometry, and this is how Einstein tried to
recount his experience: “It seemed to me that there was a need for some kind of
demonstration only for things that did not appear as "obvious". Also, it seemed to
me that the things that geometry deals with were not essentially different from
those that can be perceived with the senses, that can be seen and touched. This
rudimentary idea, probably the same one that underlies the well-known Kantian
problem on the possibility of "synthetic a priori judgments," is obviously since the
relationship existing between geometric concepts and the objects of sensible
experience was unconsciously present to me. ”39
Having said that, he emphasizes that concepts and propositions would acquire
content only through their direct link with the sensitive, everyday experience, and
this link is only intuitive, not logical, and just this would distinguish the mere
fantasy from the scientific truth because the latter would show a degree of certainty
with which this link can be carried out and nothing else. As for the truth of a
system, it would correspond to the completeness and solidity with which it would
be possible to coordinate and relate it to the totality of experience. A correct
proposition for Einstein can repeat the truth contained in the system to which it
belongs. Returning then to his autobiography, Einstein does not disdain some
words of criticism towards the educational system in general, which instead of
making students' minds blossom, places them under obligations that asphyxiate
38
39
Ibidem, p. 12.
Ibidem, p. 13.
their creativity and their desire to study, learn and improve. He felt the same way
when he attended the Zurich Polytechnic to study mathematics and physics: too
many notions that did not directly interest him to put in his head anyway to pass
the exams. As I have already pointed out several times, the physics that still
dominated Einstein's university days was Newtonian physics, despite the
appearance of more and more new openings: “In spite of the luxuriance of
particular research, a dogmatic rigidity prevailed in matters of principles: at the
beginning (if there was an origin) God created Newton's laws of motion along with
the necessary masses and forces. That is all.”40
Then, it would not be surprising if many physicists and scientists of the previous
century had tried repeatedly to lead back for example Maxwell's electromagnetic
theory to mechanics, failing miserably. The only one, according to Einstein, who
succeeded in shuffling the cards was the well-known Mach who, as already said,
influenced Einstein himself in the construction of the special relativity theory, but
not only, because his young age fascinated him also from the epistemological point
of view, from which he detached himself. According to Einstein, before criticizing
any physical theory, it would be necessary to clarify two principles: the first would
be, of course, the fact that the theory must not contradict empirical facts, and the
second would have instead to do with the premises of the theory itself or with what
we could also call "logical simplicity"41 of the premises. Based then on these two
principles, Einstein shows that what dissuaded physicists from trying to bring
everything back to Newtonian mechanics was precisely Faraday's and Maxwell's
electrodynamics, experimentally demonstrated by Heinrich Rudolf Hertz (18571894): this caused physics to enter a state of transition in which the historical basis
was completely lost. In addition, there was also a methodological interest that
shows a type of argumentation that in the future of physics will be essential for the
choice of theories, because the more the concepts and axioms will be detached
from what is testable, the more complex will be to compare the implications of the
40
41
Ibidem, p. 17.
Ibidem, p. 19.
given theory with the facts. And so Newton finished his journey: “And now enough
Newton, forgive me, you have found the only way that in your time, was possible
for a man of high intellect and creative power. The concepts which you have
created still guide our thinking in the field of physics, although we now know that
they will have to be replaced by others far more removed from the sphere of
immediate experience if a deeper knowledge of the relations between things is to
be attained.”42 One might ask: is this an autobiography or a treatise on physics?
Well, for Einstein this is indeed an obituary because what really matters to him is
what he thinks and how he thinks, not what he does or what he suffers in his life.
And therefore, consequently, this autobiography can deal with what was
paramount to him and with what inspired him most. At that time, however, to
accept that electromagnetism existed, it was very complex, even if it was
experimentally demonstrated because it was clear that it was not the space to be
the carrier of the field, but the matter and consequently that it had a speed that had
to be applied to vacuum, and it is on this that was based the whole Hertz
electrodynamics. From a general picture, we can now pass to Einstein's path, who,
also in the light of the creation of the Planck constant, at the beginning of his career,
saw all his attempts to adapt the theoretical basis of physics to these new
explorations and research, fail. It is for this reason that when Niels Bohr (18851962) was able to discover, in spite of these bases, the spectral lines emitted by
atoms, this seemed to him almost a miracle, so much to affirm “this is the highest
form of musicality in the sphere of thought”.43
The main problem that afflicted Einstein was to understand what general
conclusions could be drawn about the structure of radiation, and in general, the
electromagnetic basis of physics, starting from the formula of radiation. So, in his
path, he developed statistical mechanics and the kinetic-molecular theory of
thermodynamics that was based on it. More and more desperate for the lack of
these, he slowly convinced himself that the discovery of a universal principle could
42
43
Ibidem, p. 24.
Ibidem, p. 31.
lead him to certain results: here, in his autobiography, we find the core of special
relativity: “After ten years of reflection, such a principle: resulted from a paradox
in which I had come across at the age of 16 years: if I could follow a ray of light
to speed c, the light ray would appear to me as an electromagnetic field oscillating
in space, in a state of quiet. But nothing of the kind seems to be able to subsist
based on experience or Maxwell's equations. From the beginning, it seemed to me
intuitively clear that, from the point of view of such a hypothetical observer,
everything must happen according to the same laws that apply to a stationary
observer concerning the Earth. Otherwise, how would the first observer know, i.e.
how could he establish, to be in a state of rapid uniform motion? In this paradox is
already contained the germ of the theory of special relativity.” 44
The universal principle of the theory of special relativity would then be contained
in the postulate: the laws of physics would be invariant to the Lorentz
transformations. Einstein does not stop here, he wants to make clear what are the
characteristics of the four-dimensional space: according to him, it would be
divided into a three-dimensional continuum and a one-dimensional one, that is
time, so the four-dimensional point of view would not be necessary. Physics is
indebted, obviously for Einstein, to his theory of special relativity, especially for
two concepts: the first would be that there would be no immediate action at a
distance, in the sense of Newton's mechanics, and the second would state that the
two principles of conservation of momentum and conservation of energy would
merge into a single principle: the inert mass of a closed system would coincide
with its energy and mass would be eliminated as an independent concept. But this,
as of course can be imagined, was nothing more than the first step towards a later
development that culminated in the theory of general relativity, which became
apparent in Einstein's mind as early as 1908. This occurred, on the admission of
the physicist himself, that in the theory of special relativity, there was actually no
place for a satisfactory elaboration of a new theory of gravitation, and in fact, states
44
Ibidem, p. 34.
that: “Then it occurred to me this: the equality of the inner and the heavy mass,
that is the independence of the gravitational acceleration from the nature of what
falls, can be expressed as follows: in a gravitational field everything happens as in
a space free from gravitation, as long as you introduce, instead of "inertial system",
a reference system accelerated concerning an inertial system”.45
It took him a few years to arrive at this construction because it was not easy for
him to detach himself from the idea that coordinates had an immediate metric
meaning. The theory of general relativity then, had only to proceed according to
the principle that natural laws should be expressed by equations that were
covariants concerning the group of continuous transformations of coordinates.
This group would then replace the group of Lorentz transformations of special
relativity theory. Einstein outlines exhaustively the heuristic meaning of the
principles of general relativity, which would be in the fact that they lead us to look
for systems of equations that, in their general covariant formulation, are as simple
as possible, including the famous equations of the gravitational field. However,
about the mature formation of general relativity, Einstein feels compelled to stop
on a great complication in the physics of the time: quantum physics, in whose
mechanics it is impossible to find the representation of reality in such an easy way
as it had been in the past. On the other hand, Einstein had to admit some contrasts
with this theory, especially about its future use: “It is my opinion that today's
quantum theory, utilizing certain exactly defined fundamental concepts, which all
come from classical mechanics, constitutes the best possible formulation of the
various connections. I believe, however, that the same theory does not offer any
useful starting point for future development. This is the point where my predictions
diverge from those of most contemporary physicists. They are convinced that it is
impossible to interpret the essential aspects of quantum phenomena by a theory
which describes the actual state of things by continuous functions of space for
which differential equations apply. They believe, moreover, that the atomic
45
Ibidem, p. 40.
structure of matter and radiation cannot be understood in this way.”46
Einstein certainly does not deny that all these questions are incredibly serious for
physics, but the decisive question seems to him another and that is what attempt is
possible to make with hopes of success, given the current situation of physical
theory, being guided by the experiences connected with the new theory of
gravitation: his equations would be, according to Einstein, the most natural
generalization of the equations of gravitation, even if the application and then the
demonstration of their physical usefulness will be a very exhausting task because
they will not be enough only approximations. He concludes his work thus: “This
exposition will have answered its purpose if it has shown the reader the connection
which unites the efforts of a lifetime, and the reason why they have led to
expectations of a definite nature.”47
I.IV. Answers to Philosophers and Scientists
Einstein's scientific autobiography, was not, however, simply published by the
physicist without obtaining any further repercussions, in fact, a host of eminent
philosophers and scientists read and criticized Einstein's obituary, in a continuous
search for a more and more general field theory, for the protagonist of the writing,
and the opposite conception, perpetrated instead by most physicists of the time.
Not for this Einstein remained impassive he wrote a reply to the observations of
all the authors who expressed themselves in his text. Surely this operation was not
easy for him, on the contrary! For a whole a series of reasons, starting from the
fact that the arguments in the essays are, as it is easy to understand, too many and
not always connectable among them. So, Einstein tries to reorganize everything
according to a logical criterion, even if the mentality of many is an insuperable
obstacle for him so that he would not be able to express himself about them.
Starting from the beginning, the first ones to be taken into consideration are
46
47
Ibidem, p. 51.
Ibidem, p. 55.
Wolfgang Pauli (1900-1958) and Max Born (1882-1970), who describe the part
about quanta and statistics following their logical coherence and their path in the
evolution of physics of the 20th century. Both these thinkers would complain that
he does not accept the fundamental idea of the current statistical quantum theory
because he does not believe that it can be used as a valid basis for physics in
general. But quantum physics finds its heart in Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle,
as mentioned before. According to Einstein, all the others would be completely
convinced that the mystery of the double nature of corpuscles (undulating and
corpuscular) has found its solution in this theory and that it is the fundamental
presupposition of all the physical theories thinkable and reasonable. The thought
on which Einstein is directed instead is oriented to support that the statistical
character of contemporary quantum theory must be attributed to the fact that it
deals with an incomplete description of physical systems. Moreover, it does not
seem to satisfy him fully, his attitude towards what seems to him to be the purpose
of physics itself: "The complete description of any real situation that is supposed
to exist independently from any act of observation or verification. Whenever the
modern physicist with positivistic sympathies hears such a formulation, his
reaction is a smile of pity.”48 Furthermore, he believes that this revolves around
quantum mechanics in the sense of claiming difficulty, which would derive from
the fact that one should always postulate as "real" something that is not observable.
What Einstein did not like about this, is precisely the fundamental positivistic
attitude which for him would be literally untenable and that, among other things,
it would be attributable to the same principle of Berkeley 'esse est percipi'. Being
then is always something that we construct with the mind, or something that we
assume, in freedom, but in a logical sense. So, according to the physicist: “In
simple words, the conclusion is this: in the framework of quantum statistical theory
there is nothing like a complete description of the single system. Wanting to be
more cautious, one could say this: the attempt to conceive of quantum-theoretical
48
Ibidem, p. 20.
description as a complete description of individual systems leads to unnatural
theoretical interpretations, which immediately become unnecessary if one accepts
the interpretation that the description refers to sets of systems and not to individual
systems.”49
Then for Einstein, there would be a psychological reason for the fact that this
interpretation, however, is rejected: if quantum theory gave up describing the
individual system completely, it would then be inevitable to look somewhere else
for a complete description of the system and in doing so, then it would be clear
from the beginning that the elements of this description could not be part of the
conceptual territory of quantum theory. According to him, it would be more natural
to think that an adequate formulation of the laws of the universe, has always to do
with the use of all the conceptual elements necessary for a complete description.
But also, Bohr, together with Pauli, besides recognizing Einstein's work in a
historical sense, attacked him on a common point: the rigid adherence to classical
theory. The defence that he deploys is to say that nowadays, anything even similar
to a classical field theory and therefore it could not be strictly adhered to, but this
does not mean that it does not exist as a program and then yes Einstein can be
attributed and the justification would be that follows: “The theory of gravitation
has shown me that the nonlinearity of these equations implies that the theory
admits in general interactions between structures. But the theoretical search for
nonlinear equations is hopeless unless the principle of general relativity is used. At
the same time, however, it does not seem possible to formulate this principle if one
tries to deviate from the above program. The result is a compulsion from which I
cannot escape.”50
Subsequently, Einstein goes on to consider the work of Hans Reichenbach (18911953)51, which instead invests the territory of the relationship between philosophy
and the theory of relativity, particularly the issue of truth. First, it is necessary to
Ibidem, p. 214.
Ibidem, p. 219.
51
Ibidem, p. 220.
49
50
examine the dynamics of the problem related to geometry, i.e. whether it is
verifiable or not. This is because the positions are divided on two fronts:
Reichenbach approves, and Helmotz too, while Poincaré does not, and then a short
dialogue takes place in Einstein's text in which the latter states that bodies
empirically given, would not be rigid and therefore, they could not be used to
materialize geometric intervals, therefore theorems of geometry would not be
provable. The first one replies then that it is fine to admit that nobody can be
immediately used as the "true definition"52 of the interval, but this would not
remove the fact that it can be obtained through relationships such as the influence
of temperature on volume, etc., and that classical physics would have easily
demonstrated this without contradiction. Poincaré shows, however, that to do this,
Reichenbach has used Euclidean geometry and then the verification of which he
spoke, is not simply addressed to the geometry but to the whole system of physical
laws that are the foundation. So, why then could he not depend on himself on the
choice of a geometry that is suitable for his purposes and to whose choice he will
adapt the consequent laws? In this way, contradictions between this speech and
experience would be avoided. Reichenbach then replies that it should be noted,
however, that sticking to the objective meaning of length and the interpretation of
the differences in coordinates, has never brought, in pre-Relativistic physics, any
complication. In any case, he points out that for Einstein it would have been
possible to build a theory of general relativity, even if he had not accepted the
objective meaning of length. Against Poincaré, it could also be observed that what
would matter, is not the greater simplicity of geometry, but of physics, including
geometry, and that is why then it would be inappropriate to adopt Euclidean
geometry. Reichenbach's essay is then really stimulating for Einstein and can be
easily connected to Percy Bridgman's one (1882-1961)53: to consider a logical
system as a physical theory, it is not necessary to set the condition that all its
statements can be verified one by one, but it is necessary only that it contains
52
53
Ibidem, p. 220.
Ibidem, p. 222.
empirically verifiable statements in a general sense.
The essay of Henry Margenau (1901-1997)54, however, according to Einstein,
contains original observations: a logical conceptual system is a physical science
insofar as its concepts and statements are necessarily related to the world of
experience, but all those who try to establish such a system will certainly find a
dangerous obstacle in the arbitrariness of the choice, and this would be the reason,
for Einstein, why he tries to connect his concepts as directly as possible with
experience, thus showing an empirical attitude. Nevertheless, a part of his essay
does not convince him at all: “In this case, which has always existed in physics,
we must limit ourselves to give objective meaning to the general laws of the theory,
that is, we must set the condition that these laws are valid for every description of
the system that is recognized as valid in the function of the group. It is not true,
therefore, that objectivity presupposes a group characteristic but, on the contrary,
the group characteristic imposes a refinement of the concept of objectivity.”55 We
now turn, in Einstein's remarks, to the essays of Lenzen and Northrop56 who both
deal systematically with the occasional epistemological content of some of his
expressions: the former would have constructed an accurate general picture of
them, and everything written in them is, for Einstein, convincing, while Northrop
would have used them as a starting point for a critique of epistemological systems
and which Einstein himself greatly admires. What Einstein states here is: “The
mutual relationship between epistemology and science is very important. They
depend on each other. Epistemology without contact with science becomes an
empty scheme. Science without epistemology is primitive and formless.”57
In these various essays, there is also a brief mention of the cosmological problem,
a theme he has already dealt with in this paper and therefore it can be an excellent
enrichment, with Edward Milne (1896-1950), Lemaître and Leopold Infeld (18981968), for which Einstein says: “On the ingenious reflections of Milne I can only
Ibidem, p. 223.
Ibidem, p. 224.
56
Ibidem, p. 227.
57
Ibidem, p. 227.
54
55
say that I find their theoretical basis too limited. From my point of view, it is not
possible to arrive theoretically at results that are, at least, reliable, in the field of
cosmology, if you do not make use of the principle of general relativity. As for
Lemaître's arguments in favour of the so-called "cosmological constant" in the
gravitational equations, I must admit that they do not seem to be convincing
enough, at the present state of our knowledge... Infeld's essay is a very good
introduction, understandable even if taken by itself, to the so-called "cosmological
problem" of the theory of relativity, which critically examines all the essential
points.”58
The last essay considered by Einstein is that of Kurt Gödel (1906-1978)59, in which
there would be an important contribution to the theory of general relativity,
especially in the analysis of the concept of time, a problem that worried Einstein
since the first formulation of the theory of general relativity and, without going too
much into technicalities that belong to Gödel's writing, it is possible to see how the
distinction between "before" and "after", is not valid for all the points of the
universe very distant from each other in a cosmological sense and indeed, Gödel
himself would have found cosmological solutions to gravitational equations,
which for Einstein would be very interesting to analyse in case they should not be
discarded by physical reasons. This roundup of Einstein's answers to other
physicists and philosophers is concluded with his decision not to write anything
more on this subject and not to add anything more to his already existing
comments, because they have already become too long 60.
Ibidem, p. 229-230.
Ibidem, p. 231.
60
Ibidem, p. 233.
58
59
Chapter II.
A New, Problematic Face for The World
In the previous chapter, I have dealt with laying the necessary gnoseological
foundation for a thorough understanding of the discussion between Albert Einstein
and Ernst Cassirer, showing the formulation and implications, including
cosmological ones, of the theory of special relativity.
Instead, in the chapter that opens here, I would like to pass more in detail to what
Cassirer sealed in the lectures he gave in the winter semester, from October 13 th,
1920 to January 26th, 1921, in which he brought to the surface a regulative
principle, in the strictly Kantian sense of the term, of a general maxim for the study
of nature, which goes to compose the fundamental philosophical nucleus of the
theory of relativity, without denying the experimental and empirical bases because
the postulate of general covariance, is placed as a rule of the intellect: a principle
that would be used precisely by the intellect hypothetically for the investigation
and interpretation of experiences and following only this rule it is possible to reach
the so-called synthetic unity of phenomena understood in a temporal relationship.
First of all, the problems related to relativity are presented by Cassirer, as
philosophical, which invests in particular the relationship between science and
philosophy itself, the latter in fact would be revised in principle as "philosophy of
nature", already present in reality since the times of ancient Greece, where it would
emerge a common trait, not so much directed towards the search of the so-called
αρχή, but rather towards the common conjugation of physiology, φύσις and λογος,
exasperated towards an attempt to explain the world. In this period, it would be
considered under the description of κοσμος, a united whole, in which matter would
come to elucidate the structure of the universe, which would be at the mercy of the
motions of becoming, generating, in turn, the process of natural history, also
identified in the theory of nature. The first separation between philosophy and the
science of nature would occur with the advent of the thought of Pythagoras, which
would highlight a new necessary feature: the mathematics that is so preponderant
in the discourse of science, along with an empirical basis of departure, a character
then exasperated by Democritus in the explication of the atomic theory, where the
atoms and the vacuum would reign supreme. Moreover, according to Cassirer, the
same fundamental moments should be found in the subsequent development of
modern philosophy in which the historia naturalis takes the place of the science
of nature and is realized in the work of Francis Bacon (1561-1626), who would
like to divert attention from scholastic metaphysics, which would have the
pretension of wanting to detach itself from the guide of experience. Nature,
therefore, would be known only in an inductive way that would allow us to connect
the various cases in a rigorous system to define the understanding of the "form":
“The same fundamental moments of the philosophical consideration of nature are
then presented in the development of modern philosophy. The empirical
consideration of nature, in which the science of nature is transformed into historia
naturalis is embodied by Bacon. Bacon fights the empty abstractions of
mathematicians, just as he fights scholastic metaphysics, which believes that it can
free itself from the guidance of nature, from the guidance of experience. Nature
can be known only by inductively enumerating cases, connecting them, ordering
them according to similarities and differences; and grasping them systematically,
that is, in an empirical-encyclopaedic way. Thus, the Instauratio Magna, the great
renewal, takes its starting point from the encyclopaedia, to arrive, through the
doctrine of method, which contains the doctrine of induction as its main part, at
the history of nature and from this philosophia naturalis... all these treatises seek
to go as far as the knowledge of form, just as the understanding of form constitutes
the goal of Baconian induction.”61
This is violently countered by Descartes, who rails in favour of a mathematical,
hence Pythagorean-Democratic, ideal of nature and knowledge of it, in a slow
progression toward what would later be defined as mechanicism based solely on:
extension, form, and motion: “Descartes' main work immediately denies both: by
61
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 42-43.
far the largest part of the work to which Descartes gave the title Principia
Philosophiae, deals with the principles of physics, namely, the derivation and
mechanical explanation of all happening, based solely on extension, form, and
motion.”62
In opposition to both the purely empirical and the mechanical conception, then,
there is in the last analysis, the one by Friedrich Schelling (1775-1854), who
proposes instead a dusting at Heraclitus' ideal off, namely that of an understanding
and a lived experience of nature in the total fullness of its manifestations: “To the
merely empirical conception, as to the mathematical-mechanical conception of
nature, Schelling finally contrasts again, in the philosophy of nature, the Heraclitan
ideal, the ideal of the understanding and lived experience of nature in the concrete
fullness of its manifestations. Only here must be found the reconciliation between
universal and between intuition and concept. The philosophical intuition of nature,
that intuition which Schelling found embodied in poetic vision ... is the unity of
universal and particular; in it intuition itself appears as intellectual, the intellect
itself as intuitive”.63
In light of this evolution concerning the philosophy of nature, science on the other
hand can be seen to have taken an independent path and made to stand out by
Newton's work, namely the Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica of
1687, in which he makes explicit the will to eliminate the moments of pure
hypothesis, speculation of the philosophy of nature, placing in fact as his famous
motto, the expression: "hypotheses non fingo"64.
A pupil of Newton, John Keill65 (1671-1721), coined in one of his works the most
suitable definition that will lead to the division of the purely scientific method,
from the philosophical one, namely: descriptio phaenomenorum, that is a simple
but effective description of phenomena. This resolution is more suitable than in
Ibidem, p. 43.
Ibidem, p. 43.
64
Isaac Newton, The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy, 1687, edited by F. Giudice, Piccola
Biblioteca Einaudi Scienza, G. Einaudi Editore spa, Turin, 2018, p. 95.
65
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 44.
62
63
Gustav Kirchhoff (1824-1887)66, who in his mechanics, highlights that its precise
purpose is to describe optimally and clearly, the motions and changes that nature
shows. What about relativity? What space does it occupy in these considerations
of Cassirer? He affirms that it pushes towards the dissipation of the primary facts
of consciousness, much further than what happened in mechanistic physics alone:
a motion, it is no longer possible to think, without considering it as something
belonging to a mass, a subject, even if it was only a point and without space being
interpreted as homogeneous, uniform, in which there is an equally uniform time.
On the contrary, space and time in relativity would become part of that content
which definitively disappears in the logical-mathematical form of this physics:
“Relativistic physics is characterized by the fact that it pushes the dissolution of
the fundamental facts of consciousness, of the "given" far beyond what happened
in the mechanistic conception of the world. This resolves all "subjective qualities"
into quantities, everything that is the object of sensation into something numerable
and measurable. The vision of the day is turned into vision of the night; the world
of colours and sounds disappears for us and passes into a world of pure quantities.
But if you look more carefully, you see that at the foundation of this world of mere
quantities there are still qualitative differences that are completely determined. It
is about those differences that are placed precisely in the fundamental concepts of
the mechanism itself. The motion, to which all sensible contents and all sensible
differences are brought back, cannot be thought without us, placing something that
moves, a mass, as the subject of motion, even if we think of this mass as reduced
to a mere material point without our also thinking of a homogeneous, uniform,
continuous space too, in which it proceeds and a uniform time, in which it flows.”67
So where would the epistemological knot of relativity lie? In the concept of reality,
which would accord with the one of philosophy in its form of conceptual analysis.
Its philosophical content and merit, according to Cassirer, would consist precisely
in shedding effective light on the boundaries between physics and philosophy,
66
67
Ibidem, p. 44.
Ibidem, p. 52.
between the problems of nature and its actual knowledge exactly as they are
perceived by the philosopher and the physicist: “Does this concept of reality agree
with the one of philosophy, with the criterion of measurement with which
philosophy, in its form of conceptual analysis, measures the things of nature and
the contents of consciousness, or are they already originally, already as a thinkable
criteria of measurement, in conflict with each other? This is the essential
epistemological problem that the theory of relativity raises. Its essential
philosophical content and its philosophical merit, as we shall try to show, consists
not so much in its ultimate results, as in the fact that it has raised with full
determinacy this question... and here, in the theory of relativity, we can finally
make clear the boundaries between physics and philosophy, between the problem
of nature, objective knowledge, as they present themselves to the philosopher and
the physicist. The first great physicists of the Modern Age, Galilei, and Kepler, had
not yet drawn these boundaries rigorously.”68
For Cassirer, the duty then that contemporary physics would pose to scholars
would be to find a way to escape that leads to philosophical truth and reality , that
could keep us safe between the Scylla of nominalism and relativism and the
Charybdis of the absolutist conception of the world and things. To trace the
contours of this path then, we need to analyse in a more detailed way the concept
of truth and the concept of physical reality. So, how could reality and truth behave
within this panorama? First, the theory of realistic copy is placed by Cassirer:
physical concepts would be endowed with a certain amount of reality in the
moment in which they would reflect the object present in nature. This theory,
however, would show a very naive conception of nature because, basing itself
exclusively on this, it would have a claim to knowledge and in fact, since the early
days of the philosophy of nature, but if we want to see from those of human
knowledge in general, it is noted that the changeability and relativity of "real"
objects, are also something concrete and cannot be attributed to them directly.
68
Ibidem, p. 53.
From this, there later arose an agreement between empiricism and rationalism,
initiated by John Locke (1632-1704), namely that these objects would be
characterized primarily by the so-called primary qualities: “The first conception
concerning the essence and meaning of physical concepts that arises is the theory
of the realistic copy: physical concepts possess "truth" insofar as they reproduce
the "real" object present in nature. The naive conception of the world believes in
grasping immediately the reality of things, of nature in the sensory perceptions;
but already from the very beginning of the scientific considerations of the world,
the relativity, and the changeability of the contents of the sensible perception are
discovered and it is shown that they cannot be attributed to the "same" object... But
Locke still concludes that, on the contrary, the primary qualities belong to the
object itself; the representations of number, of form, of motion are in the objects,
in the object as well as in us: here a perfect similarity takes place.”69 However,
continuing the analysis, it became clear that these qualities, while belonging to the
object, were also subject to the trend of relativity, and, thinkers such as George
Berkeley (1685-1753)70, objected that both primary and secondary qualities should
be considered equivalent from a psychological point of view. These issues are the
ones that would then run through the world of our perception. Looking into the
past and turning to ancient philosophy, it had been reconstructed, among the
various theories that followed over the centuries, also based on atoms, by
Democritus and placed as the very basis of reality and matter. During the centuries,
the development of this theory changed and consolidated, from Descartes to
Newton, from Leucippus (beginning of V century B.C. - third quarter of V century
B.C.) to Gustav Fechner (1801-1887) from Max Planck to James Maxwell, and the
same for other concepts such as ether, that in the theory of relativity is even largely
eradicated from its original function of subsidy of electromagnetic and optical
events. According to Cassirer, this point of the discussions about perception and
everything else, would open a further gap: a contradiction within the development
69
70
Ibidem, p. 57.
Ibidem, p. 58.
of physics itself, in fact it would have as its supreme purpose to bring to the
complete knowledge of perceptions, sensations, describing them as a whole, but to
fully fulfil it, it must necessarily take a path away from this, or its entire course
would be constituted by a real detachment from this task: “The path of physics
starts from sensations and returns again to sensations: all its concepts, its
hypotheses are nothing but attempts to describe, evaluate, order sensory data. Their
theoretical value consists exclusively in enclosing within themselves this
reduction, an abbreviation of the content of sensations and thus save intellectual
labour. The function of physical concepts is resolved in the economy of thought.
Thus, the ether, the atom, force, mass, and energy are not concepts of things, they
are not reproductions of real objects that we can presuppose as real somewhere in
the nature of things; they are nothing more than computational instruments, than
conceptual fictions - insofar as they can have in general a sense - which in the end
must be reconverted into factuality of sensation, into elements and relations
between elements. But at this point, a new problem arises. If the description, the
understanding of concrete sensations constitutes the authentic end of scientific
thought, it must be admitted that physics, to achieve this end, must take a particular
road, a road that, instead of bringing it closer to it, threatens to take it further and
further away. It should know no other task than that of describing sensations,
according to their concrete content, as faithfully and immediately as possible. But
instead of even attempting such a description of the sensible data, its whole
procedure consists rather in a distancing from this content.”71
The element that more than any other is detached in the study of physical concepts,
would be, according to Planck72, the anthropological one and according to him,
only the primitive stages of the evolution of physics, would have still involved this
aspect: the progress instead would show the setting aside of the human-historical
principle from the definitions of physics, for example, Planck shows how the
characterization of seeing, therefore related to the sense of sight, is given in the
71
72
Ibidem, p. 63.
The Unity of the Physical Worldview, Leipzig 1909.
language with "light" or "colour "73, while this is fundamentally different from the
true nature of the light ray. The sensation, therefore, would present only qualitative
differences, while physics would have as focus the attainment of quantities 74 that
can be defined as such and consequently a concreteness of the concepts of
measurement: “Such an extraordinary enlargement of the theory (see Planck's
optical theory) is also presented to us in the theory of relativity, which distances
itself even more than classical mechanics did, not only from the point of view of
sensation but also from the one of immediate intuition, from our usual view of
space and time. About the theory of special relativity, it has already been said that
its essence consists in transforming all realities, even "tangible realities", in
"mathematical constructions" and the development in the theory of general
relativity has further accentuated and strengthened this fundamental tendency... all
that physics aims at consists in obtaining exact concepts of magnitude and
therefore exact concepts of measurement; sensation, however, based on its
immediate content, is neither measurable nor, by itself, can it serve as a means and
principle of measurement. Sensation as such presents only qualitative
differences, ... in which the possibility of establishing comparisons of quantities or
determinations of quantities is not at all immediately given.”75
Up to this point, Cassirer is giving a negative connotation of perception and in
particular of vision and this leads him to emphasize the positive aspects, especially
taking into account that physics from the Nineteenth century onwards is
transformed from physics of images to physics of principles, with a peak in the
pervasion of electromagnetic physics, where the mechanical models used should
be considered only as an ideal representation of the given phenomenon studied.
At this point of the discussion, Cassirer wonders which are the invariable
Lecture "Das Wesen des Lichtes," delivered on October 28th, 1919, at the general meeting of the Kaiser
Wilhelm Society for the Advancement of Science.
74
A physical quantity is any measurable physical property of a body, object, or phenomenon, and that
given measurement must be able to be uniquely expressed through a number and a unit of magnitude.
They can be either extensive or intensive and also scalar or vector. (via: YouMath).
75
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 65-66.
73
component of the hypothesis and of the physical theories, since the sensitive one
is no more usable: according to him, it should be found not in the single objects,
events, and so on, but in the relationships based on the laws that bind the
phenomena, therefore the physical concepts would be understandable only thanks
to the position that they assume in the complex of physical judgments, that is the
physical laws themselves. Here clearly arises a further dilemma, namely the one
concerning the achievement, the systematization of these laws where, the simplest
and most direct answer to it, seems to be found in the measurement, which takes
place thanks to the space-time measurements that we assume to be always
constant, although the concept of constancy presupposes the universal value of the
laws of nature, so that they are already part of our measurement, and compose the
result, but at the same time they are part of it as a condition itself: “We ask
ourselves then, what is the constant component of physical hypotheses and
theories, if certainly, their sensible component is not? What still generates between
them some objective link? ... in truth it is easy to indicate the element "object" and
"constant" of the various theories that we were looking for: it is not found in
individual "things", whatever they are, to which our physical concepts resemble or
reproduce faithfully, but in the relationships based on laws of phenomena, which
they express. Physical concepts are never comprehensible by themselves, but they
become so only because of their position in the general complex of physical
judgments; the form of the physical judgment is that of the physical law. Therefore,
every concept has insofar content as it represents a building stone for the
formulation of laws.”76
Turning now to a more detailed discussion of the theory of special relativity
instead, Cassirer shows the importance of two experiments in particular: the one
by Hippolyte Fizeau (1819-1896)77: it was used to measure the relative speed of
light in water, when it is kept moving at a constant speed, using a special
76
77
Ibidem, p. 73-74.
Fizeau experiment: via SPIE: the International Society for Optics and Photonics, excerpted from
Fundamentals of Optical Engineering, second edition, B.H.Walker, 2009.
arrangement of the interferometer to measure the effect of motion in an optical
medium on the speed of light, and the one by Albert Michelson (1852-1931)78:
conducted in 1857, it is still considered one of the most famous and important
experiments in the history of science. He succeeded in demonstrating the
independence of the speed of light for the hypothetical "ether wind" and it was the
great proof against this one, also called luminiferous ether (a theory of the XIX
century that indicated the medium through which it was thought to pass the
electromagnetic waves). Michelson's interferometer was used, which allowed him
to get the result. They seemed to bring rather contradictory results, and just from
this feature that would permeate the experience, it would open the way to the
theory of relativity because the scientific thought could not accept this problem,
but it could not even overcome it without operating on itself a deep revolution of
its assumptions that resulted in a real critical consciousness of the forms of
measurement itself both of space and time 79. What these two experiments brought
to light was a study on the hypothetical existence of the luminiferous ether and its
motion, first of all comparing the speed of light when it propagates in a moving
medium and when it propagates in a medium at rest: the general conclusion would
show how the motion of the light ray, actually is not at all influenced by the one of
the medium and therefore, supposing the existence of this ether, we should speak
of "absolute" motion of the Earth during the period of revolution around the Sun
because this substance than would be at rest. As for the problem concerning pure
theoretical physics, then we would have on one hand Fizeau's experiment that
showed how the ether was not dragged by bodies with refraction quotient80 1, while
on the other there would be the one of Michelson who seemed to show instead,
Michelson-Morley experiment: via SapereScienza, The ether paradox and the Michelson-Morley
experiment, by A. Frova, June 25, 2020.
79
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 82.
80
Refraction consists of a variation in the trajectory of waves as they pass between one medium and
another. The variation of the trajectory is produced by the variation of the speed of propagation of the
waves in the two media. The refraction index indicates how much a medium modifies the speed of a
certain type of wave (in particular, electromagnetic waves). Fraction indices are called absolute and are
always pure numbers greater than 1. (via encyclopaedia Treccani).
78
how the ether would be completely transported by the air in motion, together with
the Earth.
Since both were performed and the conclusion was a drift without actual results,
we can now move on to methodical and philosophical considerations, especially
concerning a diatribe of long duration: that between experience and thought!
Both Einstein's and Hendrik Lorentz's theory (1853-1928), fundamental for the
following development of electromagnetism and electrodynamics and as the basis
for Einstein himself to formulate the concept of space and time in special relativity,
start from a new concept of measure and measuring principle, even if for the latter,
space and time become concept of thing. Relating this to what was explained
before about the two experiments, we can deduce, according to Cassirer, that it is
by introducing an objective ether that we could explain why we must stick only to
the rules of measurement, valid for each reference system: “In fact, everything that
until now was not explainable at all, or it was only explainable by resorting to
extremely difficult and arbitrary hypotheses, through the introduction of an
objective ether, understood as a particular substance, is explained as long as we
stick only to the rules of measurement valid for each physical reference system.
The unity of the physical image of the world is now founded in these rules and not
in a substantial thing that exists absolutely, and in this unity, there is no contrast
with the diversity of observations, which can be obtained from different reference
systems in uniform motion for each other, but rather the key to this diversity is
found there.”81 However, on the other hand, Einsteinian theory incorporates
perfectly the unitary criterion of measurement, on which the material values of
space and time could be discerned, putting at the centre the principle of the
invariance of the speed of light. This united with the principle of relativity, gives a
complete explanation of the mechanical, electromagnetic and optic-electrical
phenomena: they formulate together a unitary fundamental relation to which all
the laws of nature obey, representing in this way a universal gnoseological moment
81
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 90.
for us, being in reciprocal coordination, even if it must be underlined that the
theory of special relativity itself cannot step too far, but it should stick precisely to
the principle of invariance of light. For Cassirer, the relationship between classical
mechanics and the theory of relativity should be stabilized in thinking of this last
one as the fulfilment of the concept of object in classical mechanics, but at the
same time as an overcoming of it: “Here the postulate of the constancy of the speed
of light is stripped of its absolute meaning; the principle of measurement is moved
to another place. So, to say, no single procedure is no longer valid as a fundamental
constant in general; rather, all that remains now is the "law of legality", the norm
according to which invariants cannot be given in general. Precisely, these we call
the laws of nature and precisely to these we refer as the ideal "motionless poles".
The relationship of classical mechanics with the theory of relativity from this
perspective: the fundamental thought of the theory of relativity as the fulfilment of
the concept of the object of classical mechanics and at the same time as its
overcoming, because it transfers all objectivity in the determined fundamental
relations.”82
II.I. The Problem of Space and Time
To analyse its developments, as usual, it is necessary to start from the beginning
and therefore from Isaac Newton's mechanics. Space and time in his theoretical
construction are, as it is well known, of absolute character and that therefore they
would come to transcend our sensibility and the possibility to know the world.
From these perspectives, started the first criticisms not on a mere physical level,
on the metaphysical one by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) and George
Berkeley, who opposed Newton because, they saw mixed in a wrong way,
according to them, the intelligible being with the sensitive, with the perception,
transferred then in the phenomenological dimension of space and time.
82
Ibidem, p. 101.
Newton himself will be able to admit that absolute space and time, remain directly
unknown to us in the sensibility, but this does not take away that he was convinced
by this: he never doubted their existence, in fact behind all the different relative
metric determinations, there would still have to be the determination of being, that
is space and time precisely, also indicated as the “true causes"83, even if in a
perspective of experience, none can give us evidence of it, and this statement can
lead us, as Cassirer states in his discussion, to wonder why in the Eighteenth
century. then absolute space and time are so rooted in the common thought of many
philosophers, even though we cannot confirm them through our senses: “Why
then, despite everything, the whole mathematical-physical thought of the
Eighteenth century persists in accepting this assumption; why does it seem so
difficult, even almost impossible to abandon the hypothesis of absolute space and
absolute time? Perhaps this thought has not seen the difficulties inherent in these
two concepts. This is not the case: it highlights them instead most rigorously and
firmly. But after pointing out all these difficulties, the thought always returns
anyway to its initial point, to its starting point.”84
The answer that he gives, could be found in the construction of another Swiss
scholar, considered one of the greatest mathematicians of the entire history:
Leonhard Euler, or better, Euler (1707-1783)85. He in fact, in his 1765 work
Theoria motus corporum solidorum seu rigidorum, would reserve to philosophers
the role of metaphysicians who would tend to invent the concepts of reality,
without considering the "real" data coming from the rules of nature, so for Euler
they are not the ones to decide about things that only empirical natural science,
together with mathematics, can abrogate or not. Philosophy, from its peculiar point
of view, must therefore certainly remain in constant dialogue with physics and
Isaac Newton, The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy, 1687, edited by F. Giudice, Piccola
Biblioteca Einaudi Scienza, G. Einaudi Editore spa, Turin, 2018, p. 76: "Rules of Philosophizing, Rule
I: No more causes of natural things should be admitted than those which are true and sufficient to
explain their phenomena."
84
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by
R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 106.
85
Ibidem, p. 107.
83
must continually refer to it, even if it cannot certainly limit itself to it to find the
answers to its fundamental questions. This aspect is truly evident if we think that
contemporary science today continues to ask questions and to give answers, which
are also found in the science of past centuries. For Euler, in any case, absolute
space and time remain an undeniable and certain physical reality, whereas Einstein
will later state that they are deprived of "the last remnant of physical objectivity"86,
bringing us back to a dialectic (a term that Cassirer uses without Hegelian
implications) in empirical science itself. Interestingly, Cassirer then mentions two
other names, more precisely a mathematician and a physicist: Carl Neumann
(1832-1925) and Ernst Mach (1838-1916)87. In particular, the first expressed a very
peculiar point of view that gave a more than surprising turn to the conflict between
absolute space-time or not, namely through the use of a paradox: the principle
considered so far the basis of mechanics, and therefore of science in general, not
only would not have had any meaning from the sensible point of view but even no
logical sense!: “His solution (ref. Neumann) of the problem was to tell the truth a
paradox, but one of those paradoxes which contain in themselves the kernel of a
fruitful truth. The paradox consisted in the fact that the principle that until now was
considered as the foundation of mechanics and with that of the science of nature
in general too, in the formulation that is usually given to it, not only does not
possess any immediate empirical meaning but even no comprehensible logical
sense.”88 This is especially so about the law of inertia. Neumann states that this
principle would be obtained only if we assume that in some unknown place in the
universe, there is an equally unknown rigid body, called Alpha Body, on which to
relocate the inertia itself. The immediately apparent problem is to consider the
existence of this body as acceptable, leads to further complications, instead of
solving the question more easily because obviously, we should think of a body
Albert Einstein, The Foundations of the Theory of Relativity, 1922, edited by E. Vinassa de Regny,
translation by W. Mauro, Edizioni Integrali, Newton Compton publishers, Rome, 2019, p. 61.
87
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated by R.
Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 112.
88
Ibidem, p. 112.
86
completely unknown to us that possesses all the characteristics of a metaphysical
being, then we must look for some reference system that is empirically
representable and for which are valid the equations of mechanics both of Galileo
and Newton. An attempt at this search is in Ernst Mach89, who identifies this
system in what can be called the sky of fixed stars because a free body would move
of uniform rectilinear motion concerning them and this is an empirically
observable fact. The peculiarity in the thought of the Austrian physicist would be
in the principle of rotational motion, in which Newton believed he could find the
existence of motion in absolute space, so it would be necessary to re-establish that
in the motions with respect to fixed stars, the principle of inertia would be valid
only for a certain approximation: “Of particular importance is the application
Mach makes of this his general principle to rotary motion. In this motion, Newton
believed that he had the immediate empirical mark of the existence of a motion,
with respect to absolute space; for the centrifugal phenomena, which we observe
in rotation, occur, as he asserts, only in the case of a "real" rotation with respect to
absolute space, not in the case of a mere relative motion. Thus, in particular, the
crushing which we observe in a rotating mass, may be taken as a sign of its absolute
rotation.”90
Where does the theory of relativity then stand here? Surely it has had the merit of
having turned the problem of relative motion into a postulate, then of all the
difficulties and obstacles that until this moment the physical thought has met, it
makes a real virtue even if the assumption on which it is based is all of
epistemological nature: if we analyse only the reference systems that have a
uniform translation, then the inertial ones, they are not defined univocally through
the phenomena, but their relationship is defined by Lorentz transformations, thanks
to which we obtain the overcoming of the absolute meaning of the concept of
simultaneity: “two events in a system K, measured according to clocks belonging
to the same system, appear simultaneous, determined according to clocks of the
89
90
Ibidem, p. 115.
Ibidem, p. 116.
system K' do not proceed simultaneously”.91
Ergo, if two twin living being, one of which departed and the other instead
remained in the system of belonging, the first would return from that voyage,
younger than his brother, who is remained on Earth. The same applies to other
quantities: length, shape, volume, and energy, in different systems, would be
measured differently: “That is, to express even more concretely: a living being
returns from such a journey "younger" than his former peer (let's imagine two
twins, one of which remains at home and the other travels around the world on a
ray of light or, whatever, on a channel ray, which has 1/1000 of the speed of light,
the latter will return back who is a young man, while his twin brother became an
old man). The same applies to the extent of length, shape, volume, and even to the
temperature and to the energy of a body: in different systems they are measured
differently.”92
91
92
Ibidem, p. 122.
Ibidem, p. 124.
Chapter III
Open Comparison Between Einstein and Cassirer
After showing the position of Einstein and then, the one of Cassirer and after
introducing assumptions and problems, it is now time to go into more detail about
what the latter writes about relativity. I would like to emphasize that the
relationship between Ernst Cassirer and Albert Einstein, was never conflictual but
of open dialogue and, at the beginning of the work Einstein's Theory of Relativity
of 1920, Cassirer highlights how the purpose of his writing and his work in general,
is to bring philosophers and physicists towards a deep understanding on issues,
such as that of the object, truth and much more, where their first opinion diverges
deeply, opening instead a debate of enrichment for both categories: “In this book,
I have the sole purpose of trying to initiate such a collaboration, to give birth to a
discussion, and if possible, in the face of the uncertainty that still characterizes the
different evaluations, to initiate it along precise methodological guidelines. The
paper will have reached its goal if it succeeds in opening the way to a mutual
understanding between philosophers and physicists on issues around which their
respective judgments diverge substantially.”93
In addition, Albert Einstein himself would have read the manuscript and would
have affixed notes and criticisms: two great minds that do not come into conflict
with each other, but in the debate enhance each other. From the very beginning,
Cassirer's neo-Kantian training is loud and clear he begins with the introduction of
the great work of Immanuel Kant (1724-1804)94, the Critique of Pure Reason
(1781), which highlights that all the knowledge we have, comes from experience,
especially if this knowledge precisely concerns the phenomena of nature.
Considering this, how does the theory of relativity, both general and special, relate
to our senses? First of all, the events that we experience are nothing but single
Ernst Cassirer, Einstein's Theory of Relativity, 1920, foreword by G. Giorello, Castelvecchi, Lit
Edizioni srl, Rome, 2015, p. 13.
94
Ibidem, p. 29.
93
observations, that added together will give rise to what we call experience, on the
other hand, however, the role of thought and the application of an abstraction, are
undoubtedly essential and no type of empiricism will ever deny it, as well as no
idealism will ever deny the importance of the senses, as well as not even the
Platonic one has ever done. Therefore, Einstein's theory brought to the surface a
new way to cooperate between thought and perception, because it finds its roots in
the contradiction of physical experiments, exactly the ones we have already talked
about in the previous chapter: Fizeau's and Michelson's, which eventually led
Einstein to issue the principle of the constancy of the speed of light, which, assisted
by relativity in mechanics, became the real generator of the theory itself in the
1905 work, The Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies. Resuming what is said at the
end of chapter two, we can now discuss the discourse regarding the measurements
and the mathematical strategy used by Einstein himself to do this, namely the
transformations of the already mentioned Lorentz:
't' = t - (v/c²) x / √1-v²/c².95
This means that the laws by which the states of physical systems change, no longer
come to depend on the reference of these changes from one state to another,
provided that they move in a uniform motion, so what the theory of relativity then
tried to do was to abandon the belief that the measured values of the quantities of
space and time, really remain uniform, thus discovering the well-known
simultaneity of two processes, exactly as seen for the hypothetical journey of the
twin brothers, in which every single quantity then must be measured according to
the system in which we are moving at that moment, mathematically demonstrated
by the equation just described, especially the final part 96 √1-v²/c² : “.. the theory of
relativity has abandoned the belief that the values of measurement of spatial and
temporal quantities remain uniform in different systems....by resorting to the
95
96
Ibidem, p. 34.
Ibidem, p. 37.
method of measuring time and the fundamental part that the speed of light plays in
all our physical measurements of time, it discovers the relativity of the simultaneity
of two processes and shows that, as results from the Lorentz transformations, even
the value-measurement of the length of a body, its volume, its shape, its energy
and temperature, and so on, is to be determined differently according to the
reference system in which the measurement is chosen to be made.”97
Cassirer also points out that Einstein was right in rejecting the criticism, addressed
to him by other physicists of the time, that the theory of general relativity is based
on the contradiction of the theory of special relativity because the latter is based
only on the consideration of phenomena that belong to the gravitational field: the
very heart of general relativity leads to highlight that the very phenomena of nature
are not the singular eventualities that we experience (as Newton and Galileo
intended) but of the determined relations and dependencies that we explicate
through the use of mathematics and physics. In this statement, there is the sense,
according to Cassirer, of relativity as a natural conclusion of the scientific thought
that has dominated the modern age, teaching us that in the measurement of certain
quantities, we must always calculate the state of the physical system that we are
analysing at that moment. Einstein’s theory wants to get rid of the residue of the
presupposition regarding rigid bodies and systems at rest, by replacing the unit
indicated by the constant c, which is the speed of light. The criticism that is made
here by relativity, according to Cassirer, was born from the context of the already
mentioned Critique of Pure Reason by Kant and addresses the concept of object,
this is because the theory of 1905 does nothing but detach itself, as we have already
had to see, from a naive view of the world and its facts, so it stands on a profoundly
different gnoseological plan, which springs in a much broader discourse that
directly touches on the metamorphosis of the concept of truth itself, in a heated
debate with purely questions of pure logic: “Having dissolved both the concept of
matter proposed by classical mechanics and the concept of ether elaborated by
97
Ibidem, p. 35.
electrodynamics, the theory of general relativity has moved these "independent
and permanent relations" elsewhere, but it has not denied them as such at all: rather,
it has reaffirmed them most firmly in its invariants that remain indifferent to
variations in the reference system. The criticism addressed by the theory of
relativity to the physical concepts of object derives therefore from that
methodology of scientific thought that led to the formation of such concepts: the
theory of relativity does not do anything but push a step further this methodology,
releasing itself more and more from the assumptions of the naive, sensitive
conception of the universe as a world of things. In order to understand this fact in
its full extent, we must necessarily go back to the more general question that the
theory of relativity poses to us at the gnoseological level: to the transformation of
the concept of the truth of physics that the theory contains within itself and that
allows it to confront immediately a fundamental problem of logic.”98
III.I. Truth: Where Do its Boundaries Reside?
If we took a step back in time, to be exact around the sixth century B.C. in what
was then Magna Graecia, we would stumble upon what was then defined as the
Eleatic School99 to which belonged personalities such as Parmenides, Zeno of Elea,
Xenophanes of Colophon, and many others. In it, as in most of the ancient logic,
the main clash was held between subject and predicate: the core was in the
relationship between the given concept and its attributes, having as its ultimate
goal, in general, to grasp the essential features of absolute substances, or even
better of being. For example, if we look at the Eleatic logic, the will of its members
was to eliminate regardless of the senses and their epistemological validity (the
δοχα) and, instead, to assume criteria of necessity, such as those of truth and thus
reach the being, one, eternal and immutable, opposed therefore to non-being. If
instead, we moved to the modern field, we would see that logic has undergone a
98
99
Ibidem, p. 46.
Eleatism: founded in the sixth century BC by Parmenides in Elea. The main feature is the profound
difference between the sensible and changeable world and the intelligible world, object of reason, the
only one that really exists and that can be identified with the Being.
rather radical change: abandoned this opposition, it turns, on the contrary, its
attention to concepts such as forms and relations, thus making the possibility of
any determinacy of the content to be thought of depend on the validity of the forms,
where the truth from being simply the direct expression of an image, it turns into
the expression instead of a function. This turning point takes place thanks to
Gottfried Leibniz100, although he was still bound in his vision, to monads and the
world they constitute even though they are worlds closed in themselves: then, they
would also express a common truth too. The theory of general relativity would
have the merit according to Cassirer, of not claiming at all, that for every living
being is true what appears to the senses, but on the contrary, not to take as truth the
expression of the validity of which science is the guardian because, as we have
already said, the natural phenomena themselves are valid only from the single
reference system that we are considering at that moment. It would like to show
how can issue utterances around this totality of events, in an overview: nothing
arbitrary or accidental belongs to the phenomenon anymore : “The theory of
relativity abandons this privileged position: not as if it could or would renounce
the postulate of the univocal determinacy of the happening, but because it has new
conceptual tools to satisfy this postulate... the physical theory of relativity does not
want at all to claim that for everyone, that is true what appears to us, but on the
contrary, it warns not to take already for truth, in a scientific sense, that is for an
expression of the overall and definitive legality of experience, phenomena for
which they are valid only starting from a single determined system of reference.
The theory of general relativity shows the way that allows us to conceive a
statement about this totality, the way that allows us to rise from the dispersion of
individual views to an overall view of the happening.”101
The consequences then that Einstein's theory brings in terms of logical application
must be treated in terms of the object and its determination, in fact if we would
Ernst Cassirer, Einstein's Theory of Relativity, 1920, foreword by G. Giorello, Castelvecchi, Lit
Edizioni srl, Rome, 2015, p. 51
101
Ibidem, p. 53.
100
start by stating that for all sentient subjects there are many different spaces and
times, the synthetic unity (in the Kantian sense of the term) would be practically
invalidated and only the individual perceptions would remain: by doing so,
however, for Cassirer, we would return to the long-standing diatribe that Plato
already opposed in the Theaetetus against Protagoras and sophistry in general.102
Each measure, taken by each observer, represents a single truth and the problem,
instead of finding a point of arrival, continues to be interpreted. In the theory of
general relativity, however, Cassirer points out that it confirms what Kant said
about space and time as "forms of intuition" because, for the theoretical physicist,
they are nothing more than simply systems of coordinates that take an immediate
physical meaning and the synchronism of points-events remains possible and
indeed, tends to express the laws of nature. It appears then clear to the neo-Kantian
philosopher that the theory of general relativity, nothing else would do, but move
in space and time as sources of knowledge, where however they would be
eliminated as things in a physical sense. Therefore, the theory of 1915 tries to find
the unity of nature according to a new sense that gathers the gravitational
phenomena with those then electrodynamic, under a single fundamental principle
of the knowledge of nature, which must be admitted, even if not explicitly, the
concept of coincidence to which the theory itself refers when a certain content is
traced back to the laws of nature: “The theory of relativity does not oppose in any
way the logical universality of such an idea: on the contrary, it begins precisely
with the consideration of all movements in space as simply relative, because
otherwise it is not able to collect them in a certain empirical concept that unites all
phenomena. Since the postulate of the totality of determination, it rejects any
attempt to make a single determinate element, of a particular reference system, the
norm of all others. The only valid norm remains the idea of the unity of nature, that
is, of univocal determination itself. In this conception, the mechanistic conception
of the universe has no more reason to exist. The theory of general relativity founds
102
Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophical Problems of the Theory of Relativity, 1921, edited and translated
by R. Pettoello, Mimesis edizioni, MIM Edizioni srl, Sesto San Giovanni, 2015, p. 126.
the unity of nature in a new sense, grasping the gravitational phenomena, which
constitute the authentic field of investigation of the previous mechanics, together
with the electrodynamic phenomena under a supreme fundamental principle of the
knowledge of nature. One can precisely indicate the point at which the theory of
general relativity must implicitly admit that methodical premise which in Kant
goes under the name of "pure intuition." It is the concept of coincidence, to which
the theory ultimately traces the content and form of all laws of nature.”103
Relativity then brings to the surface that, it is the functional thought to be part of
the necessary motivations for any space-time determination: in this way, physics
never knows its concepts in the form of a logical self, but only between their
mutual connection. The whole physics then, is placed in the middle of two areas
between which to mediate, without wondering what the origin might be: the
multiplicity of sensitive data that each of us collects and the multiplicity instead of
functions of form and order, because it comes to depend both on the material
content of our experience, as well as formal and general principles. The history of
physics therefore is not the simple discovery of facts, but the history of the
discovery of specific conceptual tools in continuous renewal, where, however, it
constantly wants to feel "safe" on the ground of a science that, however, represent
nothing but the very birth of the problems that emerge in it: “Before we can analyse
the coincidence of events and try to establish it with special methods of
measurement, we must necessarily have already grasped the concept of "event" as
a space-time event, we must have understood the sense that is expressed in it. As
for its fundamental problem, physics is placed from the beginning between two
areas that it must recognize and between which it must mediate without wondering
further what is the "origin". On one hand we have the multiplicity of sensitive data,
and on the other hand a multiplicity of pure functions of form and order. As an
empirical science, physics is bound as much to the "material" contents offered to
it by sensory perception as to these formal principles, in which the general
103
Ernst Cassirer, Einstein's Theory of Relativity, 1920, foreword by G. Giorello, Castelvecchi, Lit
Edizioni srl, Rome, 2015, p. 76
conditions of the "possibility of experience" are experienced. It does not have to
"discover" or deduce either one or the other field, but its task is resolved in putting
progressively the realm of "forms" about the data of empirical observation and,
vice versa, these to those. The history of physics is thus not the history of the
discovery of a simple series of "facts", but the history of the discovery of specific
and always new conceptual tools. Nevertheless, in each change of these conceptual
tools, as physics moves along the "sure path of a science," it also confirms the unity
of those methodological principles on which the same problem is founded.”104
In Einstein's theory, then, the core of the question would emerge only when it is a
matter of connecting in the dimension of time, events that however are far apart in
space. Einstein dedicates the first chapter of the part reserved to kinematics, to the
definition of simultaneity and to the problems that are generated in the article that
concerns the theory of relativity, that is On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies:
if we consider a system of coordinates in which the equations of Newtonian
mechanics are valid, this would be called "at rest" and if we consider a material
point at rest concerning it, its position can be measured by rigid rulers in terms of
coordinates, but still Cartesian type. If we wanted to describe the movement of a
material point, then we would give the values of coordinates in function to time.
But what does Einstein mean by "time"? Well, it is a description of simultaneous
events and hence the famous example: “This train arrives here at 7 o'clock, this
means something like the small hand of my watch on 7 and the arrival of the train
are simultaneous.”105
Despite this, the definition of simultaneity does not seem to be completely
sufficient when we consider events that take place in places far from where the
clock is located, and not in the same place (such for example, the station where we
are and where we read the timetable of trains and, obviously, the train itself). If we
assume that at point A there is a clock so that an observer at the same point can
104
105
Ibidem, p. 80.
Albert Einstein, On the Electrodynamics of Bodies in Motion, June 1905, published in the famous
academic journal Annalen der Physik, in the cycle of four articles known as Annus Mirabilis Papers,
Bern, p.2.
evaluate the events that occur in the vicinity of A as simultaneous with the hands
of the clock. At point B, then, there is a clock built exactly like the one at A, such
that the same observations are possible as at A. We can then evaluate a time of A
and one of B, but an overall time for A and B has not yet been defined: the latter
must be described as the time that light takes from A to B and vice versa, i.e. the
two clocks are simultaneous if:
tB- tA = t1A - t1B .
If we assume that, this contains no contradiction, then the timing of an event is the
simultaneous indication of the event of a clock that is at rest at the event location
and that is synchronized with a clock which is at rest too and which is maintained
in this status for all the characteristics listed above. We could then establish this
magnitude: 2AB / t1A - tA = V, where V is the constant, one and only, of the speed
of light in vacuum, already seen and discussed in this paper repeatedly: “Consider
a coordinate system in which the equations of Newtonian mechanics are valid. We
call this coordinate system "system at rest" to distinguish it, in words, from other
coordinate systems that will be introduced later and to represent it precisely. If a
material point is at rest concerning this coordinate system, then, its position relative
to it can be determined using rigid rulers and the use of Euclidean geometry
methods and is expressed in Cartesian coordinates. If we want to describe the
motion of a material point, then we give the values of its coordinates as a function
of time. Now, we must pay attention to the fact that such a mathematical
description makes physical sense only if we have first clarified what is meant here
by "time". We must consider the fact that all our assertions, in which time enters,
are always assertions about simultaneous events. When I say, for example, "This
train arrives here at 7 o'clock," this means something like "The small hand of my
watch on 7 o'clock and the arrival of the train are simultaneous events." It might
seem, that all the difficulties encountered by the definition of "time" could be
overcome if I used, instead of "time", "the position of the small hand of my watch".
Such a definition is sufficient when it comes to defining time exclusively by the
position of the small hand of the clock itself; however, the definition is no longer
sufficient when it comes to temporally combining a series of events that occur in
different places, or - which is the same thing - temporally evaluating events that
happen in places far from the clock. On the other hand, we might be content to
temporally evaluate these events through an observer, who stands at the origin of
the coordinate system along with the clock, and who associates the corresponding
position of the clock hands with each light signal that reaches him through the
space and that represents an event to be evaluated. Such an association carries with
it, however, the drawback of not being independent of the point of view of the
observer provided with the clock, as we know from experience. We would arrive
at a more practical determination through the following considerations. Let there
be a clock at point A in space so that an observer who is at A can temporally observe
events that occur near A by detecting the position of the hands of the clock, which
is simultaneous with these events. A clock is also present at point B - we want to
add "a clock built the same as the one at A" - so that a temporal evaluation of events
is also possible near B, by an observer who is B. However, it is not possible,
without further imposition, to compare an event in A with an event in B; so far, we
have only defined a "time -A" and a "time-B", but not an overall time for A and B.
The latter can be determined by establishing that the "time" that light takes to go
from A to B is the same as the "time" that light takes to go from B to A. That is, a
ray of light starts from A to B at "time-A" ta, is reflected in B to A at "time-B" tb
and returns to A at time-A" t1a. The two clocks are synchronized if: tb - ta = t1a - tb.
Suppose that this definition of synchronism is possible in a contradiction-free way,
and certainly, for many arbitrary points, and that therefore, these relations are valid,
in general:
1. If the clock in B is synchronized with the clock in A, then the clock in A is
synchronized with the clock in B.
2. If the clock in A is synchronized as much with the clock in B as with the clock
in C, then the clocks in B and C are also synchronized with each other. We have
then established, with the help of a certain physical (just thought), experiment what
is meant by synchronized clocks that are at rest in different positions, and thanks
to that, we have obtained a definition of "simultaneity" and "time". The "time" of
an event is the simultaneous indication to the event of a clock that is at rest in the
position of the event and that is synchronized with a given clock at rest, and that
clearly, keeps itself synchronized with this for all determinations of time. Based on
the experience, we could also establish that the magnitude: 2AB/t1a - ta = V, is a
universal constant (the speed of light in vacuum). It is essential to define time by
means of clocks at rest in a system at rest; we can call this time we have just defined
"the system time at rest," because it corresponds to the system at rest."106
Within this framework, then, it is confirmed the possibility of drawing and defining
a "here" and a "now" distinct from each other, absolutely necessary to arrive at a
delineation of space and time and their totality based on measurements made in
them, which, however, the theory of relativity itself is not able to define on which
it bases its space-time values. Thus, the boundaries of truth are not drawn in a strict
sense from the logical point of view, but they are blurred in the relative position of
an observer for whom the truth of his system applies.
III.II. If Truth Has Blurred Boundaries ... Reality becomes Problematic
After addressing the question of space, time, and truth, it is now time to face
another discussion, the one concerning reality, which hides in itself the sum of the
previous concepts and the questions they pose. Einstein's theory of general
relativity, according to Cassirer, must be used as the last word of physics, because
the relativization that it brings to all the notions listed above and the disintegration
of the concept of nature itself in the measurements, is precisely the fulcrum of the
physical process itself, the very gnoseological function of physics: to know nature
in an "absolute" way, which is now unimaginable. Relativity, for Cassirer, can be
well interpreted as the pure and as the general expression of the concept of a
106
Ibidem, p. 2-3.
physical object, but the latter, on the other hand, no longer corresponds to reality
itself: to believe that there are ideas of simple concrete reality, is an illusion. Only
when we resist the desire to bring all the complexity to a kind of metaphysical,
absolute, unwavering unity, to be placed at the foundation of the universe, only
there, at that moment, reality itself will manifest to us its authentic content and
with all of its wealth: “The general relativity of all places, all times and all
measures must be the last word of physics, because the relativisation, the
dissolution of the object "nature" in pure metric relations, is the very core of the
physical procedure, the fundamental cognitive function of physics. However, if
this is the sense in which to understand how the content of the thesis of relativity
comes, according to an intrinsic necessity, from the form of physics, at the same
time a precise critical limitation of this thesis emerges. The postulate of relativity
may well be the purest, most general and rigorous expression of the physical
concept of object, but precisely this physical object, from the point of view of
general gnoseological criticism, does not immediately coincide with reality... every
original direction taken by knowledge, every interpretation to which it subjects
phenomena to gather them into the unity of a historical nexus - that is, a precise
unity or unity of meaning - implies a particular version and representation of the
concept of concrete reality... The task of a truly general gnoseological critique does
not level this multiplicity, this polymorphous richness of forms of knowledge and
intelligence of the universe, not crushing it in a purely abstract unity, but letting it
subsist as such. Only when we resist the temptation of compressing it into an
ultimate metaphysical unity, into the unity and the simplicity of an absolute
"foundation" of the universe and deduce from this the complex of forms that
manifest themselves, the authentic concrete content and its concrete richness is
revealed to us.”107
And so, the task of philosophy will be precisely that of making us resist this
temptation, so strong and so rooted in so many systems of thought, to escape from
107
Ernst Cassirer, Einstein's Theory of Relativity, 1920, foreword by G. Giorello, Castelvecchi, Lit
Edizioni srl, Rome, 2015, p. 104.
the one-sidedness to which it would lead us, and it is a task that goes beyond
gnoseology itself: philosophy, particularly the systematic one, should embrace the
complex, the totality of forms and associate with each form its role in the whole.
Einstein's relativity has led physics to set a radically different explanation of
phenomena and therefore of reality: every happening, is explained as
corresponding to each point of the space-time continuum of four numbers, x1, x2,
x3, x4, (the same seen in chapter one about arbitrary coordinates that allow Einstein
to associate events to values that are close to them) which have no immediate
physical meaning but are used to give a determination to the given event in the
space-time, then it is clear that every single quality of space and time is reported
in pure numerical values, the same that Pythagoras (V-VI sec. BC) and his School
hoped for. Relativity thus seeks not only the differences of different experiences,
and sensations but also those of space-time determination. At the end of this
process, the professional physicist will affirm the priority of objective space and
time, instead of subjective, while it seems quite clear that the philosopher and the
psychologist, will draw the the opposite conclusion because they will turn to the
immediacy of experience and lived experience: “In that complex which we call our
'world', the being of our ego and the being of things enter as equally necessary
moments. We cannot exclude from this complex either of the two moments in
favour of the other, but we can only assign to each the determined place that is due
to it in the totality. In this regard, the physicist, whose task is all about
objectification, affirms the priority of "objective" space and time over "subjective"
space and time; the psychologist and the metaphysician, turned as they are to the
immediacy of lived experience and totality, draw the opposite conclusion.”108
It is good to underline, however, how both positions are wrong because a false
absolutisation, in one sense or the other, would be operated. In any case, the theory
of relativity cannot fulfil the task of philosophy, and neither has the claim, because
it turns its gaze, from the beginning to only one of the determinations of space and
108
Ibidem, p. 111.
time, namely that of our empirical measurements. After this discussion, it is
possible then to affirm that philosophy and gnoseology, should welcome with
optimism the alternative and especially innovative impulses that the theory of
general relativity gives to the principles of physics itself: “What space and time
are, would be defined for us in a philosophical sense only if we could grasp
together all the richness of their shades of meaning and establish the formal law
that founds them and to which they obey. The theory of relativity cannot claim to
fulfil this philosophical task, because from the beginning, according to its scientific
formation and tendency, it addresses and limits itself to only one specific reason
for the concepts of space and time. As a physical theory, it develops only the
meaning that space and time have in the system of our physical-empirical
measurements. And in this case, even the final judgment on it belongs exclusively
to the physical science. It will be this, in the continuation of its history, to decide
whether the image of the world proposed by the theory of relativity is stable on its
theoretical foundations and finds a full experimental confirmation. Gnoseology is
not able to anticipate the verdict that it will give on this matter, but as of now it can
gratefully welcome the new impulses that the general doctrine of the principles of
physics has received from the theory of relativity.”109
109
Ibidem, p. 113.
Chapter IV.
Albert Einstein at The Origin of the Creation of Relativity: Stories of
Collaborations and Debates
The core of my thesis was aimed at the direct comparison between Albert Einstein
and Ernst Cassirer, who, as we have already been able to well notice, begins to be
interested in the philosophical implications concerning the main concepts that
relativity invests (space, time, truth, object and reality), since 1920 when in Berlin
he publishes the essay Einstein's Theory of Relativity: Gnoseological
Considerations, in which he argues a comparison between the general relativity
and the immense work of Immanuel Kant. Within this work, of which I will report
the bibliography too, Cassirer highlights many intrigues that the general relativity
brings with it, but on the other hand, as I have already had the opportunity to point
out, he also highlights the advantageous aspects and merits, such as wanting to
simplify the system of nature. Cassirer's essay is certainly short, but extremely
dense, so much to touch a bit on the whole history of epistemology and philosophy
itself. What I would like to cast light on in this last chapter, is certainly the fact
that, usually, when we talk about the theory of relativity (with reference always to
the general one), we tend to consider it as a work of almost solitary origins, the
work of a genius closed in his sphere, whom with a sudden illumination, sweeps
away the secular antecedent classical physics. This is false, in fact, I have already
mentioned in the introduction and in chapter one the many theories that Einstein
himself used and modified to get to the composition of relativity: see for instance
Riemann, Mach, Maxwell, and Hubble, but also those before him and one on them
all, is certainly Newton's one and the deep criticism addressed to him. History, as
we all know, is always much more complex and intricate than it is sometimes
presented: the theory of relativity itself was born a few years earlier and belongs,
actually, to Henri Poincaré (1854-1912), and specifically to the 1902 writing
Science and Hypothesis 1902 and the subsequent article The Dynamics of the
Electron, presented in June 1905 at the French Academy of Sciences. A young
Albert Einstein, just twenty-three years old, came into contact for the first time
with these issues when in 1902, together with two friends, Conrad Habicht (18761958) and Maurice Solovine (1875-1958), he founded in Bern a club known as the
Olympia Academy, to discuss physics and philosophy, while his job was still that
of an expert at the Patent Office of the city. This job was certainly monotonous and
uninspiring, but it gave him plenty of time to work out his ideas, derived from the
readings and discussions in his circle, which he kept in what he called his
department of theoretical physics110, namely the second drawer of his desk. The
first time they read together Poincaré's work was in 1904 and this peculiar edition
presented an enrichment at the beginning of chapter VI: an article by the
mathematician in which he discussed for the first time the relativity of time and
the concept of simultaneity. One can easily imagine the astonishment of these
young scholars in front of this kind of relativistic conjectures with which the author
undermined Newtonian physics, using a new kind of geometry: the non-Euclidean
geometry, as mentioned in the first chapter of this thesis, particularly the
chronogeometry. Poincaré, however, in turn, did not start from scratch, in his
investigation of physics: primarily, he adhered to the philosophy of Leibniz, whom
harshly criticised Newton, opened for the first time a hypothesis of relativity in the
physical sense, and the conception of nature in the electromagnetic sense. The
major consequence that he obtained was from an epistemological point of view:
the invariance of the laws in correlation to the invariance of the same physical
reality for all the systems of reference: “In other words, the state of the bodies and
their reciprocal distances at any time will depend only on the state of these same
bodies and their mutual distances at the initial instant, but they won't depend at all
on the initial absolute position of the system and its initial absolute orientation. In
short, I could define this, as the law of relativity. Up to this point, I have spoken
like a Euclidean geometer. But, as I have said, an experiment, whatever it may be,
110
Pedro G. Ferreira, The perfect theory: general relativity, a century-long adventure, translated by C.
Caparro and A. Zucchetti, Rizzoli Editore, RCS Libri spa, Milan, 2014, p. 21.
involves an interpretation according to the Euclidean hypothesis and likewise, it
involves another one, according to the non-Euclidean hypothesis. Well, we have
performed a series of experiments, we have interpreted them according to the
Euclidean hypothesis, and we have recognized that such experiments, so
interpreted, do not violate the law of relativity.”111
Moreover, thereby, a whole series of qualities that before were thought as
objective, now would belong to the electromagnetic field itself, which would exist
only in motion and never at rest. The case (or not?), however, wanted that the work
written in a more extensive and detailed form, was presented by Poincaré on July
23, 1905 at the Mathematical Circle in Palermo112, but it was printed only in 1906,
when the German physics journal Annalen der Physik, on September 30, 1905 had
already published the well-known article, already mentioned, by Einstein "The
electrodynamics of moving bodies". This delay was one of the reasons why
Poincaré's work became less important than Einstein's, when he was the first to
define the contours. The profound difference that separates the French physicist
from the German is that the latter does not present in his work a new equation of
mechanics, as the first one does: Einstein is limited to a mathematical loop whole
for which, in any reference system at rest we can consider the equation F = m a, as
valid, while Poincaré elaborates a new equation: F = dP/dt , i.e. force is translatable
as the relation between the difference of momentum (P) and the differential of time
(t). It will follow that: P = mem v , i.e., the momentum is equal to electromagnetic
mass times velocity, and then F = v d mem /dt + mem dv/dt . Thereafter, Poincaré
proposes a new elaboration for gravity as a force linked to a gravitational field that
works just like an electromagnetic field and that propagates in electromagnetic
waves, well before Einstein who will arrive only about ten years later, when he
will publish the theory of general relativity in 1916. Einstein's situation, from of
the fame's point of view, that these publications brought him, is much further
Henri Poincaré, La Scienza e l'Ipotesi, 1902, preface by P. Odifreddi and translation by M.G. Porcelli,
Edizioni Dedalo srl, Bari, 2012, p. 82.
112
Academic organization of mathematics, founded in 1884 by Giovanni B. Guccia and is the oldest
Italian society of its kind. (via: Treccani encyclopedia).
111
complicated if we think that in the ten years following Poincarè's writing, other
scholars presented the same ideas, but before, of course, Einstein himself, as for
example David Hilbert (1862-1943) who published the same equations of the
gravitational field, sometime before113. Moreover, in Einstein's theory there are
many contributions of other physicists, which led to the completion of general
relativity, such as that of Marcel Grossman (1878-1936), Swiss physicist and
schoolmate of Einstein, who helped him thanks to his application of another type
of a non-Euclidean geometry, the elliptic one114, as mentioned at the beginning and
as well as in the first chapter. One of the most important reasons why Einstein was
finally celebrated as the one and only genius creator of the theory of relativity, is
actually a political one: when in 1933 Hitler's National Socialist Party took power
in Germany, which led Einstein not to return to Europe but to settle in Princeton,
New Jersey, where he taught at the homonymous University, the anti-Semitic
discrimination did not concern only the Jewish population, but also its academic
and cultural products and therefore there was a strong battle against relativity seen
as a result of a "perverse" vision of the Jews towards reality. This extremely
negative fact, however, brought Einstein to the forefront in the post-war period,
when the opposite thought to the anti-Semitic one was established and this resulted
in the simplification for which the extremely competent theorists that preceded
him were almost set aside. Moreover, as is well known, in 1922 Einstein was
awarded the prestigious Nobel Prize for Physics, but not for the theory of relativity,
but for his studies on the photoelectric effect 115.
According to a study conducted by Science, the authoritative scientific journal, in 1997, Hilbert would
have sent his article with the equations on November 20, 1915, while Einstein five days later. That of
the latter was published on December 2, while those of the former, only on December 6 without the
equations.
114
Geometry constructed primarily by Bertrand Riemann. In it, there are no parallel lines and surfaces
have positive curvature and the sum of the interior angles of a triangle is greater than a flat angle. (via:
Treccani Encyclopedia).
115
Photoelectric effect: consists in the emission of electrons by a metal when it is hit by electromagnetic
radiation having a certain energy. The frequency of this radiation is called critical v0 and is
characteristic of each metal. It helped Einstein to understand how light was not only describable in
wave terms, but also in corpuscular terms. (via: ChimicaOnline)
113
IV.I. A Further Step Forward: Einstein and Moritz Schlick116
From the beginning of the first decade of the 20th century, Moritz Schlick (18821936)117 was aware of what Albert Einstein was working out, both from of
relativity's point of view and the so-called "hole argument "118. He was interested,
a bit like Cassirer later, in the implications that Einstein's theory should have in
particular on the concepts of object and reality and between the two there was an
intense exchange of essays and meetings in person too, and it is for this reason
Einstein was able to find a motivation to the fact that there would not be an exact
equivalence between reference systems in relativity, assuming the multiplicity,
complexity of space-time, in fact according to Schlick the reality of the object
inside this conception, would be possible to support only starting from the explicit
description of this object precisely in space-time. Briefly, what Schlick sustained
was a bit a compendium of what Mach argued in his principle, used as a foundation
by Einstein to arrive to the new gravitational field equations, and then, of an
ontological and a cognitive points of view. The academic relations between
Einstein and Schlick, however, were not restricted only to this and to the theory of
relativity seen according to a physical and gnoseological point of view, but even
invested a certainly new field, founded only at the beginning of the 20th century,
For the elaboration of this paragraph, I would particularly like to thank Prof. Sascha Freyberg of the
Max Planck Institut in Berlin, who provided me with valuable material, useful for the composition of
this paper, especially with the text La ragione scissa, by Jürgen Renn.
117
Best known as the founder of the Vienna Circle in 1924, at the center of whose discussions there was
for a long time the "Tractatus logico-philosophicus" of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951).
118
Hole argument: elaborated in August 1913, is the result of a series of physical and theoretical
reflections. Einstein started from the fact that in a region of space-time, without matter (the hole), it
was possible to distinguish two space-time points in a four-dimensional complexity only on the basis
of their coordinates: he wanted to show that the field equations could not give any clear solution
because of the hole. Nowadays this kind of solution, is proposed by the existence of the black hole
body: a celestial body with a gravitational field so high that neither matter nor electromagnetic
radiation can escape, from relativistic point of view is a region of space-time with a curvature so large
that nothing can escape from its interior, including light because the escape velocity is greater than c.
(via: The split reason by Jürgen Renn and GlobalScience, from "How to feed a black hole", by I.
Marciano, July 30, 2021).
116
that is the Gestaltpsychologie119, the Gestalt psychology. In fact, Einstein wrote in
1922 a letter to the founder of the Vienna Circle, regarding the figure of Max
Wertheimer (1880-1943), founder of this new discipline, in which he expressed the
judgement that German psychology itself seemed to be neglected compared to the
theory of knowledge. This opening to an area that seems so far from mere physics,
was possible thanks to the very complications of relativity, which did not simply
invest a certain area of restricted knowledge, but it expanded in many areas, even
the one of the everyday life and emotions that affect the human being. To Schlick,
space and time were then not only a mere mathematical construction, but it was
even linked to the experiential foundation itself and to space-time coincidences.
At the end of 1915, Albert Einstein and Moritz Schlick agreed that in physics the
coincidences of the point as the only reality were observable in such a way, they
were useful in the measurements as they were confluent from a mixture of
mathematics, physics and psychology, as well as of maximum importance for the
cognitive point of view. In brief, it appears plain that when we talk about theory of
relativity, we enter in a much wider and articulated discussion, because it is not
rare to find in manuals or anything else, the message that, as mentioned before,
relativity was born only from the mind of one person. The complications, the
unspoken, the implications, but surely also the resolutions that this theory exposes,
are of ancient origin, they have a history behind them that it is surely worth to deal
with, not to stop simply to a superficial resolution. It is enough to see the quantity
(and the quality) of the names mentioned in this work: there is much more than
you can believe and a quantity of contributions that have led Einstein to elaborate
what he did, much more expanded than those usually reported on non-specific
books. Therefore, the theory of relativity may have been published in 1916 by
Einstein, but surely, it is the result of studies, criticism, material and mental
119
Gestaltpsychologie: focused on perception and experience, it is literally the psychology of
form/representation in which the whole is different from the sum of the parts. The studies of those
who adhered to it focused primarily on perceptual aspects, but also on problem solving skills. The
discipline contributed to the investigation of learning, memory, thought and the interrelationship
between subject and society. Nowadays it finds a great application in marketing strategies. (via:
InPsiche).
experiments, of long duration and great complexity.
Chapter V.
Conclusions:
The core of my thesis, as I have had the opportunity to highlight over and over
again, was the comparison, the transparent debate between Albert Einstein and
Ernst Cassirer. The two of them, had the opportunity to confront each other several
times and the work of the German philosopher was corrected and enriched by the
physicist: this is not in this case of a bitter conflict between two very different
minds, but an open dialogue, made of mutual exchanges, additions, constructive
criticism and explicit gratitude for this exchange of ideas. Relativity, as seen in the
introduction, is always a thorny issue to be addressed: many are the uncertainties
that it opens, the shades of meaning that can take and the fields that are influenced,
from physics in the strict sense, mathematics and geometry, philosophy, until even
psychology and literature. In fact, in Modernism, to which belong writers such as
Italo Svevo, Eugenio Montale, Luigi Pirandello and many others, the very vision
of the world, reality and truth are deeply revolutionized because everything
becomes relative, the laws that until the previous decade seemed unshakable, now
instead are destroyed, in this case it is the gaze of the subject that affects reality, it
then comes from a mental process. The tentacles that this theory is able to extend
can then cover the major branches of human knowledge and culture, but despite
this, Ernst Cassirer, in addressing the philosophical problems that it presents, does
not have the pretension and the
arrogance to dissect them all: he is aware of the
scope of relativity. In the same way, he is perfectly aware of the fact that the tasks
posed by relativity to a gnoseological critique, can be accomplished only thanks to
the collaborative work of physicists and philosophers, together, not separated in
their attitudes and in their paths of study: neither of the two categories should make
a prevarication on the other one! The only thing Cassirer is concerned with, is to
direct their work along a correct methodology120.
120
Ernst Cassirer, Einstein's Theory of Relativity, 1920, foreword by G. Giorello, Castelvecchi, Lit
Edizioni srl, Rome, 2015, p. 13.
Nowadays this collaboration, in my opinion, is certainly more evident even if not
very accentuated because on the other hand it is easily explainable: who studies
philosophy, usually deals with issues closer to logic, hermeneutics, ontology and
so on, who studies physics instead, does not have a deep attraction for the cognitive
and perceptive point of view that we have towards nature, they deal with the
evisceration of issues that meet subjects as technology, climatology and much,
much more. However, it is also true that this mixture of interests, if cultivated not
only at an academic level, but also at a professional one, can lead to an extremely
important baggage for the advancement of the unified human knowledge (just
think of the recent Nobel Prize for Physics, Professor Giorgio Parisi who, between
his various studies on complex systems and the search for the understanding of
chaos, is able to range in many fields of knowledge), which I sincerely hope for
my future, along with all those who are part of this research program, vast and
complex, with the goal turned towards the future.
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