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1994, Bioethics
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10 pages
1 file
This paper restates some o f t h principal arguments agaimt an automatic prtference for the young as advocated by Kappel and Sandoe, arguments many of which have been extant for over a decade but which Kappel and Sandoe largely ignore. It then goes on to demonstrate that Kappel and Sand0e's "indference test "fails to do the work required of it because it can be met by unacceptable conceptions ofjustice. The paper develops a number o f new arguments against what I have called "ageist" preferences for the young or for those with long lqe expectancy. Finally I show that Kappel and Sand0e must believe that murdering older people is less morally wrong than murdering the young and that people relying on arguments such as theirs will have to accept the moral respectability of killing the innocent in order to maximise units of lifetime. "Other things being equal we ought, when distributing resources essential for survival, favour the young." So say Klemens Kappel and Peter Sandae in their 'QALYs, Age and Fairness' (Bioethics 6:4, October 1992). They wish to establish that QALYs are not ageist enough, that fairness requires that we distribute health care resources "so that the fundamental interests of [people] are fulfilled to the same degree"' and that, since staying alive is a fundamental interest, this means that, other things being equal,2 different lives should be of equal duration as well as equally fulfilled in other ways. Kappel and Sandee arrive at this conclusion partly as a result of isolating and criticising five assumptions upon which they believe my claim that QALYs are unjust is d e~e n d e n t .~ Klernens Kappel and Peter Sandee 'QALYs, Age and Fairness' Bioethics Vol. Things to which we will come in due course. Kappel and Sandee have constructed assumptions tailored to beg the question as to whether or not survival and certain other fundamental interests are divisible and distributable. I do not in fact make nor rely upon the assumptions they list. Moreover they have quoted from perhaps the shortest of the many things I have @ Basil Blackwell Ltd.
I aim to defend a form of age-based discrimination. Actually I consider two new principles in succession. First I consider a fair innings principle according to which anyone who, without treatment, is expected to die younger than society's average life expectancy merits priority for life-extending treatment in order to help bring them up to society's average. Then I defend a generalisation of this principle, concluding that anyone with a quality-adjusted life expectancy lower than society's average merits priority for any treatment to help bring them up to society's average quality-adjusted life expectancy. I start by clarifying some of the claims which fair proponents of age-based discrimination need not be committed to. For example, they need not be committed to discriminating directly by the patient's current age, as has traditionally been assumed. This could be seen as wrongfully ageist (and presumably for this reason would be illegal in many jurisdictions). But I will argue that, given the justifications that have been offered for age-based discrimination, the morally relevant consideration is not the patient's current age, but the age at which they are expected to die (which is why the principle I defend is articulated in terms of when people are expected to die, not how long they have lived already). So the fair innings principles that have been defended miss the point, in that they talk in terms of the patient's current age rather than the age at which the patient is expected to die. I then consider a counterexample to age-based discrimination raised by John Harris. Addressing this case requires us to distinguish two types of principle: "straight line" principles according to which the strength of your claim to life-extending treatments declines at a steady rate according to your expected age at death, and threshold or "stepped" principles according to which your entitlement declines faster as your expected age at death rises past a certain age, such as 70. I adopt a threshold principle (a "fair innings" principle) which largely avoids the counterintuitive implications in Harris's case. Specifically, I defend a view according to which the fair innings in a given society is equal to that society's average life expectancy. However the real work is not characterising the principle, but defending it, so as to avoid being ad hoc. I do this with an innovative set of cases in which society's average life expectancy is varied to show its importance for intuitions. I also offer a new set of egalitarian arguments to defend the same principle. Finally, I consider whether a similar principle can be applied to QALYs or their equivalent, and not just life years. I consider a QALY-based proposal from Alan Williams, noticing that it has some counterintuitive consequences. However, I find that if Williams accepts some relatively painless constraints on his weighting factors, he can dodge the counterintuitive consequences. I therefore conclude by endorsing his proposal.
Journal of Applied Philosophy, 2011
This article explores the problem of justice between age-groups. Specifically, it presents a challenge to a leading theory in this field, Norman Daniels' Prudential Lifespan Account. The challenge relates to a key assumption that underlies this theory, namely the assumption that all individuals live complete lives of equal length. Having identified the roles that this assumption plays, the article argues that the justifications Daniels offers for it are unsatisfactory and that this threatens the foundation of his position, undermining his claim that 'the fact that we all age' makes age a special problem of distributive justice. This shows that the problem of justice between age-groups is not special in the way Daniels proposes; rather it involves the same irreducibly interpersonal distributive decisions as other problems of justice. The consequences of this argument are several-fold. Most importantly, it shows that the Rawlsian account of justice to which Daniels hopes to attach his theory to requires significantly greater benefits to be conferred on those in earlier age-groups relative to those in later age-group, not a distribution similar to simultaneous equality as Daniels proposes. What, if any, relative or absolute entitlement does justice grant a person by virtue of their membership of a certain age-group? Three prominent egalitarian answers have been offered to this question. First, the 'simultaneous equality' view states that justice requires equality between different people in different age-groups at simultaneous temporal moments. 1 For example, this view considers it unjust if those in later age-groups at time t are worse-off than those in earlier age-groups at time t. Second, the 'whole lives' view claims that justice confers an equal entitlement to each individual over the course of their life. 2 This view allows that those in different age-groups, and even those within the same age-group, may fare differently at a particular temporal moment provided that the sum of some good in each life is the same. 3 Third, proceduralist views state that justice requires a distribution between age-groups in accordance with how some appropriately situated deliberative agent would choose to distribute a fair share of some good over their own life. 4 Views of this type are compatible with inequalities between those in different age-groups provided they would have been agreed upon in the appropriate procedure. In this article I will present a challenge to the leading proceduralist view, Norman Daniels' Prudential Lifespan Account. 5 My challenge relates to a key assumption that underlies his theory, namely, the assumption that all individuals live complete lives of equal length. 6 Having identified the roles that this assumption plays, I argue that the justifications Daniels offers for it are unsatisfactory and that this threatens the foundation of his position, undermining his claim that 'the fact that we all age' makes age
International library of ethics, law, and the new medicine, 2001
Reflection on aging in bioethics has been influenced by a single paradigm of what growing old involves, namely, the so-called life span model. This model involves a set of normative beliefs that conceive aging as a conventional process of development through distinct stages or phases, each composed of a set of characteristic features or tasks. In this chapter, I discuss the way this model operates in mainstream bioethical discussion of the impact upon society of an enlarged population of dependant elders whose needs for heaIthcare services raise concerns about the fair allocation of resources among generations. I argue that treatment of this problem relies on background assumptions associated with the life span model that are largely unanalyzed. An historical analysis or an analysis attentive to the autonomy-enhancing aspects of aging research shows that these assumptions are problematic. AGING IN BIOETHICS Primarily focused on the issues of allocation of medical resources and decisionmaking at the end of life, the treatment of aging in bioethics has generally relied on a life span approach to aging and old age. The fIrst issue involves a concern for social justice in the allocation of medical and other societal resources to an aging population. The increasing life expectancy of the population is creating a cohort of elders that pose intergenerational issues of justice in the allocation of scarce resources. The majority of bioethicists concur in the judgment that some solution to the resource problem needs to be found as our population ages (
Bioethics, 2010
Where does the aspiration to retard human ageing fit in the 'big picture' of medical necessities and the requirements of just healthcare? Is there a duty to retard human ageing? And if so, how much should we invest in the basic science that studies the biology of ageing and could lead to interventions that modify the biological processes of human ageing? I consider two prominent accounts of equality and just healthcare -Norman Daniels's application of the principle of fair equality of opportunity and Ronald Dworkin's account of equality of resources -and conclude that, once suitably amended and revised, both actually support the conclusion that anti-ageing research is important and could lead to interventions that ought to be considered 'medical necessities'.
Journal of Medical Ethics, 2009
Could age be a valid criterion for rationing? In Just health, Norman Daniels argues that under certain circumstances age rationing is prudent, and therefore a morally permissible strategy to tackle the problem of resource scarcity. Crucial to his argument is the distinction between two problem-settings of intergenerational equity: equity among age groups and equity among birth cohorts. While fairness between age groups can involve unequal benefit treatment in different life stages, fairness between birth cohorts implies enjoying approximate equality in benefit ratios. Although both questions of fairness are distinct, the resolution of the one depends on resolution of the other. In this paper, I investigate whether Daniels' account of age rationing could be defended as a fair way of setting limits to healthcare entitlements. I will focus on two main points. First, I will consider whether the age group problem could be resolved without appealing to a conception of the good. Second, I will demonstrate that the connection between the age group problem and the birth cohort problem runs deeper than Daniels initially thought-and that it ultimately suggests a method for prioritisation in problem solving strategies.
Bioethics, 2002
Some ethical dilemmas in health care, such as over the use of age as a criterion of patient selection, appeal to the notion of life expectancy. However, some features of this concept have not been discussed. Here I look in turn at two aspects: one positive ± our expectation of further life ± and the other negative ± the loss of potential life brought about by death. The most common method of determining this loss, by counting only the period of time between death and some particular age, implies that those who die at ages not far from that one are regarded as losing very little potential life, while those who die at greater ages are regarded as losing none at all. This approach has methodological advantages but ethical disadvantages, in that it fails to correspond to our strong belief that anyone who dies is losing some period of life that he or she would otherwise have had. The normative role of life expectancy expressed in the`fair innings' attitude arises from a particular historical situation: not the increase of life expectancy in modern societies, but a related narrowing in the distribution of projected life spans. Since life expectancy is really a representation of existing patterns of mortality, which in turn are determined by many influences, including the present allocation of health resources, it should not be taken as a prediction, and still less as a statement of entitlement. Bioethics
This paper discusses Philippe Van Parijs’ claim that men’s lack of female longevity constitutes an injustice, whether this is caused by asocial factors or by gendered lifestyles. This response argues that, like others, such as John Kekes and Shlomi Segall, Van Parijs underestimates the resources of egalitarian liberalism to avoid this implication. One explanation treats individuals as liable for gendered life-shortening behavior, for example, when they value either life-shortening lifestyles or the choice between lifestyles, and one cannot say society has not “done enough” for them. A second explanation claims a trait is not a relative advantage when it is systematically part of a package of traits that do not constitute a relative advantage. A third explanation claims a trait is not an advantage when its value to the trait bearer is conditional, and the relevant conditions are unlikely to be fulfilled.
Netherlands Journal of Legal Philosophy, 43(1): 59-80
This paper provides an account of what makes age discrimination special, going through a set of possible justifications. In the end, it turns out that a full understanding of the specialness of age-based differential treatment requires that we consider together the “reliable proxy”, the “complete-life neutrality”, the “sequence efficiency” and the “affirmative egalitarian” accounts. Depending on the specific age criteria, all four accounts may apply or only some of them. This is the first key message of this paper. The second message of the paper has to do with the age group/birth cohort distinction. All measures that have a differential impact on different cohorts also tend to have a differential impact on various age groups during the transition. The paper points at the practical implications of anti-age-discrimination law for differential treatment between birth cohorts. The whole argument is confronted all along with ECJ cases
HEC Forum, 2022
John Davis (New Methuselahs: The Ethics of Life Extension, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 2018) advances a novel ethical analysis of longevity science that employs a threefold methodology of examining the impact of life extension technologies on three distinct groups: the "Haves", the "Have-nots" and the "Will-nots". In this essay, I critically examine the egalitarian analysis Davis deploys with respect to its ability to help us theorize about the moral significance of an applied gerontological intervention. Rather than focusing on futuristic scenarios of radical life extension, I offer a rival egalitarian analysis that takes seriously (1) the health vulnerabilities of today's aging populations, (2) the health inequalities of the "aging status quo" and, (3) the prospects for the fair diffusion of an aging intervention over the notso-distant future. Despite my reservations about Davis's focus on "life-extension" vs. increasing the human "healthspan", I agree with his central conclusion that an aging intervention would be, on balance, a good thing and that we should fund such research aggressively. But, I make an even stronger case and conjecture that an intervention that slows down the rate of molecular and cellular decline from the inborn aging process will likely be one of the most important public health advancements of the twenty-first century. This is so because aging is the most prevalent risk factor for chronic disease, frailty and disability, and it is estimated that there will be over 2 billion persons age > 60 by the year 2050.
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