Social Work Practice with Immigrants and Refugees

CHAPTER 1 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES: AN OVERVIEW Pallassana R. Balgopal The purpose of this volume is to examine and develop the role of social workers serving new immigrants and refugees in the United States. New immigrants are considered in this text as those immigrants who entered the United States after . In the past,“old” immigrants were the first groups that settled the country, and “new” immigrants were the Eastern and Southern Europeans arriving since the nineteenth century. Today’s immigrants represent much greater diversity with regard to country of origin, race and ethnicity, spoken language, religion, and, often, different value systems. In addition to Mexico, today’s arrivals come mostly from Asia, Central and Latin America, and the Caribbean. Where once there were Jewish pushcart peddlers, now there are Korean green grocers, Indian newsstand dealers, Ethiopian and Caribbean bus boys, Mexican and Central American gardeners and farmhands, Vietnamese fishermen, and Nigerian and Pakistani cab drivers. The presence of new immigrants, especially from the Asian countries, is particularly evident in the health-care and high-technology fields. In sum, the American landscape, both urban and rural, now reflects the faces and lifestyles of the new immigrants (Foner ). As table . shows, the composition of the immigrant population changed between the early s and s, making the United States a mosaic of multiculturalism. This drastic change in the immigrants’ profiles was a result of the passage of the Immigration and Nationalities Act of . This act repealed the quotas for each country and instead set , immigrants per country in the Eastern Hemisphere and established a seven-category preference system based Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 2 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES on family unification and skills. In , the immigration act was amended to extend the ,-per-country limit to the Western Hemisphere. And in , the Refugee Act was passed, establishing for the first time a permanent and systematic procedure for admitting refugees. Between  and , only a little more than one million immigrants came from Asia, whereas between  and , nearly seven million immigrants were from Asia. The number of immigrants from Mexico, Central and Latin America, and the Caribbean also dramatically increased.The highest number of immigrants continues to come from Mexico. Between  and , , legal Mexican immigrants were admitted. During this period, the other countries supplying great numbers of immigrants were the Philippines (,), China (,), Vietnam (,), and India (,) (U.S. INS ).The social welfare needs of these immigrant groups are often different from those of immigrants before , so social work responsibilities have changed as well. In this text we take an ecological perspective, especially in regard to issues concerning direct and indirect practice, community work, policy, cultural diversity, social justice, oppression, populations at risk, and social work values and ethics. We systematically examine and analyze the data concerning new immigrants arriving in the United States after  and explore ideas, concepts, and skills that can help social workers serving immigrant and refugee populations. The majority of today’s immigrants face many of the same problems that their predecessors encountered, as well as their own special needs, such as a focus on family closeness, on collectivism, and language barriers. For these reasons, social workers should obtain culture-specific knowledge and skills. This book includes a chapter on refugee populations and their needs to which social workers must be able to respond. UNDERSTANDING RECENT IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES Immigrants The United States has always been a land of immigrants, with the majority coming from Europe. The first immigrants were Protestants from the northern European continent. Then gradually, more and more Southern and Eastern Europeans began to migrate to the United States, along with people from Africa who were brought over as slaves. Then came immigrants from Asia and Latin America.At first, the Southern and Eastern European immigrants—from Italy, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Armenia, and the former Soviet Union—were shunned by the Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM table 1.1 Immigrants Admitted by Region: Fiscal Years – Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM Country of Last Residence  ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒ ‒    All countries Europe Asia America Caribbean Central America South America Africa , ,       ,, ,,  , ,  ,  ,, ,, , , ,  ,  ,, ,, , , , , , , ,, ,, , ,, , , , , ,, ,, , ,, , , , , ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , Source: Adapted from U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1996 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Service, ). 4 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES dominant class of white Protestant Americans. Accordingly, passage of the Immigration Restriction Act of  welcomed the Northern and Western Europeans while limiting the entry of the Southern and Eastern Europeans (Greenbaum :). But the Immigration and Nationality Act of , which replaced the  act, opened the doors to all. Many immigrants of various races, cultures, and countries of origin then entered the United States, and their presence has enhanced the nation. Eventually, acceptance gave way to the entrance, or attempt to enter, of the Asian and Latin American populations, such as Brazilians, Cubans, and Mexicans. Asian immigrants arrived from India, Indochina, China, the Philippines, Korea, and Vietnam, to name a few countries of origin. Table . describes the change in demographics from the s to . Note that in between  and , the number of Asian, Central and Latin American, and African immigrants greatly increased compared with their number between  and  and the number of European immigrants. Refugees Those people who have relocated to the United States for reasons different from those of the immigrants are refugees and asylees. According to the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, “a refugee is an alien outside the United States who is unable or unwilling to return to his or her country of nationality because of persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution” (:). Thus, refugees are persons who flee their country of origin for fear of persecution or oppression due to political, religious, or national reasons or membership in certain social groups. Refugees, however, are often discriminated against and rejected, which makes it difficult for them to become part of U.S. society. Kim’s  study of Southeast Asian refugees between  and  showed that they did not feel accepted and were concerned about their future in the United States. In addition, most of the respondents stated that they did not agree that “I feel that the Americans that I know like me” (p. ). The Refugee Act of  (Public Law -,  Statute ) amended both the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1 and the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of .2 Its goal was to create a more uniform basis for providing aid to refugees. The act established specific guidelines for who could be admitted to this country, and when; whether they could bring their spouse and children; and the processes of asylum and deportation. Currently, refugees may work in the United States and may apply for permanent residency after living in this country for one year. They are eligible to receive welfare assistance immediately upon entering, unlike those legal immigrants not considered refugees, Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 5 who must wait five years before becoming eligible. The number of applications for refugee status filed with the INS rose by  percent from  (,) to  (,). Most of the applicants were from Vietnam ( percent), the former Soviet Union ( percent), Bosnia-Herzegovina ( percent), and Somalia ( percent). The number of refugees arriving in the United States fell from , in  to , in . The main reason for this decline is the smaller number of Vietnamese refugees (U.S. INS ). Asylees are refugees already in the United States when they file for protection. “An asylee is an alien in the United States who is unable or unwilling to return to his or her country of nationality because of persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution” (U.S. INS :). Only , asylees may be accepted as legal permanent residents each year; otherwise they have the same benefits as refugees. U.S. refugee and asylee laws are based on the premise that it is this country’s policy to respond to the urgent needs of persons being persecuted in their countries of origin, that the United States should “provide opportunities for resettlement or voluntary repatriation, as well as necessary transportation and processing” (Miller and Miller :). In addition, the United States encourages other nations to assist refugees as much as they can. Nonetheless, certain groups of asylees are not readily admitted into the United States. For example, Miller and Miller () reported that Haitians, Salvadorans, and Guatemalans have been restricted from entering the United States despite the threat of persecution in their homelands. In , of the , applications by Iranians,  percent were granted asylum, most of whom were students already in this country. But of  Haitian applicants, only . percent were accepted; of  Guatemalan applicants, . percent were accepted; and of , Salvadoran applicants,  percent were granted asylum. Why are certain nationalities accepted and others are not? Perhaps the Iranian students are likely to complete their degree and to become employed. And perhaps the Haitians have fewer job skills and may be more dependent on the United States’ welfare system. Are ethnicity and race important to determining who is allowed to come to the United States? Illegal Immigrants Illegal immigration began slowly at first in the s, increased slightly by the s, and peaked after passage of the Immigration Act of . Currently, in order to enter the United States, one must be a relative of a U.S. citizen or a permanent resident alien or have skills, education, or job experience needed in the United States or be a political refugee. Accordingly, with so many immigrants and so few nonpreference visas available, it often seems easier to enter illegally. Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 6 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES Miller and Miller found that “by the mid-s, the problem with illegal immigrants was generally considered to be out of control” (:). The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service () reported that in October , about  million undocumented or illegal immigrants were residing in the United States. Mexico is identified as the leading country of origin, with . million, or  percent, of the illegal immigrants. Indeed, more than  percent of illegal immigrants are from countries in the Western Hemisphere. Illegal immigrants are those people who enter this country without proper documentation or with expired visas or passports. Such immigrants may also include those who enter the United States as migrant workers and then stay beyond their employment dates. In addition, many undocumented Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and Haitians are from lower socioeconomic classes with little education (Rumbaut b:). For people like them, the implications of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of  (PRWORA) are devastating. Furthermore, the states are prohibited from offering state or local benefits to most illegal immigrants, unless the state law was enacted after “August ,  (the day the bill was enacted) that explicitly makes illegal aliens eligible for the aid” (Katz :). However, a state may provide school lunches to children of illegal immigrants if they are already eligible under that state’s law for free public education. And a state may provide other benefits related to child nutrition and emergency food assistance. Ironically, though, a state may opt not to offer prenatal care to pregnant illegal immigrants. For example, California’s Proposition  denies reproductive services to illegal immigrant women, as well as public education to the children of illegal immigrants. In addition, citizenship is denied to the children of illegal immigrants who are born in the United States, a reversal of the Fourteenth Amendment, which automatically grants citizenship to anyone born in the United States. According to Roberts (), there is a rising fear in America that the country will be overrun by darker-skinned people. Because the majority of immigrants, both legal and illegal, entering the United States are not white, limits are being set on who can get prenatal care and education in this nation. As mentioned earlier, Haitians and Mexicans are usually undocumented and usually “darker skinned,” and they seem to be the ones not receiving prenatal care. The reasons that people flee their country vary, but most of the refugees and asylees who meet the U.S. definition of a refugee or asylee are escaping a communist takeover or some other communist-related regime. For example, large numbers of people from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia fled the communist takeover of their countries. The INS reported that between  and , , refugees from this group were granted asylum and permanent residen- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 7 cy. In addition, , persons from the Soviet Union were granted permanent residency during this same time period. Nicaraguans fled their homeland to escape the civil war against the leftist regime, and Haitians wanted to live in the United States instead of under their right-wing military regime (Portes and Rumbaut :). The socioeconomic classes of refugees also have changed through the years. In the early to mid-s, the Cuban refugees escaping Fidel Castro’s forces were mainly from the middle and upper classes. In fact, Miller and Miller (:) estimated that “more than  percent of its [Cuba’s] doctors and teachers” entered the United States in a two-year period. Eventually, though, most of the Cuban refugees were “boat” people, the “Marielitos,” who were less well educated and from the working class.” A BRIEF HISTORY OF AMERICAN IMMIGRATION Most of the earliest immigrants to the United States were Anglo-Saxon Protestants, whose attitude toward other immigrants was mixed. On the one hand, the immigrants were needed to develop the new country, but on the other hand, the Protestants did not welcome the impoverished Catholics from Germany, especially when they moved into the Midwest to farm their own lands, thus “taking over” a large piece of the United States. During this time, these immigrants forced the Native Americans out of their lands and homes. Before Columbus’s arrival in the New World, it is estimated that the population of Native Americans was as large as  million. But by , after years of genocide and wars, this number had fallen to about , (Karger and Stoesz ). Lack of immunity to European diseases, displacement from their lands, systematic starvation, widespread killing in war, and coldblooded murder account for this dramatic drop in the Native American population. Between  and , however, the Native American population again grew by . million, and by , the U.S. Census Bureau estimated the population of Native Americans at . million. In addition to the natural increase are the Census Bureau’s methodological improvements in the way it counts people on reservations in trust lands and Native Alaskan villages and the increase in indigenous people, including mixed Indians and non-Indian parents reporting themselves as “American Indians” (Shinagawa and Jang ). The African slaves were brought to the United States to work on the expanding plantations and vast lands; they were not freed until the late s. They were not permitted to vote until the early s, and not until  with the pas- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 8 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES sage of the Civil Rights Act were they accorded the rights and privileges available to other American citizens. The most obvious difference between the early immigrants and the African slaves is that the latter group had no choice in their immigration. They were brought into this country by force to help in its development but were forbidden, for centuries to come, to reap the rewards for their efforts. In  when the first U.S. census was taken, African Americans numbered about ,. By  their number had increased to . million, but except for , counted as “freemen” and “freewomen,” the majority were still slaves. By  the African American population had grown to . million, and “it is projected that by year  this population will be around  million” (Shinagawa and Jang :). Along with the influx of immigrants, policies were passed to regulate it. Some of the laws were overtly discriminatory, while others were more subtle. The Alien Act of  was the “first Federal law pertinent to immigration rather than naturalization” (U.S. INS :A. -). This act allowed the president to arrange for the arrest or deportation of any person who appeared dangerous to the country. It also provided that aliens arriving by ships were to be reported by the captain to U.S. Customs. In , the Steerage Act required that all vessels entering the United States supply a list of their passengers to Congress, and some restrictions were placed on the numbers of people leaving or entering U.S. ports. By , discrimination against the Chinese was rampant. “Coolies,” as the Chinese workers were called, were prohibited from being transported by ship or boat. In , although Africans and African Americans could now be naturalized, the Chinese were excluded. The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service’s Statistical Yearbook reports that under the  policy, permission was needed to bring in “Oriental persons” (:A. -). The  Chinese Exclusion Act, a very restrictive piece of legislation, prevented Chinese workers from entering the United States for ten years, and those who were caught and were in the country illegally were immediately deported. Most important, those Chinese already in the United States were not allowed to become naturalized citizens. National quotas were instituted in the s. For example, Spanish immigrants were limited to a quota of  yearly, Greeks to , Portuguese to , and Italians to ,. Thus it was not only Asian and Latin American immigrants who were oppressed and discriminated against, but anyone who was not a white Anglo-Saxon Protestant. In , the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed, and by the s, the Japanese Exclusion Act of  was repealed. In , a ceiling of , was set for non-Western countries, with preferences for highly skilled persons. Finally, by Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 9 , all quotas were abolished when the Immigration Act was passed. Immigration was no longer dependent on national origin, race, or ancestry. The Immigration Act introduced a seven-category preference system by which immigrants related to U.S. citizens or permanent residents were issued visas on a “first come, first serve” basis, favoring those with occupational skills or training needed in the United States. In , the Refugee Act was passed, separating refugee admissions from immigration, with refugees offered certain medical and social services. By , the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) granted amnesty to almost three million undocumented people and established new ways of regulating undocumented immigration. For example, employers were fined for hiring illegal immigrants. Then the Immigration Act of  raised to , the number of immigrants permitted entry for employment and family reunification. In , President Clinton signed major welfare reforms into law. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) does not give legal immigrants (legal permanent residents) the right to receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or food stamp vouchers. Rather, it states that legal permanent residents may receive such benefits if they have paid Social Security taxes and have worked in the United States for a minimum of ten years. Underlying all this discrimination and outright prejudice, both overt and covert, is a possible explanation. Although discrimination and prejudice can never be justified, we can try to clarify or understand the theoretical foundation for what happened during the early to later years of immigration: the reason is Anglo conformity. For the major legislative milestones in U.S. immigration history, see table .. From  until , U.S. immigration policies focused on excluding persons on qualitative grounds, such as prostitution and physical and mental illness. The first quantitative restriction was imposed in . The inclusionary era in immigration policy began in  and continued until  when the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act was passed, adversely affecting both legal and illegal immigrants and refugees. Anglo Conformity With the arrival of the European settlers, the African slaves, and the force against the Native Americans, the Anglo-conformist viewpoint dawned in the United States. This ideology became the hopeful foundation for the “Americanization” of all future newcomers. Milton Gordon described Anglo conformity “as a broad term used to cover a variety of viewpoints about assimilation and immigration; they all assume the desirability of maintaining English institu- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 10 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES table 1.2 Major Legislative Milestones in U.S. Immigration History Chinese Exclusion Act (): Suspends immigration of Chinese laborers for ten years; provides for deportation of Chinese illegally in United States. Immigration Act of : As first comprehensive law for national control of immigration, establishes Bureau of Immigration under Treasury; directs deportation of aliens unlawfully in country. Immigration and Naturalization Act of : Imposes first permanent numerical limit on immigration; establishes national-origins quota system, resulting in biased admissions favoring northern and western Europeans. Immigration and Naturalization Act of : Continues national-origins quota and imposes quota for skilled aliens whose services are urgently needed. Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of : Repeals national-origins quota system; establishes seven-category preference system based on family unification and skills; sets ,-per-country limit for Eastern Hemisphere. Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of : Extends ,-per-country limit to Western Hemisphere. Refugee Act of : Sets up first permanent and systematic procedure for admitting refugees; removes refugees as a category from preference system; defines refugees according to international, versus ideological, standards; establishes process of domestic resettlement; codifies asylum status. Immigration Reform and Control Act of : Institutes employer sanctions for knowingly hiring illegal aliens; creates legalization programs; tightens border enforcement. Immigration Act of : Increases legal immigration ceilings by  percent; triples employment-based immigration, emphasizing skills; creates diversity admissions category; establishes temporary protected status for those in the U.S. jeopardized by armed conflict or natural disasters in their native country. Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of : Adversely affects legal and illegal immigrants and refugees; makes legal immigrants ineligible for SSI and food stamps until becoming citizens. Source: Adapted from M. Fix and J. S. Passel, Immigration and Immigrants: Setting the Record Straight (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, ), . tions (as modified by the American Revolution), the English language, and English-oriented cultural patterns as dominant and standard in American life” (:). The terms assimilation and Americanization have been used interchangeably. In the early part of the twentieth century, most of the Anglo-American popula- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 11 tion wanted the new groups of European immigrants to be assimilated. In fact, except for the white Southern and Eastern European immigrants, “it was ordered—that Mexicans, Asians, and blacks would remain culturally separate” (Bouvier :). Even Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson held anticultural pluralism attitudes. Indeed, President Wilson was recorded as saying: “Any man who thinks [of] himself as belonging to a particular national group in America has not yet become an American” (p. ). The Americanization movement encouraged the adoption of Anglo-conformist ideals, as the Anglo conformists apparently could not understand that the newer immigrants could adjust to their new home while at the same time preserving their cultural ethnic, religious, and linguistic background. What occurred next, therefore, was a transition from one ideological base to another, from Anglo conformity into the melting pot perspective. The Melting Pot The “melting pot” theory has been described as “more generous [than Anglo conformity] and [with] idealistic overtones . . .[which] has its adherents and exponents from the eighteenth century onward” (Gordon :). Israel Zangwill, author of the  play The Melting Pot, depicted a young Russian-Jewish composer who, after migrating to America, dreams of completing a symphony Which will express his deeply felt conception of his adopted country as a Divinely appointed crucible in which all the ethnic division of mankind Will divest themselves of their ancient animosities and differences and become Fused into one group, signifying the brotherhood of man. (p. ) When this drama was written, the United States consisted primarily of white Europeans. The white immigrants from countries other than England were similar in many ways to the dominant group. Either they spoke or learned to speak English, or their customs and cultural attitudes did not greatly diverge from the Anglo-Saxon norms. But when Asians, Latin Americans, Africans, and other nonwhite and non-English-speaking immigrants came to the United States, “the great Melting Pot where all the races of Europe are melting and reforming” (Gordon :) no longer applied. This country became, and still is, the destination for people from all over the world. Europe was not the only continent of origin; Africa, Asia, and Latin America also sent their share of diversified peoples. Ramakrishnan and Balgopal stated that owing to the prevalence of Anglo conformity, it became very difficult for ethnic groups that were Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 12 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES “ethnically and racially different, such as, the Chinese, Japanese, African American, Hispanics, and Native Americans” to “melt in the American crucible” (:). The idea of assimilation thus underlay the melting pot theory. It was not easy to become “welded” to or “assimilated” into American society, as previously assumed. Although the melting pot idea promoted assimilation, in reality it was the dominant group that determined the acceptable values and customs. If minority cultural groups attempted to retain or “cling” to their traditions, they were seen as unassimilable or sometimes even deviant. Assimilation The melting pot ideology emphasizes assimilation and blending, and the dominant Anglo group in the new United States provided the principal value structure to which all the other groups were expected to adhere. The preservation of their ethnic and cultural heritages was not encouraged. In other words, cultural assimilation meant that members of minority groups were to adopt the cultural norms of the dominant group. Epps observed that “traditionally, American society has been willing to accept culturally different peoples if they were willing to become acculturated and reject their cultural distinctiveness” (:). Despite the negative aspects of the assimilation process, it did make some positive contributions. For instance, the development and preservation of a national identity through assimilation helped create a common American culture. Numerous scholars have defined assimilation. Walker defined it as “a more specific process, [which] consists of structural and organizations absorption of formerly autonomous institutions or members of one society by another” (:). Gordon’s definition of assimilation is as follows: “Assimilation is a process of interpretation and future in which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons or groups, and, by sharing their experience and history, are incorporated with them in a common cultural life” (:). The acquisition of “the memories . . . and attitudes of other persons” is essential to the assimilation or “Americanization” process. In order to be assimilated or blended into a dominant group, one must be willing and able to conform and thus remove one’s original cultural and ethnic background. In essence, one must be able to forget one’s heritage, family, and previous lifestyle, as if in a type of “forced” amnesia. Gordon () also pointed out that assimilation takes place at two levels, the structural level and the behavioral level. Behavioral assimilation (often known as acculturation) applies to minority persons whose behavior must conform to the dominant group’s norms. In other words, their behavior becomes more like that of the dominant group because if Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 13 the minority persons’ behavior stands out, they are seen as different and as not belonging to the mainstream. To avoid being identified as “foreign,” minority members assimilate behaviorally. Although this type of assimilation takes place on a behavioral level, it does not necessarily occur at a structural level. In order to assimilate structurally, individuals must have equal access to membership in the society’s institutions and other kinds of decision-making structures. But even if minorities do adapt behaviorally, they will not necessarily be accepted into the dominant group’s institutions. For example, even if legal permanent residents have the ability or desire to assimilate behaviorally, they do not have the right to vote until they become citizens. And they cannot become citizens until they have been married for three years to a U.S. citizen or have resided in the United States continuously for five years (Morse ). This lack of citizenship has “contributed to the isolation of immigrants” (Morse :). Furthermore, without the right to vote, immigrants cannot be represented on local, state, and national levels. Another example of why behavioral assimilation does not necessarily guarantee structural assimilation concerns female immigrants who are married to U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents and who are victims of domestic violence. In the past, such women were not protected and risked losing custody of their children and being deported to their home country. Now, however, the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), part of the Violent Crime and Law Enforcement Act of  (Pub. L. No. -,  State. ), protects women waiting for their permanent residency. Wheeler states that according to the VAWA, such women may petition for residency if they are () abused spouses and children of U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents, () nonabused spouses who are parents of abused children of U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents, and () abused spouses of U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents and their nonabused children, even if the children are not related to the U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident abuser. (:) Currently, a number of shelters for victims of domestic violence have been opened to specific ethnic groups. For example, shelters particularly for Asian American women take into account their cultural customs and lifestyles. Behavioral and structural assimilation is especially difficult for those immigrants arriving in the United States since . Immigrants from Africa, Asia, and Latin America are especially negatively affected by structural assimilation. They may be able to learn the dominant society’s language, social expectations, and norms, but at the same time, they are denied advancement in the political Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 14 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES and economic arenas because of the prevailing institutional racism. Furthermore, because Asian Americans are viewed as a “model minority,” they may have to endure, as Karger and Stoesz found, “heat from the white majority as well as from other minorities” (:). Such tension is, for example, evident between Korean shopkeepers and African American residents in the inner cities. These immigrants’ adaptation to the mainstream expectations of public behavior creates a different kind of conflict for them and their family members. On one hand, they are supposed to act, behave, and interact according to the dominant culture’s standards, but at home, they continue to behave according to their own cultural or ethnic background. This dichotomy can cause conflict in the immigrant families. For example, immigrant children may behave like the dominant group, and their parents may feel that their children are giving up their ethnic values and lifestyle, thus creating more tension between the parents and their children. In comparison, the parents of the earlier immigrants were much more receptive and willing to become American. Maintaining the two identities is very difficult for new immigrants. Pettys and Balgopal () discussed the concept of the power of one’s ethnicity— that is, maintaining one’s own customs, heritage, and language. For example, when a Vietnamese adolescent raised in the United States informs her parents that she wants to date just like her American peers, her parents may become upset, as they may not approve of dating unless marriage is to be the ultimate outcome. Based on his study (a) of more than five hundred children of Asian, Latin American and Caribbean immigrants residing in the San Diego and Miami metropolitan areas, Rumbaut found major differences in the eighth and ninth grades in patterns of ethnic self-identification. Gender was a significant predictor of virtually every type of ethnic self-identity. That is, compared with boys, girls were much more likely to choose additive or hyphenated identities. Perceptions of discrimination also had a profound effect on the way that children defined their ethnic identities. Rumbaut’s study demonstrated that those who had experienced discrimination were less likely to identify themselves as American. The determination of dissimilative racial or panethnic self-identity seems to follow a different logic that includes the youngsters’ location and nationality. Youths, especially blacks and Hispanics, in inner-city schools define themselves in terms of their ethnicity. The children’s assimilation, moreover, is moderated by their parents’ ethnic socialization, their family’s social status, parent-child relationships, and interactions among family members. Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 15 SOCIAL WORK’S PAST EFFORTS IN HELPING IMMIGRANTS Social work pioneers such as Jane Addams, Grace and Edith Abbott, and Sophie Breckinridge have left a legacy of dedicated and committed work with new immigrants. Settlement houses, neighborhood centers, and sectarian and other voluntary agencies have provided needed services to immigrant groups struggling to adapt to their new homeland, for example, the “citizenship classes” conducted in settlement houses aimed at enabling immigrants to become “good” citizens. The profession’s efforts thus complemented the much-cherished ideal of the American past, which was the ideal of the melting pot. Pioneers in social work assumed the roles of mediators and advocates on behalf of the immigrants in their adaptation to their new environment. Addams described these roles: “The Hull House residents sought not only to understand their immigrant neighbors but to interpret them to a public which had fears and doubts about those ‘un-American types’ who lived in the slums” (Addams , quoted in Bryan and Davis :). Immigrants have been a special concern of social work from its inception, with the explicit aim of successfully integrating the immigrants through a planned program of resettlement (Bernard and Greenleigh ). But the melting pot theory did not always work as expected. The history of race relations in America is a history of conquest, slavery, and exploitation of migrant and immigrant labor (Steinberg ). After Japan bombed Pearl Harbor in , Japanese Americans were “hauled away” by the FBI, and all Japanese on the mainland, U.S. citizens or not, were evacuated to internment camps. Social worker Harry Kitano offered a personal account of this experience: “The first feeling of being a prisoner occurred almost immediately. After assembling and answering a roll call—we were bused to the train depot—and were herded into some old fashioned railroad cars with armed guards. They told us to pull down the shades and to obey the soldiers” (Kitano :–). At that time, Kitano was fifteen years old, and he spent three of his adolescent years in the camp. The exclusionary tendencies of the dominant Euro-Americans toward all other ethnic and racial groups were bluntly captured by Schlesinger—“It occurred to damned few white Americans in these years that Americans of color were also entitled to the rights and liberties promised by the constitution” (:). Despite such prejudices and biased treatment of immigrants of color as well as of citizens belonging to minority groups, social workers were able to help disadvantaged and vulnerable groups. During this period of American history, the Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 16 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES profession did a remarkable job of advocating and mediating on behalf of new immigrant groups. Work with city halls through protests and cooperation was aimed at improving the new arrivals’ living conditions. Social workers teamed with trade unions and were instrumental in enacting labor legislation to improve working conditions and stopping the exploitation of the labor force, especially the immigrant women and children victimized in sweatshops (Addams ). As mentioned earlier, the ideal of the melting pot, implemented through assimilation, contributed to the effectiveness of social work. Although the immigration groups from Europe were quite diverse, they were similar in regard to ethnicity and race. In addition, the socioeconomic classes, educational backgrounds, and such of different nationality groups were not unalike. Another factor smoothing the assimilation process was that the immigrant groups had little or no contact with their countries of origin. Social workers worked with different immigrant groups in their own neighborhood and environments, often serving them under the same agency structure and providing services to clients of all ages. Immigrant Bashing and the Rise of Nativism Discrimination against immigrants in the United States has a long history, and calls for policies restricting immigration have frequently dominated political debates. Portes and Rumbaut pointed out that paradoxically, “the most ardent advocates of this policy are often children of immigrants who wear their second-generation patriotism outwardly and aggressively” (:). Furthermore, second- and third-generation Mexican, Latin American, and Asian immigrants who are also members of racial minorities stand out visually and continue to be targets of nativistic racism. Proposition , a statewide initiative, was approved by California voters in . It denies social services and benefits to illegal immigrants and requires that all agencies report anyone suspected to be illegal to state agencies and the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. Immigrant bashing and the need for immigration reform became common themes in those states with the most new arrivals. Expressing one’s anger at the changing demographics brought on by immigration and targeting anyone who appeared “foreign looking” became acceptable issues for debate in public and political arenas (Chavez ). A quick and easy solution was implied: getting rid of these people would solve all the problems facing the American economy, health care, and education. California voters passed Proposition  under the guise of better fiscal man- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 17 agement, a blatant expression of racism and anger directed not just at new immigrants but also at all the members of these ethnic groups who have been Americans for generations. Its proponents use war metaphors such as “unlawful immigrants represent the liberal/left foot soldiers in the next decade” and “I have no intention to being the object of ‘conquest’ peaceful or otherwise by Latinos, Asians, blacks, Arabs or any other groups of individuals who have claimed my country” (quoted in Chavez :–). The rise of nativism of the s, caused by the public’s growing fear that many immigrants were exploiting public services, encouraged Congress to pass the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of  (PRWORA), the most restrictive anti-immigration legislation passed since . It adversely affected both legal and illegal immigrants and refugees. Legal immigrants were not eligible for Supplemental Security Income and food stamps until they became citizens. Based on mistaken beliefs and faulty studies, $ billion in food stamps and medical benefits were eliminated (Hing ). Indeed, Mary Jo Bane, a strong opponent of this legislation, felt compelled to resign her position as assistant secretary for children and families in the Department of Health and Human Services. Recent research has shown that despite the common belief, most immigrants do not use welfare. Overall, only  percent of immigrants’ use welfare (Fix, Passel, and Zimmerman ). Accordingly, in response to active protests by citizen groups, especially in New York, New Jersey, California and Texas, and with large immigrant populations now voting in large numbers, the Clinton administration and Congress began restoring some of the benefits in  and . The Balanced Budget Act of  brought back Supplemental Security Income for the disabled and medical benefits to , legal immigrants who were in the country before PRWORA was enacted. The Agricultural Research Act of  provided food stamps for , legal immigrant children, senior citizens, and disabled individuals. In his current budget, President Clinton has proposed a $. billion, five-year program to close the remaining gaps in medical and food stamp benefits for legal immigrants (Janotsky ). Unfortunately, great damage to the immigrant groups has already been done, and the present piecemeal attempts to restore these benefits are too late and too little. Current Status of Immigrants in American Social Welfare System The current status of immigrants in the American social welfare system is determined by whether an immigrant is legally or illegally in this country and what his or her educational and economic situation is. Migrant and seasonal Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 18 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES farm workers, mainly Mexican Americans, “are among the most impoverished people in America” (Karger and Stoesz :). Often the entire family, including the children, works in the fields six to eight months of the year. Social support systems are very important to the Cubans, Central and Latin Americans, but many do not have easy access to their families in their home country. For example, Puerto Ricans have easier access to their extended families “back home” due to “relative proximity, cost of travel to the island, and legal status,” whereas Cubans are the least connected to their homeland because of “political pressures and an economic blockade” Ho (:). The statistics for Asian Americans vary. Karger and Stoesz () reported that only  percent of Japanese Americans are at the poverty level, whereas  percent of Southeast Asian immigrants are at the poverty level. Hmong refugees have a “dismal economic situation” compared with that of other recent immigrants (Portes and Rumbaut :). The Hmong believe that they have no opportunities in the United States because they lack goals, have no control over how to make a living, and prefer death to living without dignity. As a group, they are likely to be illiterate and have little if any education and few job skills, making it difficult to compete in an industrial society (Portes and Rumbaut ). In , Hmong and Cambodian families in America had the highest poverty rates:  percent and  percent, respectively (Shinagawa and Jang ). In contrast to the lower-paid Cambodians, Afghans, and Laotians, political refugees from Eastern Europe can be found in “preeminent and well-paid professional careers” (Portes and Rumbaut :). In the s, however, “only about  percent of America’s immigrants came from the Eastern bloc—roughly the same number that arrived from the small island of Jamaica” (Briggs and Moore :), because the United States permitted very few refugees from the Soviet Union bloc. The majority of immigrants are in the “employable” age group. Of the , immigrants admitted into the United States by the end of fiscal year , only . percent were seventy or older. Of them, . percent were male and . percent were female (U.S. INS ). Table . shows us that of the total number of immigrants admitted in , . ( percent) were employed. The category “No Occupation” includes homemakers, students, unemployed or retired persons, and others, not all of whom, of course, are on welfare. In fact, “immigrants earn higher incomes, contribute more in taxes, and use less of many services the longer they have been in the United States” (Briggs and Moore :). Another key factor to bear in mind is that many in the “No Occupation” category get a job soon after immigrating to the United States. Be- Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 19 cause the data on employment status at the time of immigrating can be misleading, it is important to look at the immigrants’ employment status one or two years after they enter the United States. Foner’s () summation of recent immigrants’ background and status noted that a century ago, immigrants were usually poor, with minimal education and technical skills, but as noted in table ., more than  percent of the immigrants admitted to the United States now are professionals and trained technicians in a variety of fields. Those immigrants who are on welfare usually are refugees and elderly people who “use welfare at disproportionate rates to their numbers.” For example, elderly immigrants and refugees account for  percent of all immigrants, and they also constitute “ percent of the welfare users” (Fix, Passel, and Zimmerman :on-line). Nonrefugee working-age immigrants use welfare at about the same rate as do “all other” Americans. Moreover, in April , the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services announced that the total number of welfare recipients had dropped by . million since PRWORA was signed on August , . At present, therefore, immigrants contribute $ billion more to the U.S. Treasury than they collect in benefits and services. Nonetheless, the  act stopped providing services to the most vulnerable—the aged, new arrivals, women, and children (on-line: http://www.welfaretowork.com/facts/index/html). THE CHANGING CLIMATE OF MULTICULTURAL SOCIETIES The passage of the  Immigration Act brought with it major changes regarding issues of equity, equality, acceptance of diversity, and the affirmative action. Because the Civil Rights Act of  did not bring racial equality to the economic and political arenas, affirmative action was required. Basically, affirmative action is a “set of policies designed to achieve equality in admissions and employment opportunities for minorities” (Karger and Stoesz :). But the immigrant population is not necessarily benefiting from this remedy, for immigrants, as minorities, are not always evenly and equitably distributed in the job arena. When the job market is bad, women and other minorities are the most likely to be shut out. Likewise, when job opportunities are abundant and the economy is prospering, minorities have more job options. According to Beck, however, affirmative action was “never intended for immigrants.” Rather, the impetus for affirmative action “was not concern for something called ‘ethnic minority’; its impetus was concern for black Americans” (:). Some people may disagree. Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM table 1.3 Immigrants Admitted by Major Occupation Group and Region and Selected Country of Birth (Fiscal Year ) Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM Region/country Total Prof.a Exec.b Sales Admin.c Repaird Oper.e Farm.f Serv.g No. occ.h All countries Europe Asia America Caribbean Central America South America Africa , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  , , , , , , ,  , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,  , , ,    , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , a Professional specialty and technical managerial cAdministrative support dPrecision production, craft, and repair eOperator, fabricator, and laborer fFarming, forestry, and fishing gService workers hNo occupation or not reported. Includes homemakers, students, unemployed or retired persons, and others not reporting or with an unknown occupation. Source: U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1996 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, ), –. bExecutive, administrative, and AN OVERVIEW 21 As the United States absorbs more and more cultures and ethnic groups, it needs to create a social climate to accept this diversity. This cultural pluralism urges “a new type of nation in which the various national groups would preserve their identity and cultures, uniting as a world federation in miniature” (Bouvier :). Cultural pluralism is often perceived in terms of exotic foods and dress rather than diverse traditions, values, thoughts, and aspirations. But Pantoja and Perry maintain that cultural pluralism as a societal value and societal goal requires that the society permit the existence of multicultural communities that can live according to their own styles, customs, languages and values without penalty to their members and without inflicting harm upon or competing for resources among themselves. Cultural pluralism does not imply rigid barriers of psychological and physical separations. Since all groups are valued as one values one’s own affiliations, interactions among cultural groups are valued and encouraged. (:) Cultural diversity has often been deemed socially unacceptable and deviant. Only occasionally was such diversity tolerated as novel or exotic customs. With the advent of cultural pluralism, however, this notion is changing. Now, cultural and ethnic groups, big or small, closer to the dominant American values or drastically different, and ethnically, racially, and religiously diverse are seen to have an equal right to retain and practice their own customs. This view may be somewhat idealistic, however. For example, the U.S. Bureau of the Census () revealed that California admitted , Mexican immigrants and Arizona, ,, of whom a significant number speak Spanish. These statistics, moreover, do not include the ,, illegal immigrants in California. Nonetheless, despite these large numbers of Spanish-speaking people, California’s public schools are not required to teach courses in Spanish. The term cultural pluralism was first used in  by Horace Kallen, in a chapter in Culture and Democracy in the United States. In this text, he claimed that cultural pluralism was the idea that “democracy is an essential prerequisite to culture, that culture can be and sometimes is a fine flowering of democracy, and that the history of the relation of the two in the United States exhibits this fact” (p. ). Kallen pointed out that a person automatically and involuntarily belongs to an ethnic group, whereas one volunteers to belong, or not belong, to a social club, a political party, or even a state. He emphasized that people may change their dress, get a new spouse, alter their religious beliefs, or move to another country, but they cannot change their ethnic background. Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 22 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES Cultural pluralism gives all groups an equal opportunity to interact on an equal footing, with an emphasis on mutual acceptance and equal opportunity to obtain society’s resources. Besides an equal acceptance of one another’s values, negotiation or compromise among cultural groups or traditions is necessary. Cultural pluralism facilitates the different groups’ interactions and transactions. Here, interactions and transactions are behaviors both within a group and transcending the group. For example, when Korean Americans interact with African Americans, this is a transaction. From a cultural pluralism perspective, both ethnic groups should function as equal members of the larger society. In addition, they should be able to continue to practice their customs and preserve their traditions without being defensive or apologetic. Today, the United States is struggling to convey to the global community that it is committed to ensuring basic human rights for all people around the world. Of course, it first must ensure those rights for all its own citizens. It must demonstrate that not only are the American shores open to all legal immigrants from all the parts of the world but that once they arrive, they can practice and preserve their cultural heritage, customs, norms, values, religion, and language. Unlike their predecessors, immigrants arriving after  are not expected or pressured to become part of the American melting pot. But there is both an implicit and an explicit expectation for new immigrants to become “Americanized,” and the sooner they do, the easier it will be for them to survive in their new home. Such pressures are institutional and formal as well as individual and informal. For example, in school, immigrant children are expected not only to learn American ways of talking, behaving, and interacting but also are discouraged from adhering to any of their cultural practices or patterns of behavior different from the prevailing ones. Why Cultural Pluralism? Greenbaum () made five major points regarding cultural pluralism: () Besides encouraging respect for the United States, supporting multicultural identities also promotes “true universalism in which the merits and faults of different belief systems can be more intelligently assessed because the individual and the group deeply understand more than one culture” (p. ). () There is an enormous need for humans to be self-conscious and self-aware. For this reason, ethnic groups can maintain and use their institutions and communities to their own group’s advantage. () Cultural pluralism is supported by the awareness that Anglo conformity did not prevent inequalities among the people, especially the economically disadvantaged. () Pluralism can help remedy poverty and Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 23 individualism. Pluralistic groups stress the interdependence of persons, families, colleagues, groups, and communities. These groups seek economic, scientific, technological, and governmental positions so that their members will be served rather than dominated. () Pluralism is necessary as the basis for “strong institutions and communities” (p. ). From a social work perspective, cultural pluralism is necessary because it recognizes the uniqueness of different cultures and allows immigrants to maintain their beliefs, customs, and values. With the increase in migration, the number of immigrants and refugees needing social work services is also expected to rise, particularly owing to the increase in poverty, domestic violence, AIDS, teen pregnancies, divorce, and other societal problems. Immigrants also face the problems of unemployment and underemployment and, for Asian Americans, the pressure of being the “model minority.” Social workers must learn skills that will allow them to maximize the uniqueness of the immigrants’ culture while assisting them with their needs in the American society. This supports the strength perspective which is being increasingly discussed in the profession. This text encourages diversity as a strength and not a weakness or deviance. The new ethnic and cultural groups in the United States bring with them distinctly different values, norms, and traditions. For example, the African, Asian, and Hispanic communities emphasize dependence on families and one’s kinship network. Individuals in these ethnic communities thus readily seek and accept assistance from both their immediate and their extended family. Such dependence on families is not necessarily regarded as negative or as rigid as American individualism; rather, it is seen as providing mutual support through social kinship networks. People from varying ethnic and racial backgrounds are considered unique and multitalented and as important members of and contributors to American society. In addition, they are not expected or encouraged to conform to the dominant culture. Cultural Pluralism as Affirming Social Work Values and Ethics With respect to social work’s cardinal values, self-determination is actuated through cultural pluralism. That is, immigrants themselves must decide whether to adopt “Americanized” values, norms, and ways of thinking. Cultural pluralism allows them to make this choice. Dignity and self-worth are acknowledged by allowing each immigrant the opportunity to make responsible choices regarding their cultural heritage. For example, an American couple permits a Vietnamese couple to take care of their baby, acknowledging their particular style of discipline and upbringing. Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 24 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES Social workers must respect immigrants’ right to confidentiality. This right, however, may be challenged by the new law (PRWORA ) that assumes that workers employed at agencies that administer Supplemental Security Income (SSI), welfare bloc grants, or housing assistance must report the addresses and names of illegal immigrants to the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) (Katz ). In addition, this new reform may also impinge on the social work value regarding individuals’ equal access to all resources. If legal permanent residents cannot obtain SSI, Medicaid, or food stamps until they become citizens of the United States or have worked in the United States and paid taxes for at least ten years, then their accessibility to all resources is limited (Northern California Coalition for Immigrant Rights ). The final cardinal social work value, affirming the client’s individuality and uniqueness, also embraces cultural pluralism. Diversity, individuality, and uniqueness can be viewed as strengths and not as weaknesses or deviances. By recognizing and acknowledging each immigrant’s cultural and ethnic heritage, including differences in lifestyles and upbringing, social workers can create a solid foundation for their right to be treated as unique beings. ECOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The Relationship Between People and the Environment The ecological perspective is widely used in social work to formulate “preventive psychological interventions.” Balgopal and Vassil defined the ecological perspective as explaining “the actions which govern how people get along” (:). These actions are based on “a combination of ways in which the individuals have managed their lives in the past, and how they anticipate the future” (p. ). In essence, then, in social work, people are seen interacting with their environment. As the environment changes, so too may the people. And as they adjust and cope with the changing environment, they can learn new skills and modify “old ones.” These adjustments must be made in different areas such as language, culture, social relationships, norms, and values. But the environment may have to make adjustments as well. In other words, U.S. citizens may also have to learn to accept immigrants’ differences in coping styles, language, ethnic and cultural upbringing, and general perspectives. This diversity is apparent not only between Americans and immigrants but also among the different ethnic and racial groups in the immigrant population. As the immigrants learn the ways of their new environment, they are also expanding their competence and well-being, by adding new skills and values to Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM AN OVERVIEW 25 their already existing supply. The positive attributes of one ethnic group thus can be copied and enhanced by another.Coping with and adapting to the new environment is a skill that may be easier for one immigrant group to learn than another. But being able to maintain the values of the home country and adjusting to the “new” ones prevailing in the United States can be quite challenging. Social workers may need to identify these issues and discuss them with their clients. The conflict of adjusting or not may impede some immigrants’ growth and ability to function productively. Add to this a language barrier and conflicting ethnic customs, it becomes clear how stressful this adaptation can be. Social Environment To understand the context in which social workers practice, we must look at the social environment in which they must function. In practical social work situations, social workers must be aware of life patterns, including “interrelationships with family, social networks, organizations and communities” (Balgopal and Vassil :, italics in original). In the family, nurturance, socialization, and education are important to the development and growth of children and adults. Each family member plays certain roles, and the expectations of these roles can “mold” the family’s functioning. In the broader external environment—the neighborhood, community, town, or city—immigrants are faced with multiple issues. In the family unit, immigrant parents may attempt to teach their children their native language, apply their religious values, and reinforce their style of discipline. But when the children enter school and play at their friends’ homes, the values and morals of the United States take precedence. Extended family, neighbors, friends, and work associates form an important base for people’s stability, self-worth, and support. Their social network is those other persons to whom people are linked in terms of influencing or being influenced by, supporting or being supported by, depending on or being depended on. For immigrants, it is important to locate their social network and its composition. A strong support system enables people to function efficiently. The broader organizational environment is important as well, for the organization cannot function without the individual, and vice versa. Accordingly, much preparation and planning is necessary to accommodate and support immigrants. Studying cultural diversity and understanding the obvious and subtle differences based on language and ethnicity is a good place to start. Finally, the quality of communities and neighborhoods influences the development of individuals. If their environment is not conducive to growth, both individual and social, its inhabitants will suffer. For example, if an immigrant is Brought to you by | The University of Texas at Austin Authenticated Download Date | 2/15/20 7:36 PM 26 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES living in a community in which job opportunities and food are scarce, normative community patterns will be limited. Illness, marginal shelter, inadequate clothing, lack of weather-specific utilities (such as heat and air conditioning), nonfunctional living facilities, and inaccessible or underutilized health services are examples of dysfunctional community patterns. If such functions were present, the community would be more supportive, making easier the immigrant’s adjustment to the new environment. Without such factors, however, the community’s functions are stifled, thus creating more problems for immigrants and their families. NOTES . The Immigration and Nationality Act of , also known as the McCarranWalter Act, was the “first codification immigration and nationality law and is still the basic code” (Morse :). The quota for immigrants from non-Western Hemisphere countries was set at ,, with a preference for highly skilled workers. In addition, the act allowed the attorney general to admit those refugees for up to two years whose presence would be in the best interest of the United States. . The main purpose of the Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of  was to coordinate the movement and numbers of immigrants. Under this act, (a) refugees would be transported; (b) projects would be established to enhance employment or to update refugees’ professional training; (c) aid would be given to refugees who had fled their country because of persecution based on race, religion, political concerns, and other circumstances; (d) refugees would be assisted if the president decided that doing so would contribute to the defense of the United States; and (e) contributions would be made to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (Miller and Miller ). REFERENCES Addams, J. (). Twenty Years at Hull-House. New York: Macmillan. Balgopal, P. R., and Vassil, T. V. (). 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