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Marine Corps History
The Battle of Blanc Mont on 4 October 1918 had the worst single day’s casualties for the Marine Corps in World War I with the 5th Regiment suffering 1,097 casualties. However, the details of the attacks by the 5th Regiment are very commonly left out or glossed over in official accounts, memoirs, and discussions after the war. Why is this important and why is an analysis of the actions on this horrific day absent from so many primary sources? The answer is multifaceted: command’s failure to properly coordinate the attack, senior leaders lacking awareness due to posts of command initially remote from the front lines, overzealous Marines, a chaotic retreat, and a lack of acknowledgment of 4 October after the war. The untold story of 4 October, the good and the bad, deserves to be recognized in order to remember those Marines who gave their lives that day and to acknowledge the lessons from the failures, blunders, and defeat, as they are also a part of the larger history of actions of t...
Second issue of a peer-reviewed military history journal.
2020
Perhaps no prediction has been as consistently made—and as consistently wrong—as the imminent death of amphibious operations. Whatever the changes in warfare and technology, the necessity of amphibious force projection endures, long outliving those who claim its time has passed. Changes in how amphibious operations are conducted, however, are just as consistent. This essential contributed volume arrives at a vital point of transition. These essays highlight both changes and continuities, examining historical amphibious operations as early as the sixteenth century to the near future, describing both lesser-known cases and offering more nuanced views of famous campaigns, such as Gallipoli and Normandy. With the release of the U.S. Marine Corps’ Force Design 2030, this volume gives historians, theorists, and practitioners an opportunity to ground the coming changes in the historical context as they seek to find out what it takes to win on contested shores.
Self-published by the Author via Amazon's Kindle Direct Publishing (KDP), 2013
a child he attended the local schools in the surrounding area, where it was found that he had a talent for writing, and an adventurous spirit and personality. In 1855, at the age of eighteen, he decided to leave England and stepped aboard a transatlantic steamer bound for the United States of America. 1 When he arrived in America Cussons made his way westward, spending the next four years living a life of adventure and incident. For part of this period he would live among the Sioux Native American Indians of the Great Plains; where he no doubt found his future love of hunting wild game. There is also some very tenuous and circumstantial evidence to suggest that Cussons may have lived in California for a time, mining for gold. In 1859 Cussons slowly drifted south-eastwards and settled in the town of Selma, Alabama, on the north bank of the Alabama River. It was here that his writing abilities found him employment; first as a writer and editor, and then, at the young age of twentytwo, as the co-owner of the Selma Reporter, more journal than a weekly newspaper. 2 At the outbreak of the American Civil War in April 1861, Cussons decided to throw in his lot with the breakaway Confederacy, even though he was no supporter of secession. He was twenty-three years of age and physically very handsome, but imposing, being over six feet tall with a lean and muscular body. Cussons' hair was long and curly, brushed behind his ears and reached to his shoulders, and was light brown in colour. He had a large bushy moustache and a chin beard which reached to the top of his chest. A short time after his adopted state seceded Cussons enlisted in an infantry company known as the Governor's Guard, which had originally been raised in late 1860. When the company was on the cars bound for Virginia it was halted in Dalton, Georgia, where it was officially mustered into Confederate service as Company A of the Fourth Alabama Volunteer Infantry Regiment on May 2. 3 Upon its arrival in Virginia the Fourth Alabama was sent north to Harper's Ferry which had been the location of a military arsenal. Here it became part of Brigadier General Barnard E. Bee's brigade, along with the Second and Eleventh Mississippi, First Tennessee, and Sixth North Carolina. The brigade would form the Third Brigade of General Joseph E. Johnston's Army of the Valley. It was during the last weeks of June and early July that Bee first recognised that Cussons had panache for performing scout duties. Cussons did not get that many chances to show his skills however, because Johnston moved his army by rail to Manassas Junction to reinforce General Pierre G. T. Beauregard's Army of the Potomac. Bee's brigade arrived on the afternoon of July 19. On July 21 Cussons took part in the Battle of First Manassas. The Fourth Alabama first helped to delay the Union advance along the Manassas-Sudley Springs Road, where Bee reinforced Colonel Nathan G. Evans' brigade near Matthews Hill during the early morning. After some hard fighting in the shallow valley northeast of Buck Hill, Bee and Evans were forced to withdraw under fire to Henry House Hill, where Colonel Thomas Jackson's Virginia brigade was drawn up in line of battle. Trying desperately to rally his men Beewho Cussons would have seen and heard in the confusionpointed his sword at Jackson's men and shouted: "Look at Jackson's brigade! It stands there like a stone wall." Bee, however, was almost immediately struck down, mortally wounded, and carried to the rear; while his brigade and Cussons dissolved, scurrying to seek shelter in the trees behind the men of Jackson. Having lost all of their field officers, the men of the Fourth Alabama huddled together in the trees until both Johnston and Beauregard rode up to take charge of the crisis. Putting Colonel States Rights Gist, a staff officer of Bee's, at the head of the Alabamians, the two generals rode out from the trees to the right of Jackson's brigade "with the colors of the 4 th Alabama by our [their[ side," and formed the regiment into line. For the rest of the day the men of the Fourth Alabama helped to repulse every Federal attempt to break the Confederate line, until the Federals themselves were broken and chased from the field in the late afternoon. 4 Following the victory at First Manassas the Fourth Alabama and the rest of Bee's brigade followed the retreating Federals to the vicinity of Alexandria and Washington D. C. In November Brigadier General William H. C. Whiting, a favourite officer of Johnston's and who had been his chief engineer, was appointed permanent commander of the brigade. Cussons would spend the winter encamped around the town of Dumfries in Prince William County. Over the winter period Cussons and a handful of other men from the Governor's Guard, seriously considered becoming the owners of a ship to run the Union blockade. On March 6, 1862, from "Camp Alabama", they wrote to Secretary of the Confederate Navy Stephen R. Mallory, briefly outlining their plans. Through a middle man in either Charleston, South Carolina, New Orleans, Louisiana, or Liverpool in Britain; they said they would purchase a ship which was: "a fast sailing hermaphrodite [a small brig or brigantine], or full rig brig, carrying auxiliary crew, and some five or six hundred tons burthen; armament to consist of one 64 rifled, mounted on pivot 'midships, and four brass 24-punders, rifled; crew, say 60 men and 20 marines." To procure the ship they had managed to scrape together between $90,000 and $100,000. The group was unsure however as to whether the British government would allow an armed vessel to be built in England, and wanted to know if a letter of marque could be granted by the government in Richmond. On March 17 William M. Browne, one of Mallory's civil servants, wrote back answering their questions. He said that he did not know if the sum quoted was enough; that a letter of marque would not be granted until a ship had been brought; and the British government would not allow an armed shipat that timeto sail from their ports as a privateer. This answer ended their hopes of conquering the high seas. 5 In March and April the army was ordered to withdraw from its positions near Alexandria back toward Richmond, in order to reinforce the small 'army' of Major General John B. Magruder. Cussons and the rest of the brigade actually ended up being posted to the town of Norfolk, the main naval base and shipyard of the Confederacy, on the Elizabeth River and close to Hampton Roads. When the first week of May came Johnston decided to abandon the positions his army had been occupying around the town of Yorktown and along the Warwick River. Colonel Evander M. Lawwho had temporary command of the brigade because Whiting was now in divisional command, forming part of Major General Gustavus W. Smith's reserve corpswas ordered to concentrate at the small town of Barhamsville on the Peninsula east of Richmond, along with the rest of the Army of Northern Virginia. At midday on May 6, Whiting received information from Smith which stated that a Federal flotilla was landing troops at Eltham's Landing, opposite West Point on the Pamunkey River. Whiting's orders were to observe their movements without engaging them. Whiting later reported that he believed the transports, protected by gunboats, "contain[ed] from twelve to sixteen regiments [of infantry]"; he was correct in his assertion because the force was in fact a whole division. Soon after landing the Federals threw out skirmishers into the woods lining the river and formed a defensive cordon, which was strengthened throughout the remainder of the day. 6 During the early evening Whiting seems to have wanted to gather more information about the Federal detachment, and asked Cussons to scout their dispositions. Cussons and another man, First Sergeant William Hartley of Company Iwho had been a surveyor before the war and was originally from Connecticutwere well known and liked within the Fourth Alabama, and were "well fitted, by some experience of Frontier life" to the profession of scouting. Venturing out from Whiting's lines on the cloudless night of May 6, they managed to evade the Federal sentries and skirmish line in the woods to reach a good vantage point on the elevated south bank of the river. From this position, and within a few hundred yards of the enemy camp, Cussons and Hartley surveyed the strengths and weaknesses of the Federal positions, while estimating the strength of their infantry, artillery, and naval forces. 7 Having observed the camp for half an hour, Cussons and Hartley decided to try and get within earshot of the Federal soldiers. To do this they had to double back through the woods. Quietly creeping through the undergrowth they heard a sharp "click" just ahead of them, and the faint outline of four men appeared. Weighing up their uncomfortable predicament after being asked to identify themselves, Cussons demanded that the four Federals should surrender. The Federals instantly raised their muskets and fired. A short second or two later Cussons and Hartley fired their weapons. Hartley was hit and mortally wounded during this exchange and soon breathed his last breath, along with two of the Unionists. The pickets from the next post along came running having heard the musket fire and Cussons shot down the lead soldier, after which the other three fled. The two men remaining from the first picket were hiding behind a large thick tree, so Cussons took the opportunity to withdraw a short distance. Lying on his stomach in the darkness, Cussons heard Federal officers organising patrols to search the area for him. It was so dark among the tall trees however that these patrols walked straight past his prone form. Managing to get clear of the Federal pickets, Cussons quickly made his way south-west back to his own picket line, and gave his information to Whiting during the pre-dawn hours of May 7. 8 Shortly after having received...
The Annals of Iowa
The purpose of this report is to recognize and highlight the contributions of African Americans to the military history of the United States. This is accomplished by providing a historic context on the African American military experience for use by Department of Defense (DoD) cultural resource managers. Managers can use this historic context, to recognize significant sites, buildings, and objects on DoD property related to African American military history by nominating them for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places. In this manner, civilian and military personnel currently serving in all major services will be made aware of the contributions of African Americans to our military heritage. While the focus of this work is on all-black military units, significant individuals will be recognized also.
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