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The Modern Greek experience is intimately tied to the city as a physical space, a national symbol, a nostalgic memory, and a fantasy of grandeur. This course focuses on such celebrated Mediterranean and world cities as Athens, Istanbul, Izmir, Thessaloniki, Alexandria, and, finally, Chicago to detail the Modern Greek urban experience and thus engage with the broader themes of colonialism, modern appropriations of antiquity, nation-building, multi-ethnic coexistence, war and refugeehood, and, finally, immigration and the recreation of homeland in the diaspora. Students will work with a variety of textual and visual sources and undertake original research in Chicago’s Greektown. No prior knowledge of Modern Greek history is required.
With Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Syria and Egypt in crisis, the Eastern Mediterranean has once again caught the world’s attention. This course offers a historical perspective to current developments by examining the deep social, political, and cultural processes that transformed the Eastern Mediterranean from the mid-19th century Ottoman Reforms to the 1922 Greco-Turkish exchange of populations and the Egyptian Revolution of 1919. It explores the interconnected processes of social restructuring, cultural interaction, ethnic strife and sectarian violence and questions the common image of the Eastern Mediterranean as at once a model of cosmopolitan conviviality and an archetype of unbridled violence. Topics include: the modernization of the Ottoman Empire, colonial power in Egypt, the rise of Balkan and Near Eastern nationalisms, communal life and urban coexistence in the port-cities, the multiple presences of the West and its images of the Orient, the Balkan Wars and population movements, and, finally, present-day nostalgic reconstructions of the fin-de-siècle Mediterranean in popular and elite culture.
What happens to a multiethnic city, one inhabited by Jews, Greeks, and Muslims, Italians, Slavs, Jews and Greeks, or Germans, Czechs, Bohemians and Jews, when it passes from a dying empire to a nascent nation-state? This course focuses on Vienna and the Mediterranean ports of Trieste and Salonica from the late 19th century to the end of the Second World War and examines their transformation from cradles of Habsburg and Ottoman imperial modernity into laboratories of Austrian, Italian and Greek nationalism. Using a combination of primary sources, literary works, and films, and stressing the unique characteristics, the shared patterns of their trajectory, and no less the circulation of peoples, ideas, and things between the three cities, the course will: question the dichotomy of European - non-European empires and suggest other geographies (i.e. “Mediterreanean” - “Central European”); discuss the relation between urban modernity, empire and the nation-state; assess the impact of the First World War and interwar nationalism, antisemitism and state policies on the multiethnic urban fabric and the local class and ethnic hierarchies of power; examine the Holocaust and its traumatic memory; and ponder on the nostalgic imaginings of these cities in current public discourse.
Is there such a thing as a Mediterranean city? The Mediterranean Sea is home to some of the oldest, and most celebrated urban settlements in the world. Its cities have nonetheless experienced such repeated and deep transformations in the past two centuries as to become virtually unrecognizable with regards to the built environment, the ethnic composition of their population, and their discursive representations. This course takes a critical look at these developments, (and, no less, at the narratives employed to account for them), from a trans-national and inter-disciplinary perspective. By observing through the combined perspectives of history, urban studies, and anthropology; by employing a variety of sources (from literature to film to audiovisual testimonies); and by focusing on specific urban centers east and west, north and south of the Mediterranean (Istanbul, Salonica, Algiers, Marseille, Trieste, Athens, Tel Aviv), this course will examine the cities as shaped by the imperial state, the western traveller, the colonial urbanist, the nationalist visionary, the uprooted refugee, the Holocaust survivor, and the fighting soldier, in a kaleidoscopic attempt to understand the dramatic and traumatic experience of modernity in the streets and piazzas of the Mediterranean.
Special issue on the Jews of Salonica in the Ottoman and post-Ottoman period. Co-edited by Anthony Molho, Eyal Ginio and Paris Papamichos Chronakis.
Syllabus for Gen-Ed Classical Tradition course
This is a class on nation-building in the Balkans. The first half of the course is designed to provide you with basic historical knowledge on the region and an overview of "unfinished business" in contemporary Balkans. In the second half of the course, we focus on the various nation-building policies Balkan nation-states have pursued toward different non-core groups over the 19th and 20th centuries. State policies have ranged from deportation and killings, to forced assimilation or even accommodation. The main emphasis of the class is to understand the logic behind these policy choices and evaluate their consequences. Toward the end of the semester we study "third-party nation-building" conducted by international organizations in the Western Balkans.
Macedonian Studies Journal - Journal of the Australian Institute of Macedonian Studies Melbourne, Australia
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia came into existence in 1991. This newly emerging state was not a country that was recreated after centuries, nor one which, having been destroyed or absorbed by others over the years, was once again restructured and reappeared, as was the case with Chechoslovakia, Israel or Palestine. As a matter of fact, there was never a country or a state bearing the name “Macedonia”, only the geographic region of ancient Macedonia, a region affiliated and interconnected with the history, language, civilization, culture and religion of Ancient Hellas. In 146 BC, the Romans, wishing to eradicate the Hellenic identity of the Macedonians, created a large dominion extending the ancient borders of Macedonia (see relevant paper in this edition of the MSJ), and calling the new territory Macedonia Prima (Provincia Macedoniae). When Roman General Quintus Caecilius Metellus defeated Andriscus of Macedon, Rome established a new province incorporating ancient Macedonia, which also included Epirus, Thessaly, and parts of Illyria, Paionia and Thrace. This created a much larger administrative area, to which the name of Macedonia was still applied. Hence, any sort or type of national irredentism regarding the name “Macedonia” as an ethnic or national nomenclature is anthropologically pseudonymous and politically irrational. Irredentism is the nationalist belief that a territory belonging to another country should be annexed for ethnic or historical reasons. Irredentist claims are usually justified on the basis that the irredentists' ethnic group, now or historically, formed the majority in that territory or that the territory was part of the irredentists' nation-state at some point in the past. In the case of the people of FYROM, the Macedoslavs, who try to emerge unilaterally as the “Macedonians”, nothing of the above is validated. The constitutional name of “Macedonia” that they were inspired to use for their country was never a territory exclusively or primarily or historically occupied by “Macedonians”; “Macedonians” never formed the majority in this territory and most importantly this region was never the nation-state of the “Macedonians.” Furthermore, irredentism is to be distinguished from territorial expansionism, in that irredentism claims to advocate taking back land that is "rightfully ours," while expan-sionism advocates annexation regardless of whether the territory was "ours" in the first place. Hence, the actual mode of irrational behaviour of the Macedoslavs should be called expansionism and not just irredentism in the Balkans; a tendency which inflames ethnic and national unrest and creates instability to the wider European community. The name of the hypothetical country resulting from successful annexation frequently contains the word "Greater", such as, for example, in Greater Serbia, Greater Albania, or Greater Russia, as we have recently experienced with the annexation of Crimea. Then there comes the third means of nationalism: secessionism. The scholarship on irredentism and secessionism suggests that the former is more likely to become violent and result in war than the latter. Irredentist conflicts are often instigated by sovereign states, whereas, secessionist conflicts are usually initiated by minority groups. Since sovereign states have military capability to fight full-scale wars, irredentist conflicts tend to be more violent and/or turn international. Given that minority groups lack military resources to fight for their causes, secessionist conflicts on the other hand normally do not escalate to interstate war. However, what happens if a sovereign state with a full-fledged army decides to support a secessionist cause? We refer our readers to the Ukraine experience and the prolonged civil war there. Since 2006, the Macedoslavs of FYROM, via their ultra-nationalist government of Nicola Gruevski and its agencies have attempted to implement within their new national borders and in the Macedoslavic Diaspora all three expressions of nationalism, namely irredentism, expansionism and secessionism, thus acting as a serious source of instability in the Balkans and the greater European community. They preach irredentism by posing as “Macedonians” when they never historically formed the majority in Macedonia or Macedonia Prima. In their delirious nationalism they masquerade their Macedoslavic identity and adulterate their culture with Hellenic statues and Greek cultural monuments belonging to another nation-country, namely Hellas, simply to pose as ancient Macedonians. Hence, they demonstrate disrespect and betray their own renowned Slavic culture and civilization. They preach expansionism infiltrating the conscience of the few thousands of Greek bilingual citizens in Ancient Macedonia, the birthplace of Alexander the Great and Aristotle, a region in which they desire to find their “enslaved compatriots”, the Egejski Makedonci. Finally they preach secessionism both within their national borders as well as in the Diaspora via their propaganda machine, their consular staff and their publications producing maps of the Greater Macedonia. Historically, there have been many territories that have changed hands very often, and territories in which the ethnic composition has changed over time. This means the claims of different irredentist movements of what is "rightfully theirs" very often overlap. Since the borders of nearly all nations have changed over time, irredentist attitudes can be found in most parts of the world. Usually, they are part of nationalist ideologies, though by far not all nationalist ideologies and groups include them. Fortunately, irredentism usually does not receive the official support it once did. The Gruevski government constitutes an extreme form of irredentism, expansion-ism and secessionism, seeking to expand its newly emerged country to a maximum extent, regardless of whether the Macedoslavs ever actually formed the majority in the territory in question. The government of FYROM should be reminded that similar expressions of nationalism, expansionism and secessionism are also displayed by other ethnicities within its national borders. According to the Gallup Balkan Monitor 2010 report, the idea of a Greater Albania is supported by the majority of Albanians in Albania (63%), Kosovo (81%) and the Republic of “Macedonia” (53%). This clearly demonstrates that it would be more prudent to safeguard the welfare of the Macedoslav people, build constructive relations with neighbouring countries, reinforce the social cohesion of citizens rather than waste the country’s human and material resources to chase ghosts and imagined enemies in the south.
ÉTUDES BALKANIQUES, 2018
Scholars have relied upon diverse methodologies and sources to produce a new corpus of studies about Salonica’s Jews that explores the impact of the end of the Ottoman Empire and the consolidation of the Greek nation-state. Much of the newer scholarship, however, reinforces the perception that Salonica’s Jews experienced a period of “decline” after the city’s incorporation into the Greek state (1912 – 1913) that culminated in their deportation to Auschwitz (1943). This study investigates why such a lachrymose and teleological interpretation of Salonican Jewish history persists today. By reference to new sources and a different interpretive lens, this article also challenges conventional wisdom concerning key turning points in the narrative of the city’s Jews: a major fire (1917), a compulsory Sunday closing law (1924), and the first major act of anti-Jewish violence (1931). The article thus offers a new approach to assessing the encounters between the multiplicities of Jews in Salonica and the Greek state.
International Journal for Research in Applied Science & Engineering Technology (IJRASET), 2023
QUẢN LÝ VỤ KIỆN VÀ QUYẾT ĐỊNH VỀ THỦ TỤC TỐ TỤNG -HƯỚNG DẪN THỰC HÀNH TRỌNG TÀI QUỐC TẾ, 2015
Journal of Vietnamese Studies , 2019
International Journal of Accounting Research, 2013
DYNAMICS IN THE SECURITY ENVIRONMENT AND THE NECESSARY CHANGES IN THE BULGARIAN NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY, 2018
Geoscience Canada, 2007
Evangelical Quarterly, 2022
Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research), 2023
Proceedings of ServDes2018 - Service Design Proof of Concept, 2018
Journal of Rehabilitation Medicine, 2005
Aquatic Microbial Ecology, 2012
The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity, 2019
Journal of Risk and Financial Management
Uludağ Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi sosyal bilimler dergisi, 2017
BMC Bioinformatics, 2009