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Optional Ergative Case-Marking in Ṭuroyo

2018, HSE Summer School Areal Linguistics and Languages of Russia 2018

The poster examines optional flagging of transitive nominal subjects in Ṭuroyo. We have gathered sentences with nominal subjects occurring with transitive verbs, from the oral corpus of Ṭuroyo. The first sample is analyzed in the exploratory fashion, in order to establish which variables are correlated with the presence or absence of flagging. On the basis of the second sample, we are trying to establish the statistical significance of the correlation between word order and agent flagging.

O Ṭ (S E T ) Nikita Kuzin, [email protected] RSUH Data and methods for testing Discussion • Random sample (50% of total size) from H. Ri er’s vol. 3 (Ri er 1971) • Possible explanation: VS order is indirect, and marking removes ambiguity: Introduction • Data: Ṭuroyo language (Semitic > Neo-Aramaic), folklore text data (1960s) • Problem: Agents of transitive verbs occur both with the case-marker l and without it. (1) Reḥ-ux qṭi-le-lan smell.2 kill.3 .1 ’Your smell is killing (lit. killed) us.’ (RT I 29/425) (2) L-u reḥ-ano smell.3 .3 qṭi-le-lan kill.3 .1 ’This smell is killing (lit. killed) us.’ (RT I 29/436) • 198 transitive clauses with overt subjects • Clauses with the same verb, subject and/or object occuring near to each other (1-2 clauses) were removed as possibly influencing the independence of the observations • Variables: and • Hypothesis: and are correlated: SV is correlated with unmarked forms, while VS is correlated with case-marking. • Method: binary logistic regression with word order as the predictor and markedness as the outcome variable • (Diem 2012, p. 45): Case-marked A NPs occur more o en in post-verbal position (3) Səm-ø-li i ʕrayt-ayḏi make- .3 .1 . lunch.1 mḥaḏ̣r-o-li prepare- .3 .1 ’I made my lunch, prepared it.’ JL 06.10.6 • Thus Ṭuroyo has partial ergative alignment in pasttense clauses, cf. with the example above: • Exploration: configurations and x non-significant • Ergative case-marking of A is possible also for all types of non-transitive clauses x are χ2 40.216 10.387 54.91 df 1 1 4 p < 0.001 0.001 < 0.001 Fig. 1: Significant configurations of variables in the exploration sample • Types: U x SV (pHolm = 0.006, Q = 0.165) and M x VS (pHolm < 0.001, Q = 0.126). • Anti-types: U 0.162) and M x VS (pHolm = 0.004, Q = x SV (pHolm < 0.001, Q = 0.126). • Individual configurations of three-level interaction x x are significant, but the preference is either the same or weaker than for and alone. (4) Damix-o sleep.3 ’She fell asleep.’ • Both nouns and pronouns can take ergative casemarking, but anaphoric subjects are usually ellipsed zʕuro (6) Ḥze-le u . boy see.3 ’He saw the boy. / ? The boy saw him.’ zʕuro ḥze-le .3 . boy see’The boy saw him. / ? He saw the boy.’ Exploration Variables • Past-tense transitive verbs have di erent infixes (3ms, 3fs, 3pl) when O is anaphoric, otherwise the 3ms-infix is used • For 3ms pronominal objects there may be even stronger ambiguity without case-marking (7) U • (Waltisberg 2016, p. 177): Marked forms occur by salient and most definite constituents Morphosyntactic alignment in Ṭuroyo (5) Maṭmaʕ-le u šex l-u seduce.3 . sheikh . taǧər-ano merchant.3 ’The merchant seduced the sheikh.’ (RT I 26/92) Results • There is a highly significant but weak correlation between word order and agent case-marking: G = 30.82, df = 1, p < 0.001, Nagelkerke’s R2 = 0.207, C = 0.666 1.00 Goals 0.75 Predictions • Explore the corpus to single out the parameters influencing the presence of the case-marker • Test the correlation between the discovered parameters 0.50 Conclusions • Word order and case-marking of agents are significantly correlated • But the correlation is not strong, and the presence of SV word-order does not predict the absence or presence of marking well • Second sample: perhaps more conservative dialects • Further research: We have to explain either why case-marking on agents is so frequent for SV wordorder or find additional parameters which would explain the absence of case-marking References Beṯ-Şawoce, Jan. 1995. Ëno Mërli Xori Brahim Hajjo Madcarle. Diem, Werner. 2012. Vom Status Pendens Zum Satzsubjekt. Studien Zu Topikalisierung in Neueren Semitischen Sprachen. Harrasowitz, Wiesbaden. Gries, Stephan Th. 2004. HCFA 3.2. A Program for R. Jastrow, O o. 1992. Lehrbuch der Ṭuroyo-Sprache. O o Harrassowitz Verlag. Ri er, Hellmut. 1967. Ṭuroyo. Die Volksprache Der Syrischen Christen Des Ṭūr-’Abdīn. A: Texte. Vol. 1. Orient-Institut der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellscha , Beirut. — . 1971. Ṭuroyo. Die Volksprache Der Syrischen Christen Des Ṭūr’Abdīn. A: Texte. Vol. 3. Beirut: Orient-Institut der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellscha in Kommission bei Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden. Waltisberg, Michael. 2016. Syntax Des Ṭuroyo. Harrasowitz Verlag. 0.25 Abbreviations 0.00 Data and methods for exploration SV VS Word order Fig. 2: Predicted probabilities for marked forms and their 95% confidence • Sample from H. Ri er’s folklore texts (Ri er 1967) and one recent interview (Beṯ-Şawoce 1995) interval bars • Two datasets are di erent: • Speakers who preferred strongly either marked or unmarked forms were ommi ed (cuto point = 0.8) 150 Acknowledgements • 187 transitive clauses with overt subjects (pronominal overt subjects excluded) – – – – – : marked or unmarked A : noun or pronominal object : SV or VS : animate or inanimate : definite or indefinite • Method: hierarchical configural frequency analysis (HCFA), testing all combinations of five variables 100 Frequency • Variables included: 1, 2, 3 — 1, 2 and & 3 Person, — article, — demonstrative — ergative, , — masculine, feminine, — direct object, , — plural, singular, — possessive, — preterite RT I — Ri er 1967, JL — Jastrow 1992 Case−marking Marked Unmarked 50 0 1 2 Sample Fig. 3: Frequencies of marked forms in two samples We thank Yulia Furman, Sergey Loesov, Alexey Lyavdansky, Maksim Kalinin and Eugene Barsky for commenting on parts of the research included in this poster. We also thank St. Th. Gries for his HCFA script (Gries 2004). The analysis was performed in the R programming language, version 3.5.1. The plots are due to the ggplot2 package, R code chunks are due to the knitr package. The poster was typeset in LATEX, using the tikzposter package.