Digital Cartographies of the Roman Campagna

THE ROUTLEDGE RESEARCH COMPANION TO DIGITAL MEDIEVALLITERATURE Edited by JenniferE. Boyle and HelenJ. Burgess I~~of ~;n~~:up LONDON AND NEW YORK First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN CONTENTS and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 selection and editorial matter, Jennifer E. Boyle and Helen J. Burgess; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Jennifer E. Boyle and Helen J. Burgess to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-1-138-90504-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-69604-l (ebk) viii xii List of .figures List of contributors Introduction: resistance in the materials Jennifer E. Boyle and Helen J Burgess 1 Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex Co Vantage, LLC PARTI Visit the Companion Website: www.routledge.com/cw/boyle The digital and medieval (new) media 7 l The remanence of medieval media MartinFoys 9 2 Romancing the portal: MappaMundi and the global middle ages 31 Geraldine Heng 3 Creative destruction and the digital humanities Whitney Trettien 47 PARTII 61 Remediating medieval literature A" ..J,.r> 4 Augmenting Chaucer: augmented reality and medieval texts Andrea R. Harbin, Tamara F. 0 'Callaghan, Alan B. Craig and Ryan W. Rocha 63 5 What is Piers Plowman? Timothy L. Stinson 82 MIX Paper from FSC •••ponsible eoura,o -,,.., Fsc· C013985 Printed in the United Kingdom by Henry Ling Limited V Contents 6 Working and playing on The Middle Shore Katherine Richards and Lara Farina Contents 92 16 Digitalizing Utopia: a case study of its pedagogical value in historic studies Tessa Morrison 235 17 Thine Enemy: virtual reality and narrative space in medieval representations of interpersonal combat Michael Ovens 250 Index 258 PART III Medieval materialities, digital modalities 7 Telling stories: historical narratives in virtual reality Roger Louis Martinez-Davila, Paddington Hodza, Mubbasir Kapadia, Sean T Perrone, Christoph Holscher, and Victor R. Schinazi 8 Toward text-mining the middle ages: digital scriptoria and networks of labor Michael Widner 105 107 131 PART IV "Screening" the medieval: visualization and modes of interoperability 145 9 Knowledge integration and visuality then and now Christine Mc Webb 147 10 Medieval manuscripts and their (digital) afterlives Toby Burrows 158 11 Remediation and 3D design: immediacy and the medieval video game world Roger Louis Martinez-Davila and Lynn Ramey 167 12 Multispectral imaging and medieval manuscripts Eric Weiskott 186 PARTY Current conversations 197 13 Emotions3D: remediating the digital museum Jane-Heloise Nancarrow 199 14 Digital cartographies of the Roman Campagna Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw 212 15 Modern pictures of medieval pages: the current state of digital work on medieval and early modern watermarks S. C. Kaplan 227 vi Vll 14 DIGITAL CARTOGRAPHIES OF THE ROMAN CAMPAGNA .'!,.,-.,~111,,ce, •• A.....a-.ia• .• ~. ,..,,1~ --·~MNr-1 Lisa Beaven,Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw C~O.,•.~• c:~; •. .} -~ ..~,t,,~ c-·,-~01,111!t,,i1~8-M Ci~T.d..i.Af9t Ol\gol~ ,,. f°rMMl'j~-· . l"!'\i!:ilt'l,,.,;,.,-1'! P~•<lllhbt..: ·,11P111,gi. P.utm Our ongoing research project "Digital Cartographies of the Roman Campagna" is developing an interactive digital map to explore the relationship between artistic representation of the Roman Campagna and the history of the place itself, in the context of ecology, climate change, disease and social history from 1600 to 1900.1 In the following essay we discuss the rationale behind the decision to create a digital map as the key research outcome, explain the methodology being developed for working with digitized versions of historic maps, with a particular focus on georectification, and reflect on some of the representational and conceptual issues that georectification raises and outline our plans to address these challenges in our future research. =~)OB<.,111;1,np Q- °""' ....,, -;"~-~- Figure 14.1 Screenshot showing the Cingolani map layered on Google Earth. Battista Cingolani della Pergola, "Topografia Geometric dell' Agro Romano," 1704 (95 x 205.5 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. The maps At the heart of this project are two historic maps of the Roman Campagna that were first printed in the 1690s in Rome. Cingolani della Pergola's "Topografia Geometrica dell' Agro Romano" from 1704 (first printed in 1692) measures 90.7 x 195.4 cm2; Giacomo FilippoAmeti's "II Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Antiche," which was first printed in 1693, measures 81.5 x 110 cm from 1693, and proved so popular that it was reprinted six times, though it is now comparatively rare.3 The versions that have been digitized for this project both belong to the British School at Rome, our institutional partner in the project. We know that Cingolani della Pergola's map designed to be read alongside Francesco Eschinardi's description of the Roman Campagna 4 had its origins in Pope Alexander VII's (1655-1667) desire to thoroughly map the countryside around Rome. The specific motivations behind the production of Ameti's map are not so clear, but the main purpose of it is essentially the same as the Cingolani della Pergola; both these maps were made to support papal control over the agricultural production of the territory. Roberto Almagia has described these two maps as the best possible products of cartography in the period prior to geodetic surveys. 5 Between them they cover the entire length of the Roman Campagna: Cingolani della Pergola's map extends north beyond Lake Bracciano and as far south as Astura (Figure 14.1), while Ameti's map begins just north of Rome and extends all the way through the Pontine marshes to Terracina (Figure 14.2). The planned digital map of the Campagna - which forms the central focus of this project - will be based on these two maps. The digital scans of the maps will be georectified so that they can be compared with modem maps and so that other geolocated digital resources can be added to the platfonn to 212 ,·7[-~~··-..•}:.. '!;Yarr·.:-.....-,r.,.....i .-:.Jt~ e·)Cllro r""• r-..,;:ur,M. (' •.~~ ... 0!.d I ,:~t C•:;,-;.i· 111.o.-,.•• ~.ar:• (;,q-,1...,,:,, .... ~-r •.....i.,, .. i.c~ :r... y' .... A"II.Y>ill ... ,,,,... ~A L f"la/•1 :..·Raia, .. '.~;~ ~ ... 11'.il";I .... __ ov-•--1 ,, - c;...a,•,1.,,,... 11~• Figure 14.2 Screenshot showing the Ameti map layered on Google Earth. Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Antiche," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw develop a rich spatial database. This will enable close examination of how sites changed over time, and present a fresh, interdisciplinary approach to the study of landscape painting based on place. Representations of the Roman Campagna !he r~tion~le for this_pr?ject lies in the great symbolic significance of the Roman Campagna m ancient times, and its nnportance as a site for landscape painting in the early modem period. Numerous studies of artists who painted in the Roman Campagna already exist, but very few of these explore the paintings in relation to the place, and the varied environmental and social histories of the individual sites. Over the past century, uncontrolled development on the outskirts of Rome and along the coast of Lazio has destroyed or greatly altered the appearance of many of the Campagna's historic sites. It is only by using digital methods that we can recapture something of its early modem appearance. These two maps were chosen because they provide important evidence of the state of the Campagna shortly after it became the focus for l~dscape painting. Artists from the Low Countries and Northern Europe, such as Claude Lorram, Hermann Van Swanevelt, Goffredo Wais, Bartholomeus Breenbergh and Comelis van Poelenburgh, began painting images of the Roman Campagna in the first decades of the seventeenth c~ntury. Claude Lorrain, in particular, made over 1,000 drawing of the Campagna, when he cnsscrossed it on his sketching expeditions. While the drawings capture of the reality of the landscape, his finished paintings (like those of artists who came after him) turn it into an abstracted place of extraordinary beauty. These drawings and paintings will be linked to the places they represent in the final map, and this will allow a direct visual comparison between th~ v~ied representations of this landscape: on-site sketches, topographical prints, finished pamtmgs, and cartography. The project will allow a detailed place-based study of the Campag~a and its representations in art and maps during a period when it was undergoing rapid environmental change. Digital cartographies of th£ Roman Campagna facilitated the spread of the most virulent species of malaria, P falciparum, w~icb was_often deadly and caused neuralgia as well as delirium and coma in its final stages. While mal:rria h~ been present in the Campagna since ancient Roman times, its range increased dram~t1cally m the late sixteenth and across the entire seventeenth century, to the extent that the plains of the Campagna were uninhabitable in the summer months. _ Close study of the rich detail included on both maps has already begun to provide compelling evidence of the effect of the fifty coldest years of the mini ice-age on the countryside around Rome. Both maps clearly show the extensive spread of swampy ground and stagnant pools. Cingolani della Pergola's map reveals that the Tiber River delta was in complete disorder, with swampy areas spreading all around it, including the large marshes at Maccarese to the north, and at Ostia to the south, as well as several stagnant rivers. Ameti's map provides a comprehensive view of the Pontine Marshes, mapping the various channels, and marking the routes and paths through them, as well as the tracks taken by fishennen. It even includes the building10 where Sixtus V stayed in an abortive attempt to drain the marshes in 1585 (Figure 14.3). Climate change in the Roman Campagna The "~ini ice-age," a global climatic event from 1300 to 1800, saw Europe experience periods of intense cold, increased rainfall, and violent, unpredictable weather events. This had a ~articularly devastating impact on the Roman Campagna. Catastrophic crop failures occurred m 1643-44, 1649-50 and 1652-53 (as they did in other parts ofEurope). 6 In 1648-9 heavy frosts devastated both the grain and chestnut crop, the latter an essential part of the diet of the rural poor,7 and as a result Rome experienced a famine from 1646 until 1651. Giacinta Gigli, who kept a diary chronicling daily life in Rome, reported that in the city in 1649 ''the poor wer~ so numerous that one was filled with compassion and annoyance at seeing them, and at hearm~ them moan, dying of hunger, and often some were to be seen falling to the ground and dymg of weakness and affliction." 8 Climate change also brought increased rainfall for the _area,which is indicated by the increased flooding of the Tiber River. Remarkably, in the period from 1495 to 1606 there were seven exceptional floods, when the river rose by more than 16 meters to occupy the entire Tiber Valley. The worst of these was the flood of 1598 when ~e riv~reache~ ahei~tof19.58 meters above its nonnal level. This was acatastrophi~ ev~nt, m which the river left its bed to flow through the city of Rome, drowning people and annnals, destroying houses and inundating much of the Roman Campagna. 9 In the seventeenth century there were five exceptional :floods (1606, 1637, 1647, 1660, 1686), when the river rose to sixteen meters above its nonnal height. The deteriorating hydrology of the Campagna 214 Figure 14.3 Detail showingthe tower where SixtusV stayed in 1585.From Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "11 Lazio con le sue conspicue StradeAntiche," 1693 (93 x 114cm) Source:Imagecourtesyof the British School at Rome. 215 Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw Digital cartographiesof the Roman Campagna The Cingolanj map matches each tenute (landholding) to the landowner, infonnation which is difficult to find in archival sources. The Ameti map contains important evidence that the villages and tenurein the Campagna were increasingly being abandoned during this period due to endemic malaria. For example, it marks Ninfa as "diruta," indicating it was abandoned at the time °:emap was made (Figure 14.4). Because of malaria, very few people made a permanent home 111the Campagna, leading to its description in the seventeenth century as the disabitato.11 In a project which has environmental change at its core, an important feature of both maps, the accuracy of which is yet to be tested, is their indication of forestation. Close examination of the Ameti map reveals that the artist has included small forests and stands of trees with great care, many of which are named. He has also carefully indicated where roads are tree_-lined, such as the stretch of road from Lugnano to Zagarolo (Figure 14.5), or the Palestnna end of the road from Zagarolo to Palestrina. After decades of deforestation by various papacies, much of the Roman Campagna was treeless, and consisted of undulating meadows or pasture-land, which is why the few remaining stands of forest were given names. Tracts of forest remained, notably the selve of Terracina, Nettuno and Conca. Preliminary archival evidence and secondary sources such as guidebooks seem to indicate that the distribution of forests as depicted in both maps is broadly accurate. Figure J4.5 Detail showing the tree-lined road from Lugnano to Zagarolo. From Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue StradeAntiche," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. The georectifi.cationprocess Figure 14.4 Detail showing "Ninfa," from Giacomo Filippo Ame ti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Anticbe," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. 216 The process of georectification - that is the fonn of image rectification that transfonns an image (usually another map) onto a common coordinate system so that it can be used as a layer in other maps - is a necessary one in digital humanities projects that include historic maps that were created before the advent of geodesic surveying12. The process thus far has already pr~ sented challenges and considerations that we have been documenting as part of our research. These range from practical, technical challenges to broader conceptual is_sues.On th_e~ne hand the actual process of careful, detailed looking and immersive close attention to the d1g1talscans (and comparison to modem maps and photos) to collect the data r~ has prompted us to reflect on the visual, material, and informational aspects of both the historic maps and the modem ones. More broadly we have been considering how the process of digitization and georectification transforms a material object into a digital resource and how this in tum changes our understanding of the map. Going forward, we want to address these challenges by considering ways in which the use of historic maps in digital humanities can change and develo? to better serve the visual and material objects at the heart of our research. Below, we focus mamly on the process of georectifying the Ameti map, but much of this applies equally to the Cingolani map. 217 Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw Ameti's "Il Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Antiche" is an ichnographic map, meaning it is based on a planimetric view (essentially a "ground-plan"), but in places the artist has shown features like towns, hills, or trees, in perspective. It is scaled in miglie (miles), but does not include latitudinal or longitudinal markers; it is instead oriented to the four winds, with its compass rose recording G at the top for Greco (or North-East), S to the right representing Sirocco (South-East), Lat the bottom representing Libeccio (South-West) and Mon the left representing Maestro (North-West). The coast of the Campagna (south-west of Rome) is positioned along the horizontal lower edge of the map, while the upper part of the map is dominated by the Sabine Hills (to the north-east). Initial experiments in georectification were carried out using Map Warper, 13 essentially to explore how closely the map fitted the contours of a modem map such as Open Street Map or Google Earth. 14 A digital scan of the entireAmeti map (we had digitally 'knitted-together' the separate sheets) was uploaded to the Map Warper website. Around 10--20 control points had to be identified for each map sheet (more than the usual 3-4 usually recommended for more recent maps). Without latitude and longitude coordinates, control points instead had to be specific places that appeared on the 1693 map and which can still be identified on a modem map. The history of environmental change posed a significant challenge in this process. In parts of the Campagna the position of the coastline has altered since 1700. Rivers, too, have changed course in that time, which meant they could not be neatly plotted from the historic maps onto the template. Other changes to the landscape are the result of man-made intervention; the modem town of Latina sprawls across reclaimed land at the center of what were the Pontine marshes. Other challenges were posed by the areas that Ameti had represented in perspective, such as the Sabine Hills, which alternate between identical series of generic representations of hilltops, with occasional carefully delineated individual peaks. The following types of sites were identified as the most reliable geographical indicators for this process. First, individual buildings that stood in the landscape on their own, such as casale, proved important, and particularly useful were the series of defensive sea towers along the coast of Lazio, as well as individual towers still standing in the plains around Rome. Large villas were also suitable control points, as were bridges such as the Ponte Molle and Ponte Lucano. Documented ruins, such as the tomb of Cecilia Metella, could be used as control points if they were labelled as specific sites on the Ameti map. While these features are not always specifically identified on modem maps their exact positions are easily located using simple tools like Google Street view or satellite view on Google Maps. Aqueducts proved problematic as control points, in part because of their length (for instance, which point on the aqueduct is the 'control point'?), but also due to the generic way in which they were indicated on the Ameti map. The Sabine Hills were also difficult as they were sparsely populated with few landmarks indicated. But, most challenging of all were the Pontine marshes, which take up a large proportion of the total area of the Ameti map, with very few identifiable control points. The most significant feature of this area on the map are the paths and channels crossing the marshes, but these have all disappeared on modem maps. However, the solution here (and in some other areas of the map) was found in the persistence of place names. Often towns that sprang up retained the name of the Jong-gone buildings, roads, or other features. The final challenge was the relatively large area on the map given over to text in the fonn of inscriptions (dedications and descriptions), and allegorical figures. This was a particular issue with the Cingolani della Pergola map. As the inscriptions could not be aligned with anything on the modem maps, they were at risk of appearing stretched and distorted after the georectification process. In the end the decision was made to add 'guessed' control points to a town or other site that is in theory 'covered up' by inscriptions or illustrations. As noted above, the georectification process required extensive close study of the maps, which was greatly facilitated by the high resolution of the digital scans. This not only generated 218 Digital cartographies of the Roman Campagna information needed for georectification; it also developed into a close-reading process that has become an important investigative method for the project as a whole. We have begun to document myriad tiny details that are difficult to detect in the original physical prints of the maps. One example is the shepherds' huts or capanne carefully delineated by Ameti as a cluster by the mouth of the Tiber (Figure 14.6). This small detail documents the history of the shepherds who used the area around Ostia to graze their flocks; they descended into the Campagna in winter and left for the hills in Spring, avoiding the summer months. Ameti also depicts similar huts in the Pontine marshes, which are identified as fishermen's huts (Figure 14.7). As part of this process we now have a list of unusual or intriguing features of the Ameti map that require further investigation. The research required to correctly identify some features also means that we have collated a range of images (modem and historical photos, as well as prints, drawings and paintings) that depict important points on the maps, many of which we hope to integrate into the final product. One intriguing example is the structure at the point of the promontory of Astura, which projects into the ocean and is reached by a small bridge (Figure 14.8). Today it Figure 14.6 Detail showing shepherds'huts by the mouth ofthe Tiber. From Giacomo FilippoAmeti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Antiche," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. 219 Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw Digital cartographies of the Roman Campagna /J °' d/../lfto.ra. Figure 14.7 Detail showing fishermen's huts in the Pontine Marshes. From Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "II l''rl!i/Jum-, Ciar Lazio con le sue conspicue Strade Antiche," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. is simply referred to as the Torre Astura and remains a striking reference point on the coastline. Ameti described it as the "Torre e porto Antico di Astura olint, predium Ciceronis," and it is also carefully delineated in the Cingolani della Pergola map. On both maps, it closely resembles the appearance of the extant structure in Google Earth (Figure 14.9). Figure 14.8 Detail showing the Torre Astura. From Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue StradeAntiche," 1693 (93 x 114 cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. Outcomes, advantages,disadvantagesand the way forward Once the georectification process had been refined to suit these specific maps we found that both Ameti and Cingolani proved to be remarkably accurate, fitting the contours of the modern templates with far less distortion than was expected (see Figures 14.1 and 14.2). The process itself prompted a reconsideration of the procedure. In many discussions of the process of georectifying historic maps, discrepancies between the older map and the modem map are described as errors, or the process is referred to as "correcting" the historic map. 15 In other words, the process can feed into a modernist argument about older maps being less accurate than new ones. We are considering instead how to create flexible representations that retain the representational systems used in the historic maps, such as Ameti's wind-based coordinates. This in turn would draw attention to, and question, our modem assumptions about what constitutes accuracy and reality in representations of place, and thereby bring art historical and broader humanities methodologies to bear on digital representations of place. 16 In addition, we are interested in how the discrepancies between the historic maps and modern maps or satellite photos are in fact points that reveal shifts in the conceptualization of the landscape. Discrepancies between historic and modern that emerge in this process provide insights into the way that people in the 1690s viewed certain areas, and reveal biases that indicate the motivations behind the map-making process. One example is the extraordinary prominence thatAmeti gives to the promontory of Monte Circeo (Figure 14.10). This huge 'lion's paw' of rocky cliffs juts far beyond its contours on modern maps (Figure 14.11). We know that it has not physically changed much, however, because the Pontine marshes and the Circeo 220 221 i"J ;,~7. 'ti>. -:_. \,j~;·:,_;1:;~..,:: a.·;; ........... ... -•... , ; ., ....~.<f.·,.·~•i Elb.~l'llon rta~Pl1011 H'lloll~ e~!Dfl'! c.~,.oll,'l."'"" AN"I C-11611f~Mh,(.. . C'.t'w,:t,nif'IWl6lo~..l .... i" e~~,-- C.,,oow,ts~..11s_,., C:'19(111r~'riill:l,Ulo,i. """'..,Cal_ t'-,, ..... -~:; j'' - F~ i;.:Pllcl, .. -~'lll..,,...llrc,t ... .,,,_ t• ',,:r:~1'!'"'.,,Jl;~•"'~ y ..... ....iuatls ........-. ,_ Iii,. .. . =wso~!ldl,;, =.'ROid, J C,~6M,ft C:'9N'.i_o..>4,....., ~, ........ lai'Ot Ci-.;,ill,\OM1,MM ,OOIM,. ca..~ QWMIN<f 0tlWMwr _C.MAwlilr'III,.,. .. ..,•.Qfoba'.cr.w.- o.,,..,. Figure 14.9 Screenshot showing a recent satellite photo of the Torre Astura from Google Earth (Accessed April 2017) Figure 14.11 Screenshot showing Ameti 's map layered over Google Earth and the discrepancy between the two images .F 'CJ O l _O I .. . :·,-«'\. ·,. l ~.--._. '•• : ·--1:0·_. .. R.1l l CI ., ,., • &,~{~~~(/.;_,·_:·~.~:::: ••··1 ./· : '·. ·;._.,~·. ',' . ··.::. . ,, ·N,-,_J... Figure 14. JO Detail of Monte Circeo. From Giacomo Filippo Ameti, "II Lazio con le sue conspicue StradeAntiche," 1693 (93 x 114cm) Source: Image courtesy of the British School at Rome. Figure 14.12 The separate mounted sheets of Battista Cingolani della Pergola's ''Topografia Geometric dell' Agro Romano" (1704) in the British School at Rome Library, Rome Source: Katrina Grant. Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw promontory were extremely remote in the seventeenth century and their form and size not universally known. Indeed in the case of the promontory, for a long time people were unsure ifit was even attached to the mainland. The contrast of Monte Circeo's topography in an otherwise flat landscape not only made it an important landmark but meant that strange folklore evolved around it. In the seventeenth-century Monte Circeo was still closely associated with the myth of the enchantress Circe, and believed to be the site of her island, described in classical literature. Some or all of these factors may explain the unusual prominence of Monte Circeo on Ameti's map as one of perception, rather than "error." One of the disadvantages of the digitization process is the loss of contact with the materiality of the maps themselves, and the inevitable alteration of the maps that georecti:fication involves. These are not just maps but objects of considerable aesthetic interest and value. Digitization of the map can risk removing the context of how such maps might have been used, or who might have owned them (Figure 14.12). One copy of the Cingolani della Pergola map in the collection owned by the British School at Rome (although not the one we digitized for this project) was at some point laid out and glued onto a large piece of canvas, which meant that it could be folded and kept in a small cardboard box with a lid. This copy was owned by Thomas Ashby, and was designed to be laid out on a table (Figure 14.13). The other copy (also Digital cartographies of the Roman Campagna owned by Ashby) was bound into a volume in sections, along with the Ameti map, encouraging a concentration on details of individual areas, and perhaps also allowing for comparison between the two maps. In order to address this issue, early on in the project it was decided to keep two raw copies of the map intact which can be displayed alongside the final product, and to include digitized versions of the individual sheets of each map, as well as the 'knitted together' full versions. In addition, we are now also considering how to adapt, or even move 'beyond georectification,' to develop alternative approaches to integrating historic maps with place-based data. For instance, could we leave the maps in their original spatial form (avoiding the distortions and reorientations required if they are exported to Google Earth or similar), but still georeference them so that sites would be linked to relevant geospatial data and depictions of the Campagna in paintings, drawings, old photos and so on? We are considering whether it might be possible to use the Ameti or Cingolani maps as the 'base' map, with modern maps as additional layers, which would visually privilege the historic vision of the Campagna, and better engage other researchers in exploring how this landscape has changed over time. Using digital interfaces means that spatial research frameworks can be flexible and adaptable, and we want to build this flexibility into the project in the early stages, so that the digital process itself becomes part of our critical research methodology. Notes Figure 14.13 Thomas Ashby's copy of Battista Cingolani della Pergola ''Topografia Geometric dell' Agro Romano" pasted onto canvas, shown laid out on a table at the British School at Rome, Rome Source: Katrina Grant. 224 We would like to acknowledge the support of the British School at Rome, in particular the Director Christopher Smith and the deputy director and librarian Valerie Scott. Thanks are also due to Ann Borda and Christopher Myers (previously of VeRSI), and Mark Kosten and Daniel Tosello, formerly of the eResearch office at La Trobe University. We would like to acknowledge the financial and institutional support of La Trobe University and the Australian National University for this project. The final map will be made available online as an openly accessible resource hosted by the British School at Rome. 2 This first edition was printed in 1692 by Matteo Gregorio de Rossi in six pieces, and the 1704 version was printed by Domenico de Rossi from the original plates. We are using the 1704 edition. 3 Renato Mammucari, Campagna Romana (Citta di Castello: Edimond, 2002), 114. 4 Francesco Eschinardi, Espositione della carta topografica cingolana dell'Agro Romano (Rome: per Domenico Ant. Ercole, 1696). 5 Almagia described them as "i migliori prodotti che ci abbia dato la cartografia del territorio romano nel periodi pre-geodetico." As quoted in Mammucari, 2002, 114. 6 For many impoverished rural people chestnuts were an essential part of their diet, and in bad years they survived on acorns. Gregory Hanlon, Early Modem Italy, 1550-1800 (London and New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2000), 93. 7 Hanlon, Early Modern Italy, 93. 8 Giacinto Gigli, Diario di Roma, ed. Manlio Barberito (Editore Colombo: Rome, 1994), vol. 2, I 6441670, 1958, 552: "February 1649," Gigli wrote. "Li poveri erano in tanta copia, che era una compassione, e fastidio a vederli, et sentirli gridare, che morivano di fame, et alcuni si vedevano bene spesso cader per le strade, e venir meno per la debolezza et patimenti; et veramente che si facevano da molti molte limosine di pane, et di altro, ma l'elemosina bastava per un giomo, et il bisogno era quotidiano, et ogni giorno si vedevano cascare tramortiti Ii poveri per le strade, et per le Chiese, et alcuni cadevano morti." 9 Vittorio di Martino and M. Belati, Qui Arrivo ii Tevere (Roma: Multigrafica Editrice, 1980), 55. 10 This is indicated on the map as "Torre del Padiglione dove allogio Sisto V l'Anno 1585." 11 The vines required work all year round, but because of their proximity to Rome, workers could return to the city to sleep. During the harvest, they often stayed in the vineyard. 12 See, for example, the discussion in Anne Kelly Knowles and Amy Hillier, Placing History: How Maps, Spatial Data, and GJS Are Changing Historical Scholarship (New York: ESRI, 2008), 1~13. 13 An open source tool that can be used via a web browser. Tim Waters (designer), Map Warper, accessed April 2017, http://mapwarper.net/about. 225 Lisa Beaven, Katrina Grant and Mitchell Whitelaw 14 Some researchers suggest that there is little point to georectification for maps pre-1750, or from a non-Western tradition; see, for example, Anne Kelly Knowles, and Amy Hillier, Placing History: How Maps, Spatial Data, and GIS Are Changing Historical Scholarship (New York: ESRI, 2008), 13. 15 See, for example, Eihan Shimizu and Takashi Fuse, "Rubber-Sheeting of Historical Maps in GIS and Its Application to Landscape Visualization of Old-Time Cities: Focusing on Tokyo of the Past" Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Computers in Urban Planning and Urban Ma~agement, Vol. 11 (2003): 1, or David Rumsey and Meredith Williams, "Historical maps in GIS," in Past Time, Past Place: GISfor History, ed. Anne Kelly Knowles (New York: ESRI, 2002), 1-18. 16 Some of these issues of visualisation and methodology in digital humanities are discussed in Johanna Drucker, "Humanities Approaches to Graphical Display," Digital Humanities Quarterly 5 (2011) accessed April 2017, www.digitalhumanities.org/dhq/vol/5/1/000091/000091.html. ' Bibliography di Martino, Vittorio, and M. Belati. Qui Arrivo il Tevere. Roma: Multigra:ficaEditrice, 1980. Drucker, Johanna. ''Humanities Approaches to Graphical Display." Digital Humanities Quarterly 5 (2011). Accessed April 2017. www.cligitalhumanities.org/dhq/vol/5/l/000091/000091.html. Eschinardi, Francesco. Espositione de/la carta topografica cingolana dell'Agro Romano. Rome: per Domenico Ant. Ercole, 1696. Gigli, Giacinto. Diario di Roma, vol. 2, 1644--70.Edited by Manlio Barberito. Editore Colombo: Rome 1994. ' Hanlon, Gregory. Early Modern Italy, 1550-1800. London and New York: Palgrave-Macmillan: 2000. Kno_wles,_Ann~Kelly, and Amy Hillier. Placing History: How Maps, Spatial Data, and GIS Are Changmg H1stoncal Scholarship. New York: ESRI, 2008. Mammucari, Renato. Campagna Romana. Citta di Castello: Edimond, 2002. Rumsey, David, and Meredith Williams. "Historical Maps in GIS." In Past Time, Past Place: GIS for History, edited by Anne Kelly Knowles, 1-18. New York: ESRI, 2002. Shimizu, Eihan, and Takashi Fuse. "Rubber-Sheeting of Historical Maps in GIS and Its Application to Landscape Visualization of Old-Time Cities: Focusing on Tokyo of the Past." In Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Computers in Urban Planning and Urban Management, Vol. I I, 2003. Waters, Tim. "Map Warper." Accessed April 2017. http://mapwarper.net/about. 226 15 MODERN PICTURES OF MEDIEVALPAGES The current state of digital work on medieval and early modern watermarks S. C. Kaplan The earliest known European evidence of the practice of watermarking paper through the inclusion of designs made of wire attached to the paper mold to leave a translucent shape (Figure 15.1) dates to c. 1282 in Italy.1 Watermarks have long been a source of fascination and frustration for those hoping to use them to determine provenance of manuscripts and early print editions, as the differences between individual watennarks are often minute. Paper mills had at least two molds in service at any given moment, meaning that even within the same house, one could have numerous variations of the same watermark.2Furthermore, since the marks were a mill's claim regarding the quality and, later, size of their paper,3 forgery (or imitation) of one mill's watermark by another of lesser quality was also somewhat .frequent.4 The first century of scholarship on watermarks resulted in a number of indices, the most well-known of which include Charles-Moi:se Briquet's four-volume Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier des leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu 'en 1600 5 and Gerhard Piccard's seventeen-volume Die Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard im Haupstaatsarchiv Stuttgart: Findbuch, 6 as well as smaller publications like Paul Heitz's Filigranes des papiers contenus dan.s les incunables strasbourgeois de la Bibliotheque imperiale de Strasbourg. 7 More recently, Martin Wittek has published multiple volumes on the watermarks in codices held at the Royal Library of Belgium. 8 All of these indices are necessarily limited by their paper-and-ink medium and, in the case of the Briquet, Piccard, and Heitz volumes, by their time of production. The authors provide drawings of and infonnation on as many individual watermarks as possible, concentrating on the vast holdings of the respective library's collection to which they had liberal access, but by necessity cannot include everything, nor can they provide exhaustive referencing of each others' works. Shortly before 2000, scholars began to recognize the need to establish metadata and reproduction-related standards for work on watermarks in anticipation of the first attempts to create digital databases. The Watermark Initiative at Bates College,9 which stemmed from work at the 1996 First International Conference on the History, Function, and Study of Watermarks in Roanoke, VA,10 provided early experimental templates for recording information pertaining not only to the watermarks themselves, but also to extant paper molds. Published 227