Articles / Papers by Ioannis Brigkos
This paper offers a new perspective on Austria’s diplomatic approach and relations with the
Greek... more This paper offers a new perspective on Austria’s diplomatic approach and relations with the
Greek military dictatorship (1967-1974). It argues that Vienna’s diplomacy did not fully adhere
to its 1955 Declaration of Neutrality. Instead, Austria often pursued pragmatic realpolitik,
actively developing diplomatic networks beyond ideological constraints. With geostrategic
interests in Southeastern Europe, Austria covertly supported the Greek regime, adopting a
relatively positive stance in the Council of Europe during the “Greek case” (1967-1969).
Despite ultimately failing to prevent Greece’s expulsion from the Council due to human rights
violations, Austria strengthened financial ties with the regime, culminating in a $78 million
investment in 1972 through Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG and its subsidiary Steyr-Hellas S.A.
Additionally, the paper highlights the role of humanitarian concerns and public opinion in
shaping Austrian foreign policy, particularly in addressing Greek political prisoners. These
interventions balanced Austria’s favorable stance toward the Junta and appeased domestic
concerns during a time of rising human rights activism.
Conference Presentations by Ioannis Brigkos
“Left-wing students backed by socialists to march against the Embassy on April 21”: the antidicta... more “Left-wing students backed by socialists to march against the Embassy on April 21”: the antidictatorial movement in Austria). Paper read at the ‘two-day Young Scholars Meeting on the dictatorship and the anti-dictatorial struggle in Greece and abroad (1967-1974)’, Historical Research and Documentation Laboratory, 23-24 October 2023, Athens, Greece.
Paper read at the two-day workshop: "Humanitarianism and Southern Europe: New Perspectives in (Re... more Paper read at the two-day workshop: "Humanitarianism and Southern Europe: New Perspectives in (Re)Thinking the Transitions to Democracy" at the University of Florence, 11-12. November 2024.
During the Greek dictatorship (1967-1974), Greek students in Austria, prominent Greek dissidents in exile, and political prisoners played a pivotal role that profoundly influenced Austrian-Greek relations and advanced humanitarian diplomacy. Greek students abroad organized protests and demonstrations against the military regime, drawing attention to human rights abuses in Greece despite diplomatic pressures. These actions underscored the regime’s suppression of dissent and rallied international condemnation, challenging Austria’s delicate balance between supporting democratic values and maintaining relations with Greece. This paper explores a lesser-known aspect of Cold War-era humanitarian activism through a “pericentric” approach within Cold War studies, as articulated by Tony Smith, and employing insights from the New Diplomatic History. It aims to uncover how global solidarity movements and diplomatic interventions transcended national borders to challenge authoritarian regimes, highlighting the role of transnational networks in defending human rights and promoting democratic principles during this turbulent period.
Prominent exiles such as Melina Mercouri, an acclaimed actress and later Greek Minister of Culture, and Andreas Papandreou, a prominent political figure and future Greek Prime Minister, leveraged their international stature to mobilize support against the dictatorship. Through visits facilitated by organizations like the “Friends of the Greek Democracy” association in Vienna, chaired by Bruno Pittermann, Mercouri and Papandreou delivered impassioned speeches and engaged with media to criticize the junta’s policies. These efforts strained diplomatic ties between Greece and Austria but amplified global awareness of the regime’s authoritarian practices, illustrating the power of individual advocacy in shaping international opinion and policy.
The humanitarian diplomacy led by figures like Bruno Pittermann, the Austrian president of the Socialist International, furthered these efforts by advocating for Greek political prisoners. Pittermann’s initiatives included lobbying for medical treatment and release of detainees such as Alekos Panagoulis and Charalambos Protopappas, demonstrating how civil society activism and transnational networks could challenge authoritarian regimes and uphold human rights on a global stage. Collectively, these actions during the dictatorship exemplified the intersection of grassroots activism, individual agency, and state diplomacy in confronting tyranny and advancing humanitarian principles.
Primary Sources:
Bruno Kreisky Stiftung Archiv (Archive of the Bruno Kreisky Foundation)
Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (Austrian State Archive)
ΑΣΚΙ (Greek Contemporary Social History Archives)
ΥΔΙΑ (Greek Historical and Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
Presentation at the 7th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies
This essay takes under consideration the anti-dictatorial efforts of Bruno Pittermann against the... more This essay takes under consideration the anti-dictatorial efforts of Bruno Pittermann against the Greek military dictatorship (1967-1974), in his capacity as president of the Socialist International (1964-1976), as an Austrian parliamentarian in the Council of Europe, and as an MP of the Austrian parliament until 1971 under the banners of the Austrian Socialist Party (SPÖ). It will be underlined that Pittermann’s actions against the Junta became a landmark in the struggle of the SI against totalitarian regimes all over the world. Tangible examples of Pittermann’s initiatives were the detachment of a fact-finding mission in Athens in May 1967, the founding of the association “Friends of the Greek Democracy” in Vienna in 1967, and the establishment of the SI’s Greek Committee in November 1969. Through his network of associates all over Europe and in Austria, Pittermann stayed always abreast of the situation of Greek people in need, both inside and outside the country. His unremitting humanitarian efforts aided a plethora of political prisoners and persecuted Greeks who managed to improve their detainment conditions or even escape the military regime. Yet, it will be underscored that Pittermann’s actions weighed heavily on the Greek-Austrian diplomatic relations and brought oftentimes severe tension between them, as the Greek diplomacy didn’t always distinguish the roles of the Austrian politician, as until 1971 he was an active member of the Austrian parliament, and from 1970 onwards a member of the ruling party in Austria as well.This paper focuses on the figure of Bruno Pittermann through the lens of New Diplomatic History and is based largely on primary sources recovered from the Austrian State Archives (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv), the Bruno Kreisky Archives Foundation, the Archive of the Association for the History of the Worker’s Movement (VGA-Archiv), and the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (YDIA).
https://sites.utu.fi/ndh/day-3-saturday-27th-may-2023/
Poster presentation for: "Brennpunkt Sammlung. Universitätssammlungen als Orte kritischer Auseina... more Poster presentation for: "Brennpunkt Sammlung. Universitätssammlungen als Orte kritischer Auseinandersetzung"
Diese Posterpräsentation basierte auf meiner zweijährigen (2018-2020) Beschäftigung mit den Archivalien, die zur Gründung des Archivs des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik (IBN) der Universität Wien und zur Erstellung seines 1000-seitigen Katalogs führten. Diese Unterlagen dokumentieren die Geschichte des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik der Universität Wien in Form der Korrespondenz, von der Gründung bis zu seiner Etablierung als eines der führenden Zentren für Lehre und Forschung zur Byzantinischen und Neugriechischen Kultur und Geschichte im europäischen Raum in den Achtziger Jahren. Darunter sind Dokumente wie z.B. der Gründungsentwurf und die erste Raumverteilung des Instituts, sowie die Korrespondenzen seines Gründers Herbert Hunger mit berühmten Akademikern (Kazdan, Ahrweiler, Kriaras, Ostrogorsky et.al.) und bedeutenden Persönlichkeiten (Botschafter, Kirchenführer, et.al.) der Zeit zu finden.
Abgesehen von der Fertigstellung der oben erwähnten Arbeit, sollte jedoch erwähnt werden, dass es darüber hinaus Dokumente gibt, die zeitlich daran anschließen und in die Jahre nach 1987 zu datieren sind; diese befinden sich jedoch im Archiv der Universität Wien und sind noch nicht untersucht und katalogisiert worden. Es handelt sich also noch um ein Work-in-progress, das den Übergang des Instituts vom analogen zum digitalen Zeitalter und vom 20. zum 21 Jh. darstellen wird.
This paper attempts to provide a new explanation on the economic modus operandi of the Greek mili... more This paper attempts to provide a new explanation on the economic modus operandi of the Greek military regime in conjunction (1967-1974) with these of Austria and Eastern Germany, acting as dynamic foreign policy mechanisms according to the necessities of the Cold War. It will be showcased that on the one hand, the military rulers of Greece in an attempt to legitimize their autocratic regime and elevate their international status sought to accommodate as much as possible the influx of foreign capitals, by making huge concessions, such as significant tax reductions to foreign investments. On the other hand, Austria implemented its realpolitik to facilitate vital economic interests in South-Eastern Europe, which saw the quadrupling of its exports towards Greece and the GDR trying to break its international isolation showed little hesitation in coming into (financial) terms with the Junta, whose exports at the end of the Junta’s era had almost been tripled.
Concerning Greece and Austria, a tangible example of the fine cooperation was the signing on the 13th of March of 1972 of the huge Austrian investment of the automobile company Steyr-Daimler-Puch AG, which included the founding of the subsidiary company in Greece, Steyr-Hellas. The so-called “Steyr Project” included the construction of a factory in the greater area of Thessaloniki, which initiated the production of trucks including those for military purposes, tractors, motorcycles, mopeds, and bicycles. The aggregate sum of the investment was 78$ Mil. and the Austrian company owned 67% of the project.
In the case of Greece and the GDR even though the two states hadn’t officially recognized each other until May 1973, that proved to not impede the development of financial relations. A typical example of this was the signing of the large Eastern German investment in May 1970, concerning the construction of three electrical power plants in the region of Attica under the jurisdiction of GDR’s Elektrotechnik Export-Import state-owned company, worth in total 15$ Mil. This economic mandate was followed a year later by the signing of the contract for three more electrical power plants to be constructed in Northern Greece until 1975.
This paper is based largely on primary sources recovered from the Austrian State Archives (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv), the Bruno Kreisky Archives Foundation, the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (YDIA), and the German Federal Archive (Bundesarchiv). Finally, it will be showcased that the financial policy implementation and cooperation between Junta’s Greece, neutral Austria, and the communist GDR fit perfectly the pericentric view of the Cold War studies that, even the smaller states defined mutatis mutandis the financial, diplomatic, and international dimension of the Cold War era.
Varieties of Economic Nationalism in Cold War Europe: Small State Responses to Economic Change, 1960s-1980s
Workshop Program
University of Vienna, 19-20 September 2022
This paper concentrates on the activities both of the Greek diplomacy under the military dictator... more This paper concentrates on the activities both of the Greek diplomacy under the military dictatorship and the Austrian politicians and diplomats by having at its focal point the participation of these states in the Council of Europe. It will be showcased that even though from 1967 until 1969 the initiative of certain European countries to appeal against Greece within the premises of the CoE proved, in the long run, to be fruitful with Greece’s voluntary withdrawal from the council, the Greek diplomacy though found an unexpected partner in their endeavor to persuade Europe otherwise. Namely, that the situation in Greece would soon ameliorate, the regime could adopt more liberal policies thus Greece should not be expelled from the council. This concealed ally would be Austria. Vienna under the conservative People’s Party government of Josef Klaus adopted a rather positive stance towards the Colonels within the CoE. Naturally, this support wasn’t materialized in an open public manner, but often according to the directives of Cold War diplomacy, mainly “under the tables” and behind closed doors.
SMGS GRADUATE RESEARCHCOLLOQUIUM, 3 October 2022
Annual Meeting of the Austrian Studies Association ASA 2022, New Orleans, LA, 12-15 April 2022
International Conference "Central and Eastern Europe in the International Politics of the 20th an... more International Conference "Central and Eastern Europe in the International Politics of the 20th and 21st Centuries”, University
of Szczecin, Poland, 26.5.2022
This paper attempts to provide a new explanation on the diplomatic modus operandi of Greece under... more This paper attempts to provide a new explanation on the diplomatic modus operandi of Greece under military rule (1967-1974) in conjunction with the diplomatic capacity of Austria, by contending that each state acted not as per the instructions of a super-power but developed actively its own diplomatic networks, thus enhancing the pericentric view of Cold War Studies; that even the smaller states influenced mutatis mutandis the diplomatic and international dimension of this era.
It will be demonstrated that the Greek diplomatic corps proved to a large extent successful in convincing the Austrian statesmen into adopting a favorable position towards the Greek military regime during its early years facilitating also Austria’s own international necessities. The most tangible example of this success was undoubtedly the written assurance provided to Greek diplomats by the Austrian diplomatic corps, that the latter will promote a positive stance towards the Greek regime within the circles of the Council of Europe. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated, that even though the ascension to power of a leftwing government in Austria (SPÖ 1970) could have revised the course of action towards the military regime, on the contrary, the diplomatic effervescence and the significance of high politics (as well as the pressure put on them by the corporate lobbies) in interstate communication led in 1972 to the substantial and most important Austrian investment in Greece ($78 mil.), that of the automobile Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG Company and its subsidiary company in Greece Steyr-Hellas S.A. Apart though from the favorable stance of the Austrians and the mutual financial benefits between the two countries, the forceful reactions of Austrian politicians and diplomats as regards the delicate issue of Greek political prisoners in more than twelve cases, will be taken into consideration.
Books by Ioannis Brigkos
Katalog des Archivs des IBN, 2020
Der vorliegende Katalog umfasst die Dokumente des Archivs des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neo... more Der vorliegende Katalog umfasst die Dokumente des Archivs des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik der Universität Wien. In ihm werden jene Unterlagen aufgeführt, die sich hauptsächlich mit den Korrespondenzen und den administrativen Tätigkeiten des Instituts, seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1962 bis 1987 befassen. Insgesamt sind im Archiv des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik 3079 Dokumente chronologisch klassifiziert und archiviert.
This catalogue encompasses the documents of the Archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies of the University of Vienna. It includes those documents that are primarily concerned with the correspondence and administrative activities of the Department, from its founding in 1962 until 1987. A total of 3079 documents are chronologically classified and archived in the archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies.
https://www.byzneo.univie.ac.at/aktuelles/archivbestaende-1962-1987/
Reviews by Ioannis Brigkos
Talks by Ioannis Brigkos
Το 2022 σηματοδοτεί την εκατονταετή επετηρίδα από το τέλος του αλυτρωτικού οράματος του Ελ. Βενιζ... more Το 2022 σηματοδοτεί την εκατονταετή επετηρίδα από το τέλος του αλυτρωτικού οράματος του Ελ. Βενιζέλου και της Μεγάλης Ιδέας, που κορυφώθηκε με την καταστροφή της κοιτίδας του μικρασιατικού ελληνισμού. Αυτή συνοδεύτηκε από τον οριστικό ξεριζωμό εκατοντάδων χιλιάδων Ελλήνων από τις πατρογονικές εστίες της Μικράς Ασίας στο δρόμο για τις νέες πατρίδες τους στον αμιγώς ελλαδικό χώρο του σύγχρονου ελληνικού κράτους όπως αυτό διαμορφώθηκε έπειτα από τη Συνθήκη της Λοζάνης το 1923. Η παρούσα ομιλία επιχειρεί να καταδείξει τις αιτίες που οδήγησαν στην καταστροφή αυτή, πρώτιστα με υλικό και κυριότερα ψυχικό αντίκτυπο, όπως κατέδειξε το μεγαλύτερο προσφυγικό δράμα που αντιμετώπισε το σύγχρονο ελληνικό κράτος από την ίδρυσή του. Θα αναζητηθούν επίσης απαντήσεις στο πώς και γιατί αυτό το βαρυσήμαντο πολιτικό και ανθρωπιστικό γεγονός στο πρώτο τέταρτο του 20ου αιώνα χρησιμοποιείται για να ενισχύσει την εθνικιστική φαρέτρα της σύγχρονης τουρκικής ρητορικής, οξύνοντας τις αντιπαραθέσεις μεταξύ της Ελλάδας και της Τουρκίας, ενώ τέλος θα ιχνηλατηθεί η επιρροή της Καταστροφής στη σημερινή πολιτική και κοινωνική διάσταση της ελληνικής κοινωνίας.
Media by Ioannis Brigkos
Programme of the 7th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies, Vienna, 11-14 September 2023
https://www.neopolis.gr/ellinikos-emfylios-aftos-o-gnostos-agnostos/
https://www.neopolis.gr/aderfofades/
https://www.neopolis.gr/giati-i-agia-sofia/
Announcements by Ioannis Brigkos
Uploads
Articles / Papers by Ioannis Brigkos
Greek military dictatorship (1967-1974). It argues that Vienna’s diplomacy did not fully adhere
to its 1955 Declaration of Neutrality. Instead, Austria often pursued pragmatic realpolitik,
actively developing diplomatic networks beyond ideological constraints. With geostrategic
interests in Southeastern Europe, Austria covertly supported the Greek regime, adopting a
relatively positive stance in the Council of Europe during the “Greek case” (1967-1969).
Despite ultimately failing to prevent Greece’s expulsion from the Council due to human rights
violations, Austria strengthened financial ties with the regime, culminating in a $78 million
investment in 1972 through Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG and its subsidiary Steyr-Hellas S.A.
Additionally, the paper highlights the role of humanitarian concerns and public opinion in
shaping Austrian foreign policy, particularly in addressing Greek political prisoners. These
interventions balanced Austria’s favorable stance toward the Junta and appeased domestic
concerns during a time of rising human rights activism.
Conference Presentations by Ioannis Brigkos
During the Greek dictatorship (1967-1974), Greek students in Austria, prominent Greek dissidents in exile, and political prisoners played a pivotal role that profoundly influenced Austrian-Greek relations and advanced humanitarian diplomacy. Greek students abroad organized protests and demonstrations against the military regime, drawing attention to human rights abuses in Greece despite diplomatic pressures. These actions underscored the regime’s suppression of dissent and rallied international condemnation, challenging Austria’s delicate balance between supporting democratic values and maintaining relations with Greece. This paper explores a lesser-known aspect of Cold War-era humanitarian activism through a “pericentric” approach within Cold War studies, as articulated by Tony Smith, and employing insights from the New Diplomatic History. It aims to uncover how global solidarity movements and diplomatic interventions transcended national borders to challenge authoritarian regimes, highlighting the role of transnational networks in defending human rights and promoting democratic principles during this turbulent period.
Prominent exiles such as Melina Mercouri, an acclaimed actress and later Greek Minister of Culture, and Andreas Papandreou, a prominent political figure and future Greek Prime Minister, leveraged their international stature to mobilize support against the dictatorship. Through visits facilitated by organizations like the “Friends of the Greek Democracy” association in Vienna, chaired by Bruno Pittermann, Mercouri and Papandreou delivered impassioned speeches and engaged with media to criticize the junta’s policies. These efforts strained diplomatic ties between Greece and Austria but amplified global awareness of the regime’s authoritarian practices, illustrating the power of individual advocacy in shaping international opinion and policy.
The humanitarian diplomacy led by figures like Bruno Pittermann, the Austrian president of the Socialist International, furthered these efforts by advocating for Greek political prisoners. Pittermann’s initiatives included lobbying for medical treatment and release of detainees such as Alekos Panagoulis and Charalambos Protopappas, demonstrating how civil society activism and transnational networks could challenge authoritarian regimes and uphold human rights on a global stage. Collectively, these actions during the dictatorship exemplified the intersection of grassroots activism, individual agency, and state diplomacy in confronting tyranny and advancing humanitarian principles.
Primary Sources:
Bruno Kreisky Stiftung Archiv (Archive of the Bruno Kreisky Foundation)
Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (Austrian State Archive)
ΑΣΚΙ (Greek Contemporary Social History Archives)
ΥΔΙΑ (Greek Historical and Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
https://sites.utu.fi/ndh/day-3-saturday-27th-may-2023/
Diese Posterpräsentation basierte auf meiner zweijährigen (2018-2020) Beschäftigung mit den Archivalien, die zur Gründung des Archivs des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik (IBN) der Universität Wien und zur Erstellung seines 1000-seitigen Katalogs führten. Diese Unterlagen dokumentieren die Geschichte des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik der Universität Wien in Form der Korrespondenz, von der Gründung bis zu seiner Etablierung als eines der führenden Zentren für Lehre und Forschung zur Byzantinischen und Neugriechischen Kultur und Geschichte im europäischen Raum in den Achtziger Jahren. Darunter sind Dokumente wie z.B. der Gründungsentwurf und die erste Raumverteilung des Instituts, sowie die Korrespondenzen seines Gründers Herbert Hunger mit berühmten Akademikern (Kazdan, Ahrweiler, Kriaras, Ostrogorsky et.al.) und bedeutenden Persönlichkeiten (Botschafter, Kirchenführer, et.al.) der Zeit zu finden.
Abgesehen von der Fertigstellung der oben erwähnten Arbeit, sollte jedoch erwähnt werden, dass es darüber hinaus Dokumente gibt, die zeitlich daran anschließen und in die Jahre nach 1987 zu datieren sind; diese befinden sich jedoch im Archiv der Universität Wien und sind noch nicht untersucht und katalogisiert worden. Es handelt sich also noch um ein Work-in-progress, das den Übergang des Instituts vom analogen zum digitalen Zeitalter und vom 20. zum 21 Jh. darstellen wird.
Concerning Greece and Austria, a tangible example of the fine cooperation was the signing on the 13th of March of 1972 of the huge Austrian investment of the automobile company Steyr-Daimler-Puch AG, which included the founding of the subsidiary company in Greece, Steyr-Hellas. The so-called “Steyr Project” included the construction of a factory in the greater area of Thessaloniki, which initiated the production of trucks including those for military purposes, tractors, motorcycles, mopeds, and bicycles. The aggregate sum of the investment was 78$ Mil. and the Austrian company owned 67% of the project.
In the case of Greece and the GDR even though the two states hadn’t officially recognized each other until May 1973, that proved to not impede the development of financial relations. A typical example of this was the signing of the large Eastern German investment in May 1970, concerning the construction of three electrical power plants in the region of Attica under the jurisdiction of GDR’s Elektrotechnik Export-Import state-owned company, worth in total 15$ Mil. This economic mandate was followed a year later by the signing of the contract for three more electrical power plants to be constructed in Northern Greece until 1975.
This paper is based largely on primary sources recovered from the Austrian State Archives (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv), the Bruno Kreisky Archives Foundation, the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (YDIA), and the German Federal Archive (Bundesarchiv). Finally, it will be showcased that the financial policy implementation and cooperation between Junta’s Greece, neutral Austria, and the communist GDR fit perfectly the pericentric view of the Cold War studies that, even the smaller states defined mutatis mutandis the financial, diplomatic, and international dimension of the Cold War era.
Varieties of Economic Nationalism in Cold War Europe: Small State Responses to Economic Change, 1960s-1980s
Workshop Program
University of Vienna, 19-20 September 2022
SMGS GRADUATE RESEARCHCOLLOQUIUM, 3 October 2022
of Szczecin, Poland, 26.5.2022
It will be demonstrated that the Greek diplomatic corps proved to a large extent successful in convincing the Austrian statesmen into adopting a favorable position towards the Greek military regime during its early years facilitating also Austria’s own international necessities. The most tangible example of this success was undoubtedly the written assurance provided to Greek diplomats by the Austrian diplomatic corps, that the latter will promote a positive stance towards the Greek regime within the circles of the Council of Europe. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated, that even though the ascension to power of a leftwing government in Austria (SPÖ 1970) could have revised the course of action towards the military regime, on the contrary, the diplomatic effervescence and the significance of high politics (as well as the pressure put on them by the corporate lobbies) in interstate communication led in 1972 to the substantial and most important Austrian investment in Greece ($78 mil.), that of the automobile Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG Company and its subsidiary company in Greece Steyr-Hellas S.A. Apart though from the favorable stance of the Austrians and the mutual financial benefits between the two countries, the forceful reactions of Austrian politicians and diplomats as regards the delicate issue of Greek political prisoners in more than twelve cases, will be taken into consideration.
Books by Ioannis Brigkos
This catalogue encompasses the documents of the Archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies of the University of Vienna. It includes those documents that are primarily concerned with the correspondence and administrative activities of the Department, from its founding in 1962 until 1987. A total of 3079 documents are chronologically classified and archived in the archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies.
https://www.byzneo.univie.ac.at/aktuelles/archivbestaende-1962-1987/
Reviews by Ioannis Brigkos
Talks by Ioannis Brigkos
Media by Ioannis Brigkos
Announcements by Ioannis Brigkos
Greek military dictatorship (1967-1974). It argues that Vienna’s diplomacy did not fully adhere
to its 1955 Declaration of Neutrality. Instead, Austria often pursued pragmatic realpolitik,
actively developing diplomatic networks beyond ideological constraints. With geostrategic
interests in Southeastern Europe, Austria covertly supported the Greek regime, adopting a
relatively positive stance in the Council of Europe during the “Greek case” (1967-1969).
Despite ultimately failing to prevent Greece’s expulsion from the Council due to human rights
violations, Austria strengthened financial ties with the regime, culminating in a $78 million
investment in 1972 through Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG and its subsidiary Steyr-Hellas S.A.
Additionally, the paper highlights the role of humanitarian concerns and public opinion in
shaping Austrian foreign policy, particularly in addressing Greek political prisoners. These
interventions balanced Austria’s favorable stance toward the Junta and appeased domestic
concerns during a time of rising human rights activism.
During the Greek dictatorship (1967-1974), Greek students in Austria, prominent Greek dissidents in exile, and political prisoners played a pivotal role that profoundly influenced Austrian-Greek relations and advanced humanitarian diplomacy. Greek students abroad organized protests and demonstrations against the military regime, drawing attention to human rights abuses in Greece despite diplomatic pressures. These actions underscored the regime’s suppression of dissent and rallied international condemnation, challenging Austria’s delicate balance between supporting democratic values and maintaining relations with Greece. This paper explores a lesser-known aspect of Cold War-era humanitarian activism through a “pericentric” approach within Cold War studies, as articulated by Tony Smith, and employing insights from the New Diplomatic History. It aims to uncover how global solidarity movements and diplomatic interventions transcended national borders to challenge authoritarian regimes, highlighting the role of transnational networks in defending human rights and promoting democratic principles during this turbulent period.
Prominent exiles such as Melina Mercouri, an acclaimed actress and later Greek Minister of Culture, and Andreas Papandreou, a prominent political figure and future Greek Prime Minister, leveraged their international stature to mobilize support against the dictatorship. Through visits facilitated by organizations like the “Friends of the Greek Democracy” association in Vienna, chaired by Bruno Pittermann, Mercouri and Papandreou delivered impassioned speeches and engaged with media to criticize the junta’s policies. These efforts strained diplomatic ties between Greece and Austria but amplified global awareness of the regime’s authoritarian practices, illustrating the power of individual advocacy in shaping international opinion and policy.
The humanitarian diplomacy led by figures like Bruno Pittermann, the Austrian president of the Socialist International, furthered these efforts by advocating for Greek political prisoners. Pittermann’s initiatives included lobbying for medical treatment and release of detainees such as Alekos Panagoulis and Charalambos Protopappas, demonstrating how civil society activism and transnational networks could challenge authoritarian regimes and uphold human rights on a global stage. Collectively, these actions during the dictatorship exemplified the intersection of grassroots activism, individual agency, and state diplomacy in confronting tyranny and advancing humanitarian principles.
Primary Sources:
Bruno Kreisky Stiftung Archiv (Archive of the Bruno Kreisky Foundation)
Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (Austrian State Archive)
ΑΣΚΙ (Greek Contemporary Social History Archives)
ΥΔΙΑ (Greek Historical and Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
https://sites.utu.fi/ndh/day-3-saturday-27th-may-2023/
Diese Posterpräsentation basierte auf meiner zweijährigen (2018-2020) Beschäftigung mit den Archivalien, die zur Gründung des Archivs des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik (IBN) der Universität Wien und zur Erstellung seines 1000-seitigen Katalogs führten. Diese Unterlagen dokumentieren die Geschichte des Instituts für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik der Universität Wien in Form der Korrespondenz, von der Gründung bis zu seiner Etablierung als eines der führenden Zentren für Lehre und Forschung zur Byzantinischen und Neugriechischen Kultur und Geschichte im europäischen Raum in den Achtziger Jahren. Darunter sind Dokumente wie z.B. der Gründungsentwurf und die erste Raumverteilung des Instituts, sowie die Korrespondenzen seines Gründers Herbert Hunger mit berühmten Akademikern (Kazdan, Ahrweiler, Kriaras, Ostrogorsky et.al.) und bedeutenden Persönlichkeiten (Botschafter, Kirchenführer, et.al.) der Zeit zu finden.
Abgesehen von der Fertigstellung der oben erwähnten Arbeit, sollte jedoch erwähnt werden, dass es darüber hinaus Dokumente gibt, die zeitlich daran anschließen und in die Jahre nach 1987 zu datieren sind; diese befinden sich jedoch im Archiv der Universität Wien und sind noch nicht untersucht und katalogisiert worden. Es handelt sich also noch um ein Work-in-progress, das den Übergang des Instituts vom analogen zum digitalen Zeitalter und vom 20. zum 21 Jh. darstellen wird.
Concerning Greece and Austria, a tangible example of the fine cooperation was the signing on the 13th of March of 1972 of the huge Austrian investment of the automobile company Steyr-Daimler-Puch AG, which included the founding of the subsidiary company in Greece, Steyr-Hellas. The so-called “Steyr Project” included the construction of a factory in the greater area of Thessaloniki, which initiated the production of trucks including those for military purposes, tractors, motorcycles, mopeds, and bicycles. The aggregate sum of the investment was 78$ Mil. and the Austrian company owned 67% of the project.
In the case of Greece and the GDR even though the two states hadn’t officially recognized each other until May 1973, that proved to not impede the development of financial relations. A typical example of this was the signing of the large Eastern German investment in May 1970, concerning the construction of three electrical power plants in the region of Attica under the jurisdiction of GDR’s Elektrotechnik Export-Import state-owned company, worth in total 15$ Mil. This economic mandate was followed a year later by the signing of the contract for three more electrical power plants to be constructed in Northern Greece until 1975.
This paper is based largely on primary sources recovered from the Austrian State Archives (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv), the Bruno Kreisky Archives Foundation, the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (YDIA), and the German Federal Archive (Bundesarchiv). Finally, it will be showcased that the financial policy implementation and cooperation between Junta’s Greece, neutral Austria, and the communist GDR fit perfectly the pericentric view of the Cold War studies that, even the smaller states defined mutatis mutandis the financial, diplomatic, and international dimension of the Cold War era.
Varieties of Economic Nationalism in Cold War Europe: Small State Responses to Economic Change, 1960s-1980s
Workshop Program
University of Vienna, 19-20 September 2022
SMGS GRADUATE RESEARCHCOLLOQUIUM, 3 October 2022
of Szczecin, Poland, 26.5.2022
It will be demonstrated that the Greek diplomatic corps proved to a large extent successful in convincing the Austrian statesmen into adopting a favorable position towards the Greek military regime during its early years facilitating also Austria’s own international necessities. The most tangible example of this success was undoubtedly the written assurance provided to Greek diplomats by the Austrian diplomatic corps, that the latter will promote a positive stance towards the Greek regime within the circles of the Council of Europe. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated, that even though the ascension to power of a leftwing government in Austria (SPÖ 1970) could have revised the course of action towards the military regime, on the contrary, the diplomatic effervescence and the significance of high politics (as well as the pressure put on them by the corporate lobbies) in interstate communication led in 1972 to the substantial and most important Austrian investment in Greece ($78 mil.), that of the automobile Steyr-Daimler-Puch-AG Company and its subsidiary company in Greece Steyr-Hellas S.A. Apart though from the favorable stance of the Austrians and the mutual financial benefits between the two countries, the forceful reactions of Austrian politicians and diplomats as regards the delicate issue of Greek political prisoners in more than twelve cases, will be taken into consideration.
This catalogue encompasses the documents of the Archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies of the University of Vienna. It includes those documents that are primarily concerned with the correspondence and administrative activities of the Department, from its founding in 1962 until 1987. A total of 3079 documents are chronologically classified and archived in the archive of the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies.
https://www.byzneo.univie.ac.at/aktuelles/archivbestaende-1962-1987/