Luciano Brancaccio
Academic career
In 1995 I got the BA degree (4 years) in Sociology at the University of Naples Federico II, with a dissertation on the diffusion of clientelistic ties in Bagnoli (Naples) after the Italsider steelworks closure in the early 90s.
In 1997 I moved to Trento, where I have attended the Phd program in Sociology and Social Research. In my Phd thesis (2001) I have studied the political change in Naples after the institutional reforms of the 90s, using network analysis methods.
From 2001 to 2003 I have taught Comparative Politics at the University of Naples L’Orientale.
From 2003 to 2006, I have worked as research fellow at the Department of Sociology in Naples (Federico II) on the topic of the Neapolitan ruling classes (using, once again, network analysis methods).
Since 2007 I’ve been working as research associate at the University of Naples Federico II, where I now teach Urban Sociology and Social, Political and Communicative Networks (Department of Social Sciences).
In 2012 I obtained the Abilitazione Scientifica Nazionale for the position of Associate Professor in General Sociology (sector 14/C1), Political and Legal Sociology (14/C3) and Economic Sociology (14/D1).
My main research interests are in organised crime, new forms of clientelism, social capital in the processes of local development, social network analysis methods and applications, urban politics and policies, ruling classes.
In 1995 I got the BA degree (4 years) in Sociology at the University of Naples Federico II, with a dissertation on the diffusion of clientelistic ties in Bagnoli (Naples) after the Italsider steelworks closure in the early 90s.
In 1997 I moved to Trento, where I have attended the Phd program in Sociology and Social Research. In my Phd thesis (2001) I have studied the political change in Naples after the institutional reforms of the 90s, using network analysis methods.
From 2001 to 2003 I have taught Comparative Politics at the University of Naples L’Orientale.
From 2003 to 2006, I have worked as research fellow at the Department of Sociology in Naples (Federico II) on the topic of the Neapolitan ruling classes (using, once again, network analysis methods).
Since 2007 I’ve been working as research associate at the University of Naples Federico II, where I now teach Urban Sociology and Social, Political and Communicative Networks (Department of Social Sciences).
In 2012 I obtained the Abilitazione Scientifica Nazionale for the position of Associate Professor in General Sociology (sector 14/C1), Political and Legal Sociology (14/C3) and Economic Sociology (14/D1).
My main research interests are in organised crime, new forms of clientelism, social capital in the processes of local development, social network analysis methods and applications, urban politics and policies, ruling classes.
less
Interests
Uploads
Papers by Luciano Brancaccio
L’affermazione della Lega e la meridionalizzazione ulteriore del M5S, descrivono un quadro di grande incertezza, che apre molti interrogativi. Quali sono le basi di questo consenso? Quali le aree in cui si evidenziano con maggiore forza? Quali fasce sociali sono coinvolte? E su quali gambe procede l’offerta politica (quali caratteristiche ha il ceto politico leghista e cinque stelle)? Come si intrecciano questi elementi con la prospettiva politica. Quali sono le connessioni con le esperienze di classe dirigente a livello locale? E quali problemi si pongono in termini di politiche per lo sviluppo? Il contributo che si propone in questa sede affronta questi nodi attraverso un’analisi dei risultati elettorali, dell’elettorato e dei tratti della classe politica nel quadro delle politiche nazionali e degli orientamenti che emergono in sede locale.
Il saggio propone una lettura delle trasformazioni storiche del clientelismo e interpreta queste nuove forme di aggregazione del consenso come un esito della crisi delle forme clientelari novecentesche. Il caso empirico della città di Napoli aiuta a leggere meccanismi e relazioni all’interno di questi nuovi vettori del voto politico.
Due to the crisis in the traditional party model, political compositions have drastically reduced their organizational structures and their social rooting on a local level. This representative void was filled, mostly in the areas in which poverty and social problems are particularly stark, by political offerings in the form of technical services, small favours, guidance and support for administrative practices. These were a variety of political exchanges compared to traditional party clientelism, amounting to the grouping consensus of small systems, that are more unstable and more precisely defined on a local level. Emblematic examples of these new networks of exchanges are that of Caf (a tax assistance centre) and public services.
The article offers an interpretation of historical changes of clientelism and interprets these new forms of groupings of consensus as an outcome of the crisis of cronyism of the twentieth century. The empirical case of the city of Naples, provides a reading of the mechanisms and relationships within these new trajectories of political voting.
The criminal group known as “Mafia Capitale” undoubtedly represents an important innovation for the Italian judicial history and for the mafia studies. It is, assuming the prosecution, a recently formed mafia group with new traits. Unlike the traditional model of the mafia-type association, Mafia Capitale has an open network structure and specifically operates in the field of political corruption. As it is well known, political corruption is a tool of power and richness for traditional mafia groups; in the case of Mafia Capitale is the milieu it stems from. This new type of mafia group has several characteristics in common with those that the local political groups are taking on as a result of the party transformations. By using the categories of "clique" and "faction", borrowed from the anthropological studies, this contribution outlines the new traits of the group called Mafia Capitale and explores his nature of political association.
The main objective of this contribution will be to analyse the characteristics, strategies and dynamics of the Camorra clans operating in four areas in Campania Region: 1. the area of Caserta, falling under the control of the Casalesi cartel; 2. the Northern and Eastern part of the Province of Naples; 3. the area comprised within the urban belt surrounding Naples; 4. Naples’ city centre. Furthermore, we intend to analyse the ways through which the use of violence shapes and affects the entrepreneurial model they adopt in the management of the various economic sectors in which the clans are involved.
L’affermazione della Lega e la meridionalizzazione ulteriore del M5S, descrivono un quadro di grande incertezza, che apre molti interrogativi. Quali sono le basi di questo consenso? Quali le aree in cui si evidenziano con maggiore forza? Quali fasce sociali sono coinvolte? E su quali gambe procede l’offerta politica (quali caratteristiche ha il ceto politico leghista e cinque stelle)? Come si intrecciano questi elementi con la prospettiva politica. Quali sono le connessioni con le esperienze di classe dirigente a livello locale? E quali problemi si pongono in termini di politiche per lo sviluppo? Il contributo che si propone in questa sede affronta questi nodi attraverso un’analisi dei risultati elettorali, dell’elettorato e dei tratti della classe politica nel quadro delle politiche nazionali e degli orientamenti che emergono in sede locale.
Il saggio propone una lettura delle trasformazioni storiche del clientelismo e interpreta queste nuove forme di aggregazione del consenso come un esito della crisi delle forme clientelari novecentesche. Il caso empirico della città di Napoli aiuta a leggere meccanismi e relazioni all’interno di questi nuovi vettori del voto politico.
Due to the crisis in the traditional party model, political compositions have drastically reduced their organizational structures and their social rooting on a local level. This representative void was filled, mostly in the areas in which poverty and social problems are particularly stark, by political offerings in the form of technical services, small favours, guidance and support for administrative practices. These were a variety of political exchanges compared to traditional party clientelism, amounting to the grouping consensus of small systems, that are more unstable and more precisely defined on a local level. Emblematic examples of these new networks of exchanges are that of Caf (a tax assistance centre) and public services.
The article offers an interpretation of historical changes of clientelism and interprets these new forms of groupings of consensus as an outcome of the crisis of cronyism of the twentieth century. The empirical case of the city of Naples, provides a reading of the mechanisms and relationships within these new trajectories of political voting.
The criminal group known as “Mafia Capitale” undoubtedly represents an important innovation for the Italian judicial history and for the mafia studies. It is, assuming the prosecution, a recently formed mafia group with new traits. Unlike the traditional model of the mafia-type association, Mafia Capitale has an open network structure and specifically operates in the field of political corruption. As it is well known, political corruption is a tool of power and richness for traditional mafia groups; in the case of Mafia Capitale is the milieu it stems from. This new type of mafia group has several characteristics in common with those that the local political groups are taking on as a result of the party transformations. By using the categories of "clique" and "faction", borrowed from the anthropological studies, this contribution outlines the new traits of the group called Mafia Capitale and explores his nature of political association.
The main objective of this contribution will be to analyse the characteristics, strategies and dynamics of the Camorra clans operating in four areas in Campania Region: 1. the area of Caserta, falling under the control of the Casalesi cartel; 2. the Northern and Eastern part of the Province of Naples; 3. the area comprised within the urban belt surrounding Naples; 4. Naples’ city centre. Furthermore, we intend to analyse the ways through which the use of violence shapes and affects the entrepreneurial model they adopt in the management of the various economic sectors in which the clans are involved.