Journal articles, book chapters by Alfredo Sasso
Wer ist Walter? International Perspectives on Resistance in Europe during World War II, 2024
This article explores the distinct and yet interconnected dimensions of civil solidarity, armed r... more This article explores the distinct and yet interconnected dimensions of civil solidarity, armed resistance, and post-war legacies through the case study of the prisoner of war Camp No. 43 in Garessio, located in the Maritime Alps of southern Piedmont. It begins by contextualising the internment of Yugoslavs in Italy during World War II and their subsequent erasure from post-war Italian collective memory. Then, it offers an overview of the phenomena of civil solidarity and Yugoslavs’ participation in the Italian resistance, emphasising the understudied issue of Yugoslav PoWs and its implications for both phenomena. The case analysis unfolds in four sections, each exploring a different phase of the camp’s history: internment, escape, Partisan struggle, and post-war aftermath. The article reveals elements of continuity, although not always linear and direct, between civil and armed resistance. It further investigates how the former POWs’ involvement in the Partisan struggle resulted in ideologically diverse affiliations. Finally, the analysis of post-war reception uncovers how, despite diasporisation and geopolitical obstacles, memories and relationships linked to the camp have resurfaced through multifaceted interactions encompassing spontaneous and institutional, as well as local and (trans-)national elements. Methodologically, the research is anchored in diaries, letters, correspondences and testimonies from former Camp 43 prisoners, documents from local archives and institutes of resistance and contemporary history, as well as interviews with family members of former prisoners and helpers.
Passato e Presente, 2023
L'articolo si concentra su una delle figure prominenti dell'intellettualità critica jugoslava, l’... more L'articolo si concentra su una delle figure prominenti dell'intellettualità critica jugoslava, l’economista Branko Horvat. La figura eclettica di questo
autore, che in tutto il suo arco biografico ha incrociato funzioni e approcci
complementari (economista e scienziato sociale, accademico e attivista politico, ricercatore e pedagogo, consigliere istituzionale e oppositore, connettore dell’intellighenzia critica dentro il paese e referente internazionale del modello jugoslavo) oggi risulta per lo più dimenticata nel dibattito pubblico e negli studi contemporanei. L’analisi si soffermerà, in particolare, su come il pensiero di Horvat si confrontò e integrò di fronte all’approfondirsi della crisi degli anni ’80, alla ridiscussione delle categorie analitiche e alla diffusione di nuovi modelli nel dibattito transnazionale, e allo sviluppo di iniziative scientifiche e politiche, di cui l’autore fu promotore e partecipe. Il percorso di Horvat negli anni ’80 si situa quindi nel complesso e variegato universo di alternative alla dissoluzione jugoslava, segnalando una certa vivacità della discussione intellettuale e la rinnovata circolazione di idee e dibattiti transnazionali dentro un paese che, dopo avere a lungo veicolato il modello attrattivo di un socialismo originalmente aperto e modernizzatore, stava scivolando rapidamente nell’immagine opposta, quella di un socialismo ineluttabilmente inefficace e irriformabile.
Passato e Presente, 2023
The varied language of reforms: from the crises of the 1970s to the transitions of the 1990s
T... more The varied language of reforms: from the crises of the 1970s to the transitions of the 1990s
This debate aims to investigate the political and economic transformations taking place between the crises of the 1970s and the transitions of the 1990s, by analysing the spectrum of concrete alternatives and the contingent, diverse choices too often identified and summarised through the catchword of “neoliberalism”. The three case studies focus on Italy, Hungary and Yugoslavia, with attention to the trajectories of three internal mediators like Vittorio Foa, Tibor Liska and Branko Horvat. They were aware of the decline of previous political cultures and economic models vis-à-vis the new challenges, but they tried to deeply revise the relationship between State and market and to point out a diverse language of reforms still linked to the reference to “socialism”, despite the crisis and breakdown of the Soviet block.
Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa, 2021
Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 2020
This article focuses on the political dimension of Ante Marković’s attempt to reform the federati... more This article focuses on the political dimension of Ante Marković’s attempt to reform the federation of Yugoslavia during his mandate as prime minister between 1989 and 1991. While the literature about the crisis and dissolution of Yugoslavia has usually depicted Marković as the initiator of crucial reforms in the economic domain but having limited action outside of those measures, here the attention is devoted to his agency in the political domain, namely: 1) the attempt to redesign the institutional framework to restore the fundaments of Yugoslav statehood, 2) the introduction of a statewide multiparty system that would recreate a supra-national demos, and 3) the reanimation of the historical and symbolic principles of democratic Yugoslavism. These initiatives brought the federal government and the political party led by Marković to overt conflict with substate republican leaderships and with nationalist forces.
Alianza, Madrid, 2019
En los últimos treinta años, desde el final de la Guerra Fría ha tenido lugar un llamativo repunt... more En los últimos treinta años, desde el final de la Guerra Fría ha tenido lugar un llamativo repunte de la ultraderecha y el nacionalismo radical que no siempre conserva las formas o imagen tradicionales de hace casi un siglo, lo cual genera continuas polémicas en medios de comunicación y redes sociales, y mucha confusión en la sociedad. A veces, estos nuevos partidos y movimientos han buscado marcar distancias con los viejos modelos políticos o bien han utilizado elementos del discurso de izquierdas, llegando a gestar nuevos estilos de comunicación, tildados en ocasiones de "populistas". "Patriotas indignados" intenta aportar algo de luz a la confusión reinante para lo que analiza el fenómeno en una doble vertiente. En primer lugar, a partir de un recorrido histórico que se remonta a los años noventa del siglo pasado, cuando acaba la Guerra Fría y se desmorona la Unión Soviética y el bloque del Este, incluyendo las guerras de Yugoslavia y Ucrania; y continúa con los efectos de la Gran Recesión de 2008 en Europa occidental y América, alcanzando un giro ocho años más tarde. En segundo lugar, diseccionando el fenómeno de los actuales Patriotas indignados en sus diversas variantes internacionales, desde el neofascismo al posfascismo pasando por el Movimiento indentitario internacional, la realidad del denominado "gobierno Salvini" en Italia o conceptos menos usuales como los nazbols. No quedan al margen reflejos y recursos del ultranacionalismo actual, como la tendencia al referendismo, el "fascismo antifascista", el rechazo a la inmigración o el euroescepticismo. Un completo viaje, esclarecedor, por el mundo de los "Patriotas indignados", del que no está excluida España.
(EN) The idea of socialism is a longstanding part of the historical reality in Bosnia-Herzegovina... more (EN) The idea of socialism is a longstanding part of the historical reality in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The pioneer concepts of equality and social justice drawn by Vaso Pelagić and his fellow thinkers saw the light about a century and a half ago. During the Austro-Hungarian rule and the beginning of industrialisation process these ideas inspired the establishment of the first workers’ associations which, in turn, laid the ground to the foundation of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia Herzegovina (SDSBiH) on 28-29 June 1909. Since then, the left-wing actors have experienced every possible sort, between reformist and revolutionary ideas, material and cultural struggles, power and opposition in institutions, mass and vanguard organizations, one- and multi-party rule.
One hundred and ten years later, this volume aims to explore the principles, actions and mutual interactions of left-wing political forces (socialist, communist, social democratic parties; progressive intellectuals; workers’ movements and trade unions; etc.) throughout the history of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as exploring conceptual perspectives to understand the present.
The literature on the principles and practices of left-wing movements in Bosnia Herzegovina has suffered a setback since the 1990s, as a consequence of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Ethno-nationalism, cultural-religious identities and elite-driven processes have become the absolute dominant interpretative frames and subjects for empirical research. Moreover, despite in the last few years a flourishing interest has surfaced on global labour history including some new valuable research avenues regarding the Yugoslav socialism, little attention has been devoted to Bosnia-Herzegovina, both regarding its specific dynamics and its interaction within the regional and global context.
This volume aims to fill these vacuums. It collects selected contributions from the Conference “What is Left - 110 years between Socialism, Communism and Social Democracy in Bosnia Herzegovina”, which was organized by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bosnia Herzegovina on the 27-28 June 2019 in Sarajevo, in correspondence with the 110th anniversary of the first Congress of the Social Democratic Party of BiH. While the first section is composed of historical chapters, which include both long-term perspectives and case-study works, the second section is based on thematic focuses and conceptual reflections about the left’s (re)-positioning in today’s Bosnia Herzegovina and Europe.
(B-H-S) Ideja socijalizma je već dugo vremena dijelom historijske realnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Pionirski koncepti jednakosti i socijalne pravde koje su iznjedrili Vaso Pelagić i srodni mislioci pojavili su se na sceni prije otprilike stopedeset godina. Tokom austrougarske vladavine i početka procesa industrijalizacije, ove ideje su inspirirale osnivanje prvih radničkih udruga koje su, zauzvrat, postavile temelje za osnivanje Socijaldemokratske stranke Bosne i Hercegovine (SDSBiH) 28-29. juna 1909. Od tada su ljevičarski akteri prošli kroz svaku moguću vrstu promjene, od reformističkih i revolucionarnih ideja, materijalnih i kulturnih borbi, vlasti i opozicije u institucijama, masovnih i avangardnih organizacija, do jednostranačkog i višestranačkog sistema. Stotinu i deset godina kasnije, ova knjiga nastoji istražiti principe, aktivnosti i međusobne interakcije ljevičarskih političkih snaga (socijalističkih, komunističkih, socijaldemokratskih stranaka; progresivnih intelektualaca; radničkih pokreta i sindikata; itd.) kroz historiju Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i konceptualne perspektive za razumijevanje sadašnjosti.
Literatura o principima i praksama ljevičarskih pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini doživjela je zastoj 1990-ih, kao posljedica raspada Jugoslavije. Etno-nacionalizam, kulturno-religijski identiteti i procesi koje vode elite postali su apsolutno dominantni interpretativni okviri i teme empirijskih istraživanja. Nadalje, usprkos tome što se u posljednjih nekoliko godina interes za globalnu radničku historiju značajno povećao, što uključuje i niz veoma važnih istraživanja koja se odnose na jugoslavenski socijalizam, malo je pažnje posvećivano Bosni i Hercegovini, kako u odnosu na njenu specifičnu dinamiku tako i na njenu interakciju sa regionalnim i globalnim kontekstom.
Cilj ove knjige je da ispuni te vakume. Sabrani su odabrani članci sa konferencije “Šta je ljevica? 110 godina između socijalizma, komunizma i socijalne demokratije u Bosni i Hercegovini”, koju je organizirala Fondacija Friedrich Ebert u Bosni i Hercegovini 27-28. juna 2019. godine u Sarajevu, na 110. godišnjicu prvog kongresa Socijaldemokratske stranke BiH. Dok se prvi dio sastoji od historijskih članaka, koji uključuju i dugoročne perspektive i studije slučaja, drugi dio se zasniva na tematskim fokusima i konceptualnim promišljanjima o (ponovnom) pozicioniranju ljevice u današnjoj Bosni
i Hercegovini i Evropi.
Socijalna demokratija u BiH – Historijski pregled i razmatranja za budućnost (eds. Nermin Kujović and Alfredo Sasso; Sarajevo: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, forthcoming in 2020; pp. 70-90), 2020
Ovo poglavlje predstavlja analizu uloge Saveza komunista Bosne i Hercegovine (SKBiH) u tranziciji... more Ovo poglavlje predstavlja analizu uloge Saveza komunista Bosne i Hercegovine (SKBiH) u tranziciji na višestranački sistem, uz osvrt na njegovu publiku, strategije i (re)definiciju ideološkog i liderskog profila. U ovom poglavlju će se, također, ispitati ključne odluke o institucionalnom modelu Bosne i Hercegovine, a koje je SKBiH morao donijeti kao vladajuća partija zadužena za višestranačku tranziciju. "Pravila igre", koje je uspostavio SKBiH, odražavala su društveno-političku klimu tog vremena, a istovremeno su proizvodila i usmjeravala konkurenciju među strankama i kriterije biračkih sklonosti.
Prilozi historiji Bosne i Hercegovine u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, 2017
This chapter examines the stances of the League of Communists of Bosnia-Herzegovina (SKBiH) durin... more This chapter examines the stances of the League of Communists of Bosnia-Herzegovina (SKBiH) during a pivotal phase in the crisis of Yugoslavia. The focus is placed on the events unfolding around the two final Congresses of that party, the 14th of the Yugoslav Communists and the 10th of the SKBiH as its prologue. The literature on that crisis has hitherto devoted main attention to the chief actors of polarization, while overlooking debates, compromises, silent struggles and voiced discords which occurred in the "in-between area" of political conflict. The Bosnian Communists' role epitomizes the dilemma of how a political party can hold a "third-option" position in contexts of social and national polarization, as well as of ideological demise.
Kako se mijenjao politički položaj Bosne i Hercegovine tokom razdoblja socijalističke Jugoslavije... more Kako se mijenjao politički položaj Bosne i Hercegovine tokom razdoblja socijalističke Jugoslavije, kakav je bio pravni status republike, šta se dešavalo sa vjerskim zajednicama, koliko su nacionalno-kulturni fenomeni u vrijeme socijalizma doprinosili afirmaciji Bosne i Hercegovine – to su samo neka pitanja o kojima je razgovarano. Posebna pažnja je posvećena događajima s početka 1990-ih godina i raznim debatama u vezi s položajem Bosne i Hercegovine, s obzirom da su se od ulaska u skupštinsku proceduru Deklaracije o državnoj suverenosti i nedjeljivosti Republike Bosne i Hercegovine početkom 1991. do usvajanja Platforme o položaju Bosne i Hercegovine u budućem ustroju jugoslavenske zajednice i Memoranduma, izvedenog iz Platforme krajem 1991, odvijale burne rasprave u političkom životu Bosne i Hercegovine.
The following article aims to analyse the alternative, pro-Yugoslav and pro-democratizing options... more The following article aims to analyse the alternative, pro-Yugoslav and pro-democratizing options in Bosnia-Herzegovina, from 1989 to mid-1990, until the beginning of the multi-party electoral campaign. The article focuses on three initiatives: the reformist wing of the League of Communists (SKBiH), the Alliance of Socialist Youth (SSOBiH) and the Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative (UJDI). Particular attention is paid to their proposals on the main issues of the political crisis, as well as their conflicting relation with the declining communist regime in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The SKBiH, notwithstanding its non-national and pro-Yugoslav stance, had a different approach on other issues, especially on political pluralism. The article points out that, on the eve of the 1990 elections, the competition within the non-national camp decisively weakened a pro-Yugoslav integrative option.
In the failed multi-party transition in the Yugoslav Socialist Federation (1989-1992), two main k... more In the failed multi-party transition in the Yugoslav Socialist Federation (1989-1992), two main kinds of political actors managed to become dominant, i.e. the republican Leagues of
Communists (most of them converted to ethno-nationalism) and the proper ethno-nationalist right-wing parties. A third political field tried, but failed, to emerge: the reformist and democratic Yugoslavists, supporting a democratic transformation of a united Yugoslav Federation. Within the reformist field, a key-role was played by the Alliance of the Reformist Forces of Yugoslavia (SRSJ), founded by the Federal Prime Minister Ante Marković in July 1990. This paper focuses on the rise and decline of the SRSJ in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for two main reasons: first, the SRSJ was primarily set up in Bosnia, in the eve of the strategic goal of the party, the 1990 republican elections, whose result would come up to be a serious defeat for the reformist project; second, Bosnia and Herzegovina ended up being the
bulwark of Yugoslavism when the Federation was close to dissolution, partly as a consequence of the unsolved Bosnian national question.
Il tramonto del Regime Rivoluzionario Messico: 1970-2010 (ed. Tiziana Bertaccini), 2012
Il presente lavoro analizza il ruolo dei movimenti urbano-popolari di
Città del Messico nel fenom... more Il presente lavoro analizza il ruolo dei movimenti urbano-popolari di
Città del Messico nel fenomeno di ricomposizione della sinistra messicana,
e soprattutto nel processo di costruzione e sviluppo del Partido de la
Revolución Democrática (PRD). Negli anni ’90 il PRD si è affermato come
attore integrante del sistema politico messicano, in un’epoca d’importanti
cambiamenti per il Messico e per la sua capitale: il completamento della
lunga transizione, dalla “democrazia egemonica” dominata dal Partido
Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) al pluralismo politico; le riforme economiche
di aggiustamento strutturale e i conseguenti cambiamenti nel tessuto
sociale del Paese; la trasformazione dell’apparato istituzionale di Città del
Messico, che conobbe un progressivo decentramento amministrativo. Lo
stretto rapporto tra movimenti urbano-popolari e sviluppo del PRD è un
esempio dell’interazione reciproca tra processi di mobilitazione sociale,
transizione politica e decentramento istituzionale, un fenomeno verificatosi
in diverse capitali e grandi città dell’America Latina negli ultimi decenni.
Short articles, working papers by Alfredo Sasso
Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa, 2020
There is one case in which inter-nationalist cooperation manifested in an electoral process: that... more There is one case in which inter-nationalist cooperation manifested in an electoral process: that of Bosnia and Herzegovina on November 18th, 1990. The first multi-party elections after the socialist era saw the triumph of the three parties on an ethnic basis
Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa, 2020
Quest'analisi traccia un filo tra Italia ed ex Jugoslavia analizzando due fenomeni strettamente c... more Quest'analisi traccia un filo tra Italia ed ex Jugoslavia analizzando due fenomeni strettamente correlati: la solidarietà popolare verso i prigionieri fuggiaschi delle forze alleate e il carattere multietnico e internazionalista della resistenza partigiana
ISPI Dossier "The Balkans and the EU: A Neverending Story", 2020
There is little doubt that 2019 was a lost year for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU integration. Alth... more There is little doubt that 2019 was a lost year for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU integration. Although in the last months some major events did occur both at the macro-regional and state-wide levels, only low expectations of progress can be foreseen in the immediate future.
Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa, 2018
Last October 2 nd , Fikret Abdić, probably the most paradoxical figure in Bosnian politics over t... more Last October 2 nd , Fikret Abdić, probably the most paradoxical figure in Bosnian politics over the last three decades, was elected mayor of Velika Kladuša. It was not a foregone conclusion, given his 77 years, ten of which recently spent in prison. Yet, the messianic attachment of his supporters, who dream of Babo's ("Daddy") absolute leadership as a way back to the industrial mirage of the eighties, prevailed.
MOST No. 4, Jan 2013
Gli sforzi per arrivare ad una riforma della Costituzione di Dayton, dal 2006 al 2012.
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Journal articles, book chapters by Alfredo Sasso
autore, che in tutto il suo arco biografico ha incrociato funzioni e approcci
complementari (economista e scienziato sociale, accademico e attivista politico, ricercatore e pedagogo, consigliere istituzionale e oppositore, connettore dell’intellighenzia critica dentro il paese e referente internazionale del modello jugoslavo) oggi risulta per lo più dimenticata nel dibattito pubblico e negli studi contemporanei. L’analisi si soffermerà, in particolare, su come il pensiero di Horvat si confrontò e integrò di fronte all’approfondirsi della crisi degli anni ’80, alla ridiscussione delle categorie analitiche e alla diffusione di nuovi modelli nel dibattito transnazionale, e allo sviluppo di iniziative scientifiche e politiche, di cui l’autore fu promotore e partecipe. Il percorso di Horvat negli anni ’80 si situa quindi nel complesso e variegato universo di alternative alla dissoluzione jugoslava, segnalando una certa vivacità della discussione intellettuale e la rinnovata circolazione di idee e dibattiti transnazionali dentro un paese che, dopo avere a lungo veicolato il modello attrattivo di un socialismo originalmente aperto e modernizzatore, stava scivolando rapidamente nell’immagine opposta, quella di un socialismo ineluttabilmente inefficace e irriformabile.
This debate aims to investigate the political and economic transformations taking place between the crises of the 1970s and the transitions of the 1990s, by analysing the spectrum of concrete alternatives and the contingent, diverse choices too often identified and summarised through the catchword of “neoliberalism”. The three case studies focus on Italy, Hungary and Yugoslavia, with attention to the trajectories of three internal mediators like Vittorio Foa, Tibor Liska and Branko Horvat. They were aware of the decline of previous political cultures and economic models vis-à-vis the new challenges, but they tried to deeply revise the relationship between State and market and to point out a diverse language of reforms still linked to the reference to “socialism”, despite the crisis and breakdown of the Soviet block.
One hundred and ten years later, this volume aims to explore the principles, actions and mutual interactions of left-wing political forces (socialist, communist, social democratic parties; progressive intellectuals; workers’ movements and trade unions; etc.) throughout the history of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as exploring conceptual perspectives to understand the present.
The literature on the principles and practices of left-wing movements in Bosnia Herzegovina has suffered a setback since the 1990s, as a consequence of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Ethno-nationalism, cultural-religious identities and elite-driven processes have become the absolute dominant interpretative frames and subjects for empirical research. Moreover, despite in the last few years a flourishing interest has surfaced on global labour history including some new valuable research avenues regarding the Yugoslav socialism, little attention has been devoted to Bosnia-Herzegovina, both regarding its specific dynamics and its interaction within the regional and global context.
This volume aims to fill these vacuums. It collects selected contributions from the Conference “What is Left - 110 years between Socialism, Communism and Social Democracy in Bosnia Herzegovina”, which was organized by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bosnia Herzegovina on the 27-28 June 2019 in Sarajevo, in correspondence with the 110th anniversary of the first Congress of the Social Democratic Party of BiH. While the first section is composed of historical chapters, which include both long-term perspectives and case-study works, the second section is based on thematic focuses and conceptual reflections about the left’s (re)-positioning in today’s Bosnia Herzegovina and Europe.
(B-H-S) Ideja socijalizma je već dugo vremena dijelom historijske realnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Pionirski koncepti jednakosti i socijalne pravde koje su iznjedrili Vaso Pelagić i srodni mislioci pojavili su se na sceni prije otprilike stopedeset godina. Tokom austrougarske vladavine i početka procesa industrijalizacije, ove ideje su inspirirale osnivanje prvih radničkih udruga koje su, zauzvrat, postavile temelje za osnivanje Socijaldemokratske stranke Bosne i Hercegovine (SDSBiH) 28-29. juna 1909. Od tada su ljevičarski akteri prošli kroz svaku moguću vrstu promjene, od reformističkih i revolucionarnih ideja, materijalnih i kulturnih borbi, vlasti i opozicije u institucijama, masovnih i avangardnih organizacija, do jednostranačkog i višestranačkog sistema. Stotinu i deset godina kasnije, ova knjiga nastoji istražiti principe, aktivnosti i međusobne interakcije ljevičarskih političkih snaga (socijalističkih, komunističkih, socijaldemokratskih stranaka; progresivnih intelektualaca; radničkih pokreta i sindikata; itd.) kroz historiju Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i konceptualne perspektive za razumijevanje sadašnjosti.
Literatura o principima i praksama ljevičarskih pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini doživjela je zastoj 1990-ih, kao posljedica raspada Jugoslavije. Etno-nacionalizam, kulturno-religijski identiteti i procesi koje vode elite postali su apsolutno dominantni interpretativni okviri i teme empirijskih istraživanja. Nadalje, usprkos tome što se u posljednjih nekoliko godina interes za globalnu radničku historiju značajno povećao, što uključuje i niz veoma važnih istraživanja koja se odnose na jugoslavenski socijalizam, malo je pažnje posvećivano Bosni i Hercegovini, kako u odnosu na njenu specifičnu dinamiku tako i na njenu interakciju sa regionalnim i globalnim kontekstom.
Cilj ove knjige je da ispuni te vakume. Sabrani su odabrani članci sa konferencije “Šta je ljevica? 110 godina između socijalizma, komunizma i socijalne demokratije u Bosni i Hercegovini”, koju je organizirala Fondacija Friedrich Ebert u Bosni i Hercegovini 27-28. juna 2019. godine u Sarajevu, na 110. godišnjicu prvog kongresa Socijaldemokratske stranke BiH. Dok se prvi dio sastoji od historijskih članaka, koji uključuju i dugoročne perspektive i studije slučaja, drugi dio se zasniva na tematskim fokusima i konceptualnim promišljanjima o (ponovnom) pozicioniranju ljevice u današnjoj Bosni
i Hercegovini i Evropi.
Communists (most of them converted to ethno-nationalism) and the proper ethno-nationalist right-wing parties. A third political field tried, but failed, to emerge: the reformist and democratic Yugoslavists, supporting a democratic transformation of a united Yugoslav Federation. Within the reformist field, a key-role was played by the Alliance of the Reformist Forces of Yugoslavia (SRSJ), founded by the Federal Prime Minister Ante Marković in July 1990. This paper focuses on the rise and decline of the SRSJ in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for two main reasons: first, the SRSJ was primarily set up in Bosnia, in the eve of the strategic goal of the party, the 1990 republican elections, whose result would come up to be a serious defeat for the reformist project; second, Bosnia and Herzegovina ended up being the
bulwark of Yugoslavism when the Federation was close to dissolution, partly as a consequence of the unsolved Bosnian national question.
Città del Messico nel fenomeno di ricomposizione della sinistra messicana,
e soprattutto nel processo di costruzione e sviluppo del Partido de la
Revolución Democrática (PRD). Negli anni ’90 il PRD si è affermato come
attore integrante del sistema politico messicano, in un’epoca d’importanti
cambiamenti per il Messico e per la sua capitale: il completamento della
lunga transizione, dalla “democrazia egemonica” dominata dal Partido
Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) al pluralismo politico; le riforme economiche
di aggiustamento strutturale e i conseguenti cambiamenti nel tessuto
sociale del Paese; la trasformazione dell’apparato istituzionale di Città del
Messico, che conobbe un progressivo decentramento amministrativo. Lo
stretto rapporto tra movimenti urbano-popolari e sviluppo del PRD è un
esempio dell’interazione reciproca tra processi di mobilitazione sociale,
transizione politica e decentramento istituzionale, un fenomeno verificatosi
in diverse capitali e grandi città dell’America Latina negli ultimi decenni.
Short articles, working papers by Alfredo Sasso
autore, che in tutto il suo arco biografico ha incrociato funzioni e approcci
complementari (economista e scienziato sociale, accademico e attivista politico, ricercatore e pedagogo, consigliere istituzionale e oppositore, connettore dell’intellighenzia critica dentro il paese e referente internazionale del modello jugoslavo) oggi risulta per lo più dimenticata nel dibattito pubblico e negli studi contemporanei. L’analisi si soffermerà, in particolare, su come il pensiero di Horvat si confrontò e integrò di fronte all’approfondirsi della crisi degli anni ’80, alla ridiscussione delle categorie analitiche e alla diffusione di nuovi modelli nel dibattito transnazionale, e allo sviluppo di iniziative scientifiche e politiche, di cui l’autore fu promotore e partecipe. Il percorso di Horvat negli anni ’80 si situa quindi nel complesso e variegato universo di alternative alla dissoluzione jugoslava, segnalando una certa vivacità della discussione intellettuale e la rinnovata circolazione di idee e dibattiti transnazionali dentro un paese che, dopo avere a lungo veicolato il modello attrattivo di un socialismo originalmente aperto e modernizzatore, stava scivolando rapidamente nell’immagine opposta, quella di un socialismo ineluttabilmente inefficace e irriformabile.
This debate aims to investigate the political and economic transformations taking place between the crises of the 1970s and the transitions of the 1990s, by analysing the spectrum of concrete alternatives and the contingent, diverse choices too often identified and summarised through the catchword of “neoliberalism”. The three case studies focus on Italy, Hungary and Yugoslavia, with attention to the trajectories of three internal mediators like Vittorio Foa, Tibor Liska and Branko Horvat. They were aware of the decline of previous political cultures and economic models vis-à-vis the new challenges, but they tried to deeply revise the relationship between State and market and to point out a diverse language of reforms still linked to the reference to “socialism”, despite the crisis and breakdown of the Soviet block.
One hundred and ten years later, this volume aims to explore the principles, actions and mutual interactions of left-wing political forces (socialist, communist, social democratic parties; progressive intellectuals; workers’ movements and trade unions; etc.) throughout the history of Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as exploring conceptual perspectives to understand the present.
The literature on the principles and practices of left-wing movements in Bosnia Herzegovina has suffered a setback since the 1990s, as a consequence of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Ethno-nationalism, cultural-religious identities and elite-driven processes have become the absolute dominant interpretative frames and subjects for empirical research. Moreover, despite in the last few years a flourishing interest has surfaced on global labour history including some new valuable research avenues regarding the Yugoslav socialism, little attention has been devoted to Bosnia-Herzegovina, both regarding its specific dynamics and its interaction within the regional and global context.
This volume aims to fill these vacuums. It collects selected contributions from the Conference “What is Left - 110 years between Socialism, Communism and Social Democracy in Bosnia Herzegovina”, which was organized by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Bosnia Herzegovina on the 27-28 June 2019 in Sarajevo, in correspondence with the 110th anniversary of the first Congress of the Social Democratic Party of BiH. While the first section is composed of historical chapters, which include both long-term perspectives and case-study works, the second section is based on thematic focuses and conceptual reflections about the left’s (re)-positioning in today’s Bosnia Herzegovina and Europe.
(B-H-S) Ideja socijalizma je već dugo vremena dijelom historijske realnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Pionirski koncepti jednakosti i socijalne pravde koje su iznjedrili Vaso Pelagić i srodni mislioci pojavili su se na sceni prije otprilike stopedeset godina. Tokom austrougarske vladavine i početka procesa industrijalizacije, ove ideje su inspirirale osnivanje prvih radničkih udruga koje su, zauzvrat, postavile temelje za osnivanje Socijaldemokratske stranke Bosne i Hercegovine (SDSBiH) 28-29. juna 1909. Od tada su ljevičarski akteri prošli kroz svaku moguću vrstu promjene, od reformističkih i revolucionarnih ideja, materijalnih i kulturnih borbi, vlasti i opozicije u institucijama, masovnih i avangardnih organizacija, do jednostranačkog i višestranačkog sistema. Stotinu i deset godina kasnije, ova knjiga nastoji istražiti principe, aktivnosti i međusobne interakcije ljevičarskih političkih snaga (socijalističkih, komunističkih, socijaldemokratskih stranaka; progresivnih intelektualaca; radničkih pokreta i sindikata; itd.) kroz historiju Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i konceptualne perspektive za razumijevanje sadašnjosti.
Literatura o principima i praksama ljevičarskih pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini doživjela je zastoj 1990-ih, kao posljedica raspada Jugoslavije. Etno-nacionalizam, kulturno-religijski identiteti i procesi koje vode elite postali su apsolutno dominantni interpretativni okviri i teme empirijskih istraživanja. Nadalje, usprkos tome što se u posljednjih nekoliko godina interes za globalnu radničku historiju značajno povećao, što uključuje i niz veoma važnih istraživanja koja se odnose na jugoslavenski socijalizam, malo je pažnje posvećivano Bosni i Hercegovini, kako u odnosu na njenu specifičnu dinamiku tako i na njenu interakciju sa regionalnim i globalnim kontekstom.
Cilj ove knjige je da ispuni te vakume. Sabrani su odabrani članci sa konferencije “Šta je ljevica? 110 godina između socijalizma, komunizma i socijalne demokratije u Bosni i Hercegovini”, koju je organizirala Fondacija Friedrich Ebert u Bosni i Hercegovini 27-28. juna 2019. godine u Sarajevu, na 110. godišnjicu prvog kongresa Socijaldemokratske stranke BiH. Dok se prvi dio sastoji od historijskih članaka, koji uključuju i dugoročne perspektive i studije slučaja, drugi dio se zasniva na tematskim fokusima i konceptualnim promišljanjima o (ponovnom) pozicioniranju ljevice u današnjoj Bosni
i Hercegovini i Evropi.
Communists (most of them converted to ethno-nationalism) and the proper ethno-nationalist right-wing parties. A third political field tried, but failed, to emerge: the reformist and democratic Yugoslavists, supporting a democratic transformation of a united Yugoslav Federation. Within the reformist field, a key-role was played by the Alliance of the Reformist Forces of Yugoslavia (SRSJ), founded by the Federal Prime Minister Ante Marković in July 1990. This paper focuses on the rise and decline of the SRSJ in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for two main reasons: first, the SRSJ was primarily set up in Bosnia, in the eve of the strategic goal of the party, the 1990 republican elections, whose result would come up to be a serious defeat for the reformist project; second, Bosnia and Herzegovina ended up being the
bulwark of Yugoslavism when the Federation was close to dissolution, partly as a consequence of the unsolved Bosnian national question.
Città del Messico nel fenomeno di ricomposizione della sinistra messicana,
e soprattutto nel processo di costruzione e sviluppo del Partido de la
Revolución Democrática (PRD). Negli anni ’90 il PRD si è affermato come
attore integrante del sistema politico messicano, in un’epoca d’importanti
cambiamenti per il Messico e per la sua capitale: il completamento della
lunga transizione, dalla “democrazia egemonica” dominata dal Partido
Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) al pluralismo politico; le riforme economiche
di aggiustamento strutturale e i conseguenti cambiamenti nel tessuto
sociale del Paese; la trasformazione dell’apparato istituzionale di Città del
Messico, che conobbe un progressivo decentramento amministrativo. Lo
stretto rapporto tra movimenti urbano-popolari e sviluppo del PRD è un
esempio dell’interazione reciproca tra processi di mobilitazione sociale,
transizione politica e decentramento istituzionale, un fenomeno verificatosi
in diverse capitali e grandi città dell’America Latina negli ultimi decenni.
http://revistes.uab.cat/tdevorado