Phaedra Royle
Address: Montréal, Québec, Canada
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Papers by Phaedra Royle
(2) regular subject‐verb plural liaison, and (3) irregular subject‐verb agreement. We also included a lexico‐semantic mismatch condition to investigate lexico‐semantic processing in our participants.
17 adolescents with DLD (M = 14.1 years) and 20 (pre)teens with typical language (TL, M = 12.2 years) participated in the study. Our results suggest three patterns. First, French‐speaking teenagers without DLD are still consolidating their neurocognitive processing of morpho‐syntactic number agreement and generally display ERP profiles typical of lower language proficiency than adult native speakers. Second, differences in morphosyntactic processing between teenagers with and without DLD seem to be limited to rule‐based (regular) number agreement. Third, there is little evidence for corresponding differences in lexico‐semantic processing.
(2) regular subject‐verb plural liaison, and (3) irregular subject‐verb agreement. We also included a lexico‐semantic mismatch condition to investigate lexico‐semantic processing in our participants.
17 adolescents with DLD (M = 14.1 years) and 20 (pre)teens with typical language (TL, M = 12.2 years) participated in the study. Our results suggest three patterns. First, French‐speaking teenagers without DLD are still consolidating their neurocognitive processing of morpho‐syntactic number agreement and generally display ERP profiles typical of lower language proficiency than adult native speakers. Second, differences in morphosyntactic processing between teenagers with and without DLD seem to be limited to rule‐based (regular) number agreement. Third, there is little evidence for corresponding differences in lexico‐semantic processing.
We elicited verbs in 169 children (aged 67 to 92 months) attending preschool (n = 105) or first grade (n = 64), who were L1 or MUL learners of Québec French, using 24 verbs with regular, sub-regular, and irregular participle forms (6 of each, ending in /e/, /i/, /y/ or IDiosyncratic) in the passé composé (perfect past). Using our Android application Jeu de verbes, verbs were presented with images (see Figure 1) to each child in an infinitival form (infinitival complements or the periphrastic future, e.g., Marie va cacher ses poupées ‘Mary will hide her dolls’) and present tense contexts (e.g., Marie cache toujours ses poupées ‘Mary always hides her dolls’). Children were prompted to produce the passé composé by answering the question ‘What did she do yesterday, Marie?’.
Preliminary analyses (n = 94, 70 in preschool, 31 L1 and 39 MUL; 24 in first grade, 13 L1 and 11 MUL) reveal a Verb conjugation group effect, F(3, 88) = 52.31, p < .001 as well as a Verb conjugation group*Language group*Age group interaction, F(3, 88) = 3.35, p < .05. Moreover, trends toward significant effects were found for Age group, F(1, 90) = 3.07, p = .08, and for the interaction of factors Verb conjugation group*Language group, F(3, 88) = 2.36, p = .08. These results indicate that responses to verb conjugation groups differ according to verb conjugation, age and language group (see Figure 1).
Overall, children’s responses to verb conjugation groups highlight morphological productivity and reliability effects on mastery of French conjugation. Results also show higher target productions in the first grade than in preschool and varying response patterns depending on language background. In depth analyses comparing all 169 children including language group analyses (L1 vs MUL) will further inform us on children’s mastery of French passé composé, while non-parametric analyses on frequency of response types should reveal a clearer picture of children’s response strategies by verb or language group. These data will show that MUL children who have lesser exposure to oral French language, rapidly master verb conjugation patterns to the same level as L1 children (and might even do better) in immersive (school) contexts.
major changes in the last two decades. New methodologies have been
developed for the investigation of psycholinguistic processes that are
complementary to more traditional approaches to the study of language. In
particular, neuroimaging using fine-grained temporal tracking of brain
signatures is possible now with electroencephalographic (EEG) recordings
that are time-locked to specific linguistic events. These result in eventrelated
brain potentials (ERPs) that allow us to tease apart the processing of
semantics, morphology and orthography, for example. We present here an
example of how the issue of morphological access during written word
recognition (French verbs in a visual lexical decision task) can be
investigated using ERP techniques.
Certains soutiennent qu’il existe deux groupes de verbes en français : réguliers et irréguliers (Kresh, 2008; Nicoladis, et al. 2007). D’autres les décrivent avec une distinction tripartite (Royle et al., 2012) : les verbes du premier groupe (se terminant en -er à l’infinitif), du second groupe (se terminant en -ir) et les verbes irréguliers. Des groupes de régularité se manifestent parmi ces trois groupes. Certains présentent des schèmes de conjugaison sous-réguliers (ex. les irréguliers en -i, prendre – pris), tandis que d’autres se conjuguent de façon irrégulière (ex., ouvrir – ouvert). De plus, le sous-groupe des verbes en -u (ex. voir – vu) contient des verbes parmi les plus fréquents de la langue tels que voir, boire et vouloir. Il s’avère important d’étudier la connaissance des différents schèmes qui apparaissent fréquemment dans la langue. De plus, nous voulons savoir si les enfants apprenant le français comme langue seconde (L2) démontrent les mêmes schèmes que les enfants apprenant le français comme première langue (L1).
Méthode
Nous avons évalué 35 enfants français québécois L1 et 25 enfants L2 (de types variés) sur la conjugaison de verbes fréquents réguliers, sous-réguliers et irréguliers au passé composé (en -é, -i, -u ou autres). Une tâche de production induite a été administrée à des enfants fréquentant la maternelle ou la première année d’une même école de la ville de Laval. Les verbes ont été présentés, avec des images les représentant, dans des contextes à l’infinitif (ex. Marie va cacher ses poupées) et au présent (ex. Marie cache toujours ses poupées), afin d’amorcer leur paradigme de conjugaison. Les enfants devaient répondre à la question ‘Qu’est-ce qu’il/elle a fait hier?’
Les résultats indiquent peu de différences entre les groupes d’enfants (F(1,56), 3,68 p = 0.06), en dépit du fait que le groupe L2 s’améliore en première année. Les deux groupes montrent le schéma de réussite suivant : é > i = u > autre. Tous présentent des résultats significativement moins bons sur les verbes en u en maternelle versus la première année ((F(1,58), 9,94 p = 0.003).
Cette étude suggère une distinction tripartite des schèmes réguliers, sous-réguliers et irréguliers des verbes fréquents en français. Les enfants L2 semblent s’approprier ces schèmes de façon similaire aux enfants L1, et ce malgré le fait qu’ils doivent apprendre deux langues. Ces données sont importantes pour les modèles d’apprentissage de la L2 ainsi que l’enseignement de la conscience morphologique des verbes chez tous les enfants.
Researchers and clinicians have occasionally used puzzles to elicit specific structures from children. These are especially useful for the evaluation of phonological and syllabic inventories (Bulle, xxxx), and even more complex structures such as verbs and their complements with case marking in German or Japanese (see Eisenbeiss, 2011). Our experiment was designed to elicit agreement in the French noun phrase and the more complex structures of the determiner phrase (DP). French speaking children seem to master agreement at very young ages. However, their productive use of adjectives is difficult to ascertain form the corpus (Royle & Valois, 2010). Our experimental technique was to develop puzzle boards of growing complexity, with puzzle pieces having minimal differences along one or two dimensions at a time (color or size). The participants are asked to name the piece they want to insert on the puzzle, and have to produce the appropriate adjectives in order to do this. This task is quite easy to use with children as young as three years old, and has proven useful in distinguishing children with SLI from normally developing children (Royle et al, 2010), as well as identifying specific difficulties in the acquisition of French L2 by Spanish-speakers (Bergeron et al, 2011) and in tracking normal development of the DP structure. These tasks are easily adaptable to other languages with similar linguistic features (here gender agreement). A Spanish version has been with Spanish-speaking children in New York (Royle et al, in preparation). The data from NYC is quite interesting as children evidence code-switching in these controlled settings, whereas Spanish-speaking children from Montreal do not (Bergeron et al, 2011). Thus the puzzles seem to tap into sociolinguistic styles in addition to morpho-syntactic structures. We will present a review of our findings for these different groups of children.
Finally, in order to understand the cognitive processes underlying agreement, we have adapted our design to event related potential (ERP) methodology, presenting children with images of colorful objects concurrently with concordant or discordant auditory stimuli, while recording their brain activity (Royle et al, 2009-20012). We have established that typical ERPs related to agreement errors (LAN, P600) can be elicited without asking for grammaticality judgments form participants (Gascon et al, 2011) and that is will be useful for evaluating the emergence of agreement in young children. We will report on ongoing child data collection on this task.