
Helga Leitner
Address: Los Angeles, California
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Papers by Helga Leitner
agenda, is being rolled out from the top down by a network of
public, private, non-profit sector actors forming a global urban
resilience complex: producing norms that circulate globally, creating
assessment tools rendering urban resilience technical and
managerial, and commodifying urban resilience such that private
sector involvement becomes integral to urban development planning
and governance. The Rockefeller Foundation's 100 Resilience
Cities Program is at the center of this complex, working with the
World Bank, global consultants, NGOs, and private sector service
providers to enroll cities, develop and circulate urban resilience
assessment tools, and create a market catalyzed by the notion of a
resilience dividend. Notwithstanding the claim of this program
being open and inclusive, aspects of its initial operationalization
in Jakarta suggest that urban resilience assessment tools preempt
alternative understandings of urban resilience and marginalizing
voices of the city's most vulnerable populations.
transformations are shaped both by Jakarta’s shifting conjunctural positionality within global political economic processes and by Indonesia’s hybrid political economy. While influenced by neoliberalisation, Indonesia’s political economy is a hybrid formation, in which neoliberalisation coevolves with long-standing, resilient oligarchic power structures and contestations by the urban majority. Three persistent features shape these transformations: the predominance of large Indonesian conglomerates’ development arms and stand-alone developers; the shaping role of elite informal networks connecting the development industry with state actors; and steadily increasing foreign
involvement and investment in the development industry, accelerating recently. We identify three eras characterised by distinct types of urban transformation. Under autocratic neoliberalising urbanism (1988–1997) peri-urban shopping centre development predominated, with large
Indonesian developers taking advantage of close links with the Suharto family. The increased indebtedness of these firms became debilitating after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Thus post-Suharto democratic neoliberalising urbanism (1998–2005) was a period of minimal investment, except for shopping centres in DKI Jakarta facilitating a consumption-led strategy of recovery from 1997, and the active restructuring of elite informality. Rescaled neoliberalising urbanism
(2006–present) saw the recovery of major developers, renewed access to finance, including foreign capital, and the construction of ever-more spectacular integrated superblock developments
in DKI Jakarta and peri-urban new towns.
suggest that scholars and integration practitioners be cautious of overoptimistic assumptions about how encounters across difference can contribute to decreasing resentment and interethnic conflict, as these are underwritten by much broader processes of marginalization and deeply entrenched unequal power relations.
agenda, is being rolled out from the top down by a network of
public, private, non-profit sector actors forming a global urban
resilience complex: producing norms that circulate globally, creating
assessment tools rendering urban resilience technical and
managerial, and commodifying urban resilience such that private
sector involvement becomes integral to urban development planning
and governance. The Rockefeller Foundation's 100 Resilience
Cities Program is at the center of this complex, working with the
World Bank, global consultants, NGOs, and private sector service
providers to enroll cities, develop and circulate urban resilience
assessment tools, and create a market catalyzed by the notion of a
resilience dividend. Notwithstanding the claim of this program
being open and inclusive, aspects of its initial operationalization
in Jakarta suggest that urban resilience assessment tools preempt
alternative understandings of urban resilience and marginalizing
voices of the city's most vulnerable populations.
transformations are shaped both by Jakarta’s shifting conjunctural positionality within global political economic processes and by Indonesia’s hybrid political economy. While influenced by neoliberalisation, Indonesia’s political economy is a hybrid formation, in which neoliberalisation coevolves with long-standing, resilient oligarchic power structures and contestations by the urban majority. Three persistent features shape these transformations: the predominance of large Indonesian conglomerates’ development arms and stand-alone developers; the shaping role of elite informal networks connecting the development industry with state actors; and steadily increasing foreign
involvement and investment in the development industry, accelerating recently. We identify three eras characterised by distinct types of urban transformation. Under autocratic neoliberalising urbanism (1988–1997) peri-urban shopping centre development predominated, with large
Indonesian developers taking advantage of close links with the Suharto family. The increased indebtedness of these firms became debilitating after the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis. Thus post-Suharto democratic neoliberalising urbanism (1998–2005) was a period of minimal investment, except for shopping centres in DKI Jakarta facilitating a consumption-led strategy of recovery from 1997, and the active restructuring of elite informality. Rescaled neoliberalising urbanism
(2006–present) saw the recovery of major developers, renewed access to finance, including foreign capital, and the construction of ever-more spectacular integrated superblock developments
in DKI Jakarta and peri-urban new towns.
suggest that scholars and integration practitioners be cautious of overoptimistic assumptions about how encounters across difference can contribute to decreasing resentment and interethnic conflict, as these are underwritten by much broader processes of marginalization and deeply entrenched unequal power relations.