Islam and Cultural Diversity in Southeast Asia, Vol. 3, eds. Ikuya Tokoro & Hisao Tomizawa, pp. 15-35. Tokyo: TUFS., 2021
The Jokowi administration deems Indonesia under a state of emergency due to widespread Islamist c... more The Jokowi administration deems Indonesia under a state of emergency due to widespread Islamist conservatism and radicalism, which according to the Constitution permits the president "to stipulate governmental regulation in lieu of the law." On 19 July 2017, the government issued such a regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) No. 2/2017 and revoked the legal status of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia), a conservative Islamist group deemed to threaten Pancasila, the state ideology. This regulation could therefore help President Jokowi win the battle against conservative Islamist groups and domesticate them. Moderate Islam can win this contest of beliefs with the help of the government. The rise of religiosity can be retarded and curbed with government intervention rather than open competition between various religious groups. Although this policy was supported by mainstream Muslim organizations, the regulation's doing away with court approval and administrative sanctions before disbanding offending organizations harks back to the authoritarian policies of the New Order. The broadly phrased regulation can be abused to ban any organization, such as religious minorities, deemed threatening to the values of Pancasila. This chapter therefore intends to discuss the impact of the regulation on democracy and the future of Islam and religiosity in Indonesia. Besides that, this chapter also aims to examine the movements of former HTI members after the banning; whether they join mainstream Islamic groups or switch their strategy from peace to violence.
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Papers by Ibnu Nadzir
Drawing from the notion to understand populism as political style, the article argues that digital media is integral to the formation of Indonesian populist movements. The specificities of digital media provide an ideal platform for performative politics that serves as the foundation of populism. To elaborate the proposition, the article compares the role of digital media between the two dominant populist movements in Indonesia: the nationalistic and the Islamic movement. Both movements are able to utilize digital media in advancing their influence toward Indonesian politics. However, the influence is still contingent to the ability to control established political institutions. In this context, populism is no longer separated from formal political institutions that contributes to the deterioration of Indonesian democracy.
to appropriate conspiracy theories as a form of resistance and skepticism toward government. Third, the tension between state and society in regards to the authority manifested on the contention on COVID-19 management
in Indonesia. The government has been trying to maintain the legitimacy by being secretive on COVID-19 information. At the same time, some elements of society responded to the secretive government with propagation
conspiracy theories that also justify public disobedience toward health protocols. These combinations have further exacerbated the impact of COVID-19 in Indonesia.
• A survey of nine provinces in Indonesia shows that among the cases of hoax and
misinformation, public awareness was highest for three issues - the presence of
millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia, resurgence of the Indonesian Communist
Party (PKI), and criminalization of the ulama by the government.
• The frequency of access to and the content of hoax and misinformation varied in
correlation with educational background, geography, Internet access and local
context.
• The more highly educated respondents tend to have higher exposure to hoax and
misinformation cases. Similarly, respondents with Internet access are more likely to
be familiar with cases of hoax and misinformation than those without such access.
However, the data also indicates that higher education and better access to
information provide no assurance against being deceived by hoaxes and
misinformation. In fact, post-graduate respondents registered higher tendency to
believe that the government was criminalising the ulama.
• Misinformation about the presence of millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia is
the most widely believed issue, especially in the urban areas, while the resurgence
of PKI is the most widespread hoax in the rural areas.
Drawing from the notion to understand populism as political style, the article argues that digital media is integral to the formation of Indonesian populist movements. The specificities of digital media provide an ideal platform for performative politics that serves as the foundation of populism. To elaborate the proposition, the article compares the role of digital media between the two dominant populist movements in Indonesia: the nationalistic and the Islamic movement. Both movements are able to utilize digital media in advancing their influence toward Indonesian politics. However, the influence is still contingent to the ability to control established political institutions. In this context, populism is no longer separated from formal political institutions that contributes to the deterioration of Indonesian democracy.
to appropriate conspiracy theories as a form of resistance and skepticism toward government. Third, the tension between state and society in regards to the authority manifested on the contention on COVID-19 management
in Indonesia. The government has been trying to maintain the legitimacy by being secretive on COVID-19 information. At the same time, some elements of society responded to the secretive government with propagation
conspiracy theories that also justify public disobedience toward health protocols. These combinations have further exacerbated the impact of COVID-19 in Indonesia.
• A survey of nine provinces in Indonesia shows that among the cases of hoax and
misinformation, public awareness was highest for three issues - the presence of
millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia, resurgence of the Indonesian Communist
Party (PKI), and criminalization of the ulama by the government.
• The frequency of access to and the content of hoax and misinformation varied in
correlation with educational background, geography, Internet access and local
context.
• The more highly educated respondents tend to have higher exposure to hoax and
misinformation cases. Similarly, respondents with Internet access are more likely to
be familiar with cases of hoax and misinformation than those without such access.
However, the data also indicates that higher education and better access to
information provide no assurance against being deceived by hoaxes and
misinformation. In fact, post-graduate respondents registered higher tendency to
believe that the government was criminalising the ulama.
• Misinformation about the presence of millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia is
the most widely believed issue, especially in the urban areas, while the resurgence
of PKI is the most widespread hoax in the rural areas.