Vital Moreira/José Domingues (dir.), Dois séculos de constitucionalismo eleitoral (1820-2020). Atas da conferência internacional, Lisboa, Universidade Lusiada editora, p. 347-392, 2021
O direito de voto reservado aos pais é um tema clássico, uma vez que
a ideia era excluir “maus ci... more O direito de voto reservado aos pais é um tema clássico, uma vez que
a ideia era excluir “maus cidadãos”, em contacto com paixões humanas
e, portanto, susceptíveis de destruir os novos regimes representativos e os alicerces do constitucionalismo moderno - quer dizer : introduzir a oclocracia. As pessoas rejeitadas são mulheres (reciclando a tese romana do imbecillitas sexus), jovens (muitas vezes imaturos) e solteiros (por introduzir a imoralidade no espaço público). Esta escolha destinava-se igualmente a confirmar o papel do pai enquanto “magistrado domestico”, ou seja, um poder conservador e educador, semelhante ao novo poder real concebido pelos Liberais. Neste sentido, os pais tiveram de dar o exemplo através da educação constitucional e do exercício razoável do voto, tendo a particularidade de representar o resto da família nas eleições. Esta regulamentação do sistema eleitoral, procurando tanto excluir maus cidadãos como educar cidadãos imaturos, foi seguida da regulação pela corporação no final do século XIX. Contudo, no quadro do sufrágio corporativo, peculiar ao corporativismo,
o espectro do “fascismo dos pais de família” aparece já em
1922, o que acabará por contribuir para matar o conceito.
Uploads
Books by Oscar FERREIRA
Résumé français : « Que les armes le cèdent à la toge » (Cicéron). C’est en général sous cet angle que la pensée juridique et politique étudie les militaires, dans l’idée de les soumettre aux autorités civiles. Ce livre en prend le contrepied, en analysant, à l’aune des doctrines, le rôle de protecteur des institutions et des libertés assumé par les forces armées, professionnelles ou non. Il explique pourquoi plusieurs pays ont choisi d’offrir aux militaires le dépôt de leur constitution, autrement dit leur garde, allant jusqu’à entériner leur pouvoir régulateur. Alternative au droit de résistance, cette tutelle n’est pourtant pas sans danger, pouvant tantôt déboucher sur une « démocratie à l’ombre des épées » (M. Duverger), tantôt enfanter une dictature.
Abstract : “Let arms yield to the toga” (Cicero). It is generally from this angle that legal and political thought studies the military, with the idea of subjecting them to the civil authorities. This book takes the opposite view, analysing the role of the armed forces, whether professional or not, as protectors of institutions and liberties, in the light of doctrines. It explains why several countries have chosen to offer the military the deposit of their constitution, in other words their guardianship, going so far as to ratify their regulatory power. As an alternative to the right of resistance, this guardianship is not without danger, and can sometimes lead to a "democracy in the shadow of swords" (M. Duverger), and sometimes to a dictatorship.
In the shadow of the military, the Portugal of the Estado Novo (New State) was above all led by academics, especially those from the Faculty of Law in Coimbra. The generation of teachers born in 1880/1890, including all the deans (Beleza dos Santos, Cabral de Moncada, Fezas Vital, Figueiredo, etc.), gathered around Salazar, who held the chairs of public finance and political economy in Coimbra, and irrigated the state apparatus. It thus engendered an "Empire of the professor", a "dictatorship of the doctors" and even a cathedocracy. The present work studies their constitutional and legal thinking, explaining all their reforms (1933 Constitution, prison reform, codifications, especially in civil and administrative law, etc.).
À sombra dos militares, o Portugal do Estado Novo era sobretudo liderado por académicos, especialmente os da Faculdade de Direito de Coimbra. A geração de professores nascida em 1880/1890, incluindo todos os decanos (Beleza dos Santos, Cabral de Moncada, Fezas Vital, Figueiredo, etc.), reuniu-se em torno de Salazar, que ocupava as cadeiras de finanças públicas e economia política em Coimbra, e irrigou o aparelho do Estado. Assim, gerou um "Império do Professor", uma "ditadura dos médicos" e mesmo uma catedocracia. O presente trabalho estuda o seu pensamento constitucional e jurídico, explicando todas as suas reformas (Constituição de 1933, reforma prisional, codificações, especialmente em direito civil e administrativo, etc.).
Cette double approche, alimentée par l’histoire des idées politiques, juridiques et économiques, permet de dévoiler les soubassements idéologiques, constitutionnels et administratifs de notre État, tout en mesurant la nature évolutive de ses principaux critères de définition (population, territoire, appareil gouvernemental, reconnaissance internationale). Elle aide aussi à saisir les différences avec d’autres formes d’organisation du politique, comme la cité ou l’Empire, tout en interrogeant la reprise de concepts issus de l’Antiquité pour forger notre propre construction étatique.
Enfin, attentif aux enjeux contemporains, le manuel prend le parti d’aborder, en retraçant soigneusement leur histoire, tous les thèmes majeurs auxquels l’État est aujourd’hui confronté ou partie prenante (laïcité ; éducation et culture ; santé publique et assistance sociale ; rapports avec l’autoritarisme ; révolution numérique etc.).
This work sheds light on the representations of royal power that confronted each other until 1848 to fulfil the programme of reconciliation of the "two France" wanted by Louis XVIII. They are divided between the desire to return to the Ancien Régime and the attempt to renew the royal function. Opposed to the ultraroyalists, the supporters of this original path wished to consecrate liberal constitutionalism by resorting to an unexpected expedient, the power of the King, which had to be remodelled. As with Constant and Dunoyer, it was a question of creating a fourth power with its own essence and a new mission: to watch over the institutions. This regulating or preserving power produced a passionate debate on the ideas and philosophy of law between these Moderns and the Ancients. Like Bonald, the latter preferred to encourage the conservative power of society, even if it meant going back on established dogmas (sovereignty, legitimacy) or on undesirable achievements (responsibility) that could undermine the conservative mission entrusted to the King. The search for the fourth power in fact forces a complete revision of royal power, its nature and its relationship with the other powers. Despite their failure, these reflections would have a lasting impact on French thinking about the head of state, being reborn as circumstances changed. It will then be interesting to reconsider the role of the Head of the Fifth Republic in the light of this ambivalent heritage.
ISBN : 978-2-275-08393-3
Papers by Oscar FERREIRA
La pensée du poète moderniste Fernando Pessoa (1888-1935) engendre la polémique. Privées du masque opportun de ses hétéronymes, ses rares publications politiques dévoilaient une idéologie nationaliste et mystique, à la fois anti-démocratique, anti-communiste, antisocialiste voire anti-libérale. Son seul essai publié de son vivant, O Interregno, en est le symbole : rarement lue, cette justification de la dictature militaire installée au Portugal depuis 1926 l’a longtemps classé à l’extrême-droite. Pourtant, les archives inédites déposées dans « sa malle pleine de gens » permettent désormais de mieux comprendre l’idéologie de ce nationaliste libéral et sa défense osée de la dictature, clef de voûte de son rêve d’Empire. À l’instar de nombreux intellectuels portugais et brésiliens de son temps, y compris de gauche, Pessoa a vu dans le dictateur militaire un rédempteur apte à réconcilier les Portugais et à préparer la transition vers le Quint-Empire annoncé dans Message.
Abstract : For a long time, it was nonsense to defend the thesis that the Portuguese constitutional model could be taken over in the world of Portuguese-speaking Africa (Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe, Mozambique). After gaining or declaring independence between 1973 and 1975, they were all inspired by 'socialist or Soviet constitutionalism', to the point of seeking the support of D.R.A. constitutionalists. The separation of powers, which was unacceptable because it was typical of the 'bourgeois constitutionalism' of Western countries, was even rejected in favour of the principle of unity of power, which in fact served the cause of the single party. The idea makes sense, however, if one observes the still fragile democratic and liberal evolution of these countries and the means used to achieve it since the fall of the USSR. The generalised overhaul of the constitutions of the PALOPs between 1990 and 1992 bears witness to this. In fact, under the hardly satisfactory term of semi-presidential regime, it is in fact the Franco-Portuguese heritage of moderating power that has been recovered and has sometimes been set up as a model, not without maintaining the original ambivalence of the concept.
Central but controversial figure of the First Portuguese Republic (1910-1926), Afonso Costa (1871-1937) was also a professor at the Faculty of Law in Coimbra, before leaving to found and direct the Faculty of Social Studies and Law in Lisbon in 1913. Although he taught civil law, political economy and judicial institutions, Costa attracted attention for his academic work in criminal law, where he displayed his socialist convictions. As a Portuguese representative of the 'socialism of jurists', he was, along with Filippo Turati, Napoleone Colajanni and Michelangelo Vaccaro, part of the socialist criminal 'school' (or social 'school' of criminal law), which was known to have discarded the notion of free will in order to emphasise the importance of economic and social factors in the genesis of crime. Enlightened in this way, the social phenomenon of crime could receive its remedy: the adoption of integral socialism, which was to penetrate all criminal law. This led to a theory of "true" social defence, protecting the entire political community and not just the wealthy classes; a thesis that, paradoxically, would also nourish the penal reflection of the Salazarist professors.
Figura central embora controversa da Primeira República Portuguesa (1910-1926), Afonso Costa (1871-1937) foi professor na Faculdade de Direito de Coimbra, antes de partir para fundar e dirigir a Faculdade de Estudos Sociais e de Direito em Lisboa em 1913. Embora tenha ensinado direito civil, economia política e instituições judiciais, Costa chamou a atenção para o seu trabalho académico em direito penal, onde expôs as suas convicções socialistas. Como representante português do 'socialismo dos juristas', fez, juntamente com Filippo Turati, Napoleone Colajanni e Michelangelo Vaccaro, parte da 'escola' penalista socialista (ou 'escola' social de direito penal), que se sabia ter descartado a noção de livre arbítrio para enfatizar a importância dos factores económicos e sociais na génese do crime. Iluminado desta forma, o fenómeno social do crime poderia receber o seu remédio: a adopção do socialismo integral, que deveria penetrar em todo o direito penal. Isto levou a uma teoria da "verdadeira" defesa social, protegendo toda a comunidade política e não apenas as classes favorecidas; uma tese que, paradoxalmente, também alimentaria a reflexão penal dos professores salazaristas.
Due to a militarised society between 1804 and 1915, the weight of the warlords was heavy in the foundation and maintenance of the Haitian constitutional order. Their mission as guardians is apparent since the Constitution of 1801, and the military was not content to monopolise the supreme magistracy until the US occupation in 1915. Institutional practice, however, leaves much to be desired. The military Senate was defined by President Jean-Pierre Boyer as the moderating power of the institutions between 1839 and 1842, a short-lived attempt to normalise the institutions in the hands of generals at rest. Unfortunately, the political and social climate accompanying the disintegration of the state from 1859 onwards, against a background of the patrimonialization of power, resurrected (if it had ever disappeared) the brute force of the warlords. They engaged in pre-emptive coups, giving way to provisional military governments that flourished until the end of the 20th century. Despite the evidence, officers and future presidents, no doubt sincere, such as François-Denys Légitime, sketched out a theory that made the armed forces a kind of conservative power capable of reconciling a fractured society and restoring a bloodless state. In this way, they contributed to the Haitian constitutional imaginary, making us imagine a democracy in the shadow of swords that would always be a mirage.
Résumé français : « Que les armes le cèdent à la toge » (Cicéron). C’est en général sous cet angle que la pensée juridique et politique étudie les militaires, dans l’idée de les soumettre aux autorités civiles. Ce livre en prend le contrepied, en analysant, à l’aune des doctrines, le rôle de protecteur des institutions et des libertés assumé par les forces armées, professionnelles ou non. Il explique pourquoi plusieurs pays ont choisi d’offrir aux militaires le dépôt de leur constitution, autrement dit leur garde, allant jusqu’à entériner leur pouvoir régulateur. Alternative au droit de résistance, cette tutelle n’est pourtant pas sans danger, pouvant tantôt déboucher sur une « démocratie à l’ombre des épées » (M. Duverger), tantôt enfanter une dictature.
Abstract : “Let arms yield to the toga” (Cicero). It is generally from this angle that legal and political thought studies the military, with the idea of subjecting them to the civil authorities. This book takes the opposite view, analysing the role of the armed forces, whether professional or not, as protectors of institutions and liberties, in the light of doctrines. It explains why several countries have chosen to offer the military the deposit of their constitution, in other words their guardianship, going so far as to ratify their regulatory power. As an alternative to the right of resistance, this guardianship is not without danger, and can sometimes lead to a "democracy in the shadow of swords" (M. Duverger), and sometimes to a dictatorship.
In the shadow of the military, the Portugal of the Estado Novo (New State) was above all led by academics, especially those from the Faculty of Law in Coimbra. The generation of teachers born in 1880/1890, including all the deans (Beleza dos Santos, Cabral de Moncada, Fezas Vital, Figueiredo, etc.), gathered around Salazar, who held the chairs of public finance and political economy in Coimbra, and irrigated the state apparatus. It thus engendered an "Empire of the professor", a "dictatorship of the doctors" and even a cathedocracy. The present work studies their constitutional and legal thinking, explaining all their reforms (1933 Constitution, prison reform, codifications, especially in civil and administrative law, etc.).
À sombra dos militares, o Portugal do Estado Novo era sobretudo liderado por académicos, especialmente os da Faculdade de Direito de Coimbra. A geração de professores nascida em 1880/1890, incluindo todos os decanos (Beleza dos Santos, Cabral de Moncada, Fezas Vital, Figueiredo, etc.), reuniu-se em torno de Salazar, que ocupava as cadeiras de finanças públicas e economia política em Coimbra, e irrigou o aparelho do Estado. Assim, gerou um "Império do Professor", uma "ditadura dos médicos" e mesmo uma catedocracia. O presente trabalho estuda o seu pensamento constitucional e jurídico, explicando todas as suas reformas (Constituição de 1933, reforma prisional, codificações, especialmente em direito civil e administrativo, etc.).
Cette double approche, alimentée par l’histoire des idées politiques, juridiques et économiques, permet de dévoiler les soubassements idéologiques, constitutionnels et administratifs de notre État, tout en mesurant la nature évolutive de ses principaux critères de définition (population, territoire, appareil gouvernemental, reconnaissance internationale). Elle aide aussi à saisir les différences avec d’autres formes d’organisation du politique, comme la cité ou l’Empire, tout en interrogeant la reprise de concepts issus de l’Antiquité pour forger notre propre construction étatique.
Enfin, attentif aux enjeux contemporains, le manuel prend le parti d’aborder, en retraçant soigneusement leur histoire, tous les thèmes majeurs auxquels l’État est aujourd’hui confronté ou partie prenante (laïcité ; éducation et culture ; santé publique et assistance sociale ; rapports avec l’autoritarisme ; révolution numérique etc.).
This work sheds light on the representations of royal power that confronted each other until 1848 to fulfil the programme of reconciliation of the "two France" wanted by Louis XVIII. They are divided between the desire to return to the Ancien Régime and the attempt to renew the royal function. Opposed to the ultraroyalists, the supporters of this original path wished to consecrate liberal constitutionalism by resorting to an unexpected expedient, the power of the King, which had to be remodelled. As with Constant and Dunoyer, it was a question of creating a fourth power with its own essence and a new mission: to watch over the institutions. This regulating or preserving power produced a passionate debate on the ideas and philosophy of law between these Moderns and the Ancients. Like Bonald, the latter preferred to encourage the conservative power of society, even if it meant going back on established dogmas (sovereignty, legitimacy) or on undesirable achievements (responsibility) that could undermine the conservative mission entrusted to the King. The search for the fourth power in fact forces a complete revision of royal power, its nature and its relationship with the other powers. Despite their failure, these reflections would have a lasting impact on French thinking about the head of state, being reborn as circumstances changed. It will then be interesting to reconsider the role of the Head of the Fifth Republic in the light of this ambivalent heritage.
ISBN : 978-2-275-08393-3
La pensée du poète moderniste Fernando Pessoa (1888-1935) engendre la polémique. Privées du masque opportun de ses hétéronymes, ses rares publications politiques dévoilaient une idéologie nationaliste et mystique, à la fois anti-démocratique, anti-communiste, antisocialiste voire anti-libérale. Son seul essai publié de son vivant, O Interregno, en est le symbole : rarement lue, cette justification de la dictature militaire installée au Portugal depuis 1926 l’a longtemps classé à l’extrême-droite. Pourtant, les archives inédites déposées dans « sa malle pleine de gens » permettent désormais de mieux comprendre l’idéologie de ce nationaliste libéral et sa défense osée de la dictature, clef de voûte de son rêve d’Empire. À l’instar de nombreux intellectuels portugais et brésiliens de son temps, y compris de gauche, Pessoa a vu dans le dictateur militaire un rédempteur apte à réconcilier les Portugais et à préparer la transition vers le Quint-Empire annoncé dans Message.
Abstract : For a long time, it was nonsense to defend the thesis that the Portuguese constitutional model could be taken over in the world of Portuguese-speaking Africa (Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe, Mozambique). After gaining or declaring independence between 1973 and 1975, they were all inspired by 'socialist or Soviet constitutionalism', to the point of seeking the support of D.R.A. constitutionalists. The separation of powers, which was unacceptable because it was typical of the 'bourgeois constitutionalism' of Western countries, was even rejected in favour of the principle of unity of power, which in fact served the cause of the single party. The idea makes sense, however, if one observes the still fragile democratic and liberal evolution of these countries and the means used to achieve it since the fall of the USSR. The generalised overhaul of the constitutions of the PALOPs between 1990 and 1992 bears witness to this. In fact, under the hardly satisfactory term of semi-presidential regime, it is in fact the Franco-Portuguese heritage of moderating power that has been recovered and has sometimes been set up as a model, not without maintaining the original ambivalence of the concept.
Central but controversial figure of the First Portuguese Republic (1910-1926), Afonso Costa (1871-1937) was also a professor at the Faculty of Law in Coimbra, before leaving to found and direct the Faculty of Social Studies and Law in Lisbon in 1913. Although he taught civil law, political economy and judicial institutions, Costa attracted attention for his academic work in criminal law, where he displayed his socialist convictions. As a Portuguese representative of the 'socialism of jurists', he was, along with Filippo Turati, Napoleone Colajanni and Michelangelo Vaccaro, part of the socialist criminal 'school' (or social 'school' of criminal law), which was known to have discarded the notion of free will in order to emphasise the importance of economic and social factors in the genesis of crime. Enlightened in this way, the social phenomenon of crime could receive its remedy: the adoption of integral socialism, which was to penetrate all criminal law. This led to a theory of "true" social defence, protecting the entire political community and not just the wealthy classes; a thesis that, paradoxically, would also nourish the penal reflection of the Salazarist professors.
Figura central embora controversa da Primeira República Portuguesa (1910-1926), Afonso Costa (1871-1937) foi professor na Faculdade de Direito de Coimbra, antes de partir para fundar e dirigir a Faculdade de Estudos Sociais e de Direito em Lisboa em 1913. Embora tenha ensinado direito civil, economia política e instituições judiciais, Costa chamou a atenção para o seu trabalho académico em direito penal, onde expôs as suas convicções socialistas. Como representante português do 'socialismo dos juristas', fez, juntamente com Filippo Turati, Napoleone Colajanni e Michelangelo Vaccaro, parte da 'escola' penalista socialista (ou 'escola' social de direito penal), que se sabia ter descartado a noção de livre arbítrio para enfatizar a importância dos factores económicos e sociais na génese do crime. Iluminado desta forma, o fenómeno social do crime poderia receber o seu remédio: a adopção do socialismo integral, que deveria penetrar em todo o direito penal. Isto levou a uma teoria da "verdadeira" defesa social, protegendo toda a comunidade política e não apenas as classes favorecidas; uma tese que, paradoxalmente, também alimentaria a reflexão penal dos professores salazaristas.
Due to a militarised society between 1804 and 1915, the weight of the warlords was heavy in the foundation and maintenance of the Haitian constitutional order. Their mission as guardians is apparent since the Constitution of 1801, and the military was not content to monopolise the supreme magistracy until the US occupation in 1915. Institutional practice, however, leaves much to be desired. The military Senate was defined by President Jean-Pierre Boyer as the moderating power of the institutions between 1839 and 1842, a short-lived attempt to normalise the institutions in the hands of generals at rest. Unfortunately, the political and social climate accompanying the disintegration of the state from 1859 onwards, against a background of the patrimonialization of power, resurrected (if it had ever disappeared) the brute force of the warlords. They engaged in pre-emptive coups, giving way to provisional military governments that flourished until the end of the 20th century. Despite the evidence, officers and future presidents, no doubt sincere, such as François-Denys Légitime, sketched out a theory that made the armed forces a kind of conservative power capable of reconciling a fractured society and restoring a bloodless state. In this way, they contributed to the Haitian constitutional imaginary, making us imagine a democracy in the shadow of swords that would always be a mirage.
a ideia era excluir “maus cidadãos”, em contacto com paixões humanas
e, portanto, susceptíveis de destruir os novos regimes representativos e os alicerces do constitucionalismo moderno - quer dizer : introduzir a oclocracia. As pessoas rejeitadas são mulheres (reciclando a tese romana do imbecillitas sexus), jovens (muitas vezes imaturos) e solteiros (por introduzir a imoralidade no espaço público). Esta escolha destinava-se igualmente a confirmar o papel do pai enquanto “magistrado domestico”, ou seja, um poder conservador e educador, semelhante ao novo poder real concebido pelos Liberais. Neste sentido, os pais tiveram de dar o exemplo através da educação constitucional e do exercício razoável do voto, tendo a particularidade de representar o resto da família nas eleições. Esta regulamentação do sistema eleitoral, procurando tanto excluir maus cidadãos como educar cidadãos imaturos, foi seguida da regulação pela corporação no final do século XIX. Contudo, no quadro do sufrágio corporativo, peculiar ao corporativismo,
o espectro do “fascismo dos pais de família” aparece já em
1922, o que acabará por contribuir para matar o conceito.