Books by Whitney Lackenbauer
One way would be to refine the theoretical understanding of sovereignty; another, to retell its h... more One way would be to refine the theoretical understanding of sovereignty; another, to retell its history." 13 Biersteker and Weber echo this idea, arguing that scholars must not "dehistorcize sovereignty." 14 Polar sovereignty has never been a static concept, but is an ever-evolving, legal, political and intellectual construct that must be reviewed in its historical context. With these concepts and contexts in mind, we intend for this collection to lay the groundwork for more thorough study of and vigorous debate about the legal history of Canada's Arctic sovereignty. The documents depict the progression of legal thinking on Canada's terrestrial claims between 1905 and 1956, how it reflected fluctuations in international law, and how legal understandings shaped Canadian policy. Legal scholarship on sovereignty in the polar regions has often fallen into the trap of what David Bederman calls "Foreign Office International Legal History," succumbing to the "siren sound of historic instrumentalism." 15 Historical analysis must respect the state of international law at the time when decision-makers weighed options and chose their approach, rather than simply assessing their behavior in light of current legal desires, assumptions, and criteria. We hope that scholars will use this collection to shed additional insight into the complex interaction between state legal appraisals, national policy-making, and the evolving legal doctrine surrounding territorial acquisition. 16
An eminent historian on the Canadian North and
Arctic, Shelagh Grant (1938-2020) taught history
a... more An eminent historian on the Canadian North and
Arctic, Shelagh Grant (1938-2020) taught history
and Canadian Studies at Trent University for
seventeen years. Her myriad contributions to scholar-
ship on Northern Canada include acclaimed books, such as Sovereignty or Security? Government Policy in the Canadian North, 1939-1950 (1988), Arctic Justice: On Trial for Murder - Pond Inlet, 1923 (2002), and Polar Imperative: A History of Arctic Sovereignty in North America (2010). Equally important are her many articles and book chapters on historiography and Northern identities, government practices, and the interplay between sovereignty and nationalism, as well as written narratives and oral traditions. This volume of selected writings by Grant celebrates her many contributions to scholarship, reflecting her passion for evidence-based analysis and debate, commitment to social justice, and her dedicated efforts to promote awareness and understanding about the Arctic and Canada’s responsibilities therein.
NAADSN Engage Series, 2022
Canadian Studies scholar Whitney Lackenbauer has been
observing, researching, and participating i... more Canadian Studies scholar Whitney Lackenbauer has been
observing, researching, and participating in Canadian Ranger
activities for more than twenty-five years. This volume brings
together insights from his extensive writing on why this unique
military organization has taken the shape that it has, and
where the Rangers fit within the Canadian Armed Forces. It
is also a celebration of the diversity and resilience of Canada
through the richness of its remote communities, and the
strength of the people who live therein.
Arctic Operational Histories, 2022
To assert sovereignty over Canada’s northern territories,
the federal government initiated an ann... more To assert sovereignty over Canada’s northern territories,
the federal government initiated an annual patrol to the eastern Arctic to establish and maintain police posts. The first patrol in 1922, led by civil servant J.D. Craig with master mariner Captain
Joseph-Elzéar Bernier at the helm of CGS Arctic, carried Royal Canadian
Mounted Police constables and various technical staff into the Arctic Archipelago. The firsthand accounts in this volume offer poignant insights into the expedition, narrating what happened from various perspectives as well as revealing the values, ideas, and goals of these men in their own words.
NAADSN, 2023
This bibliography is intended to provide a comprehensive list of publications
by Canadian schola... more This bibliography is intended to provide a comprehensive list of publications
by Canadian scholars on topics related to Arctic sovereignty, security, and
circumpolar governance from 2005-2022. The primary purpose is to
compile an up-to-date research tool for students and scholars working on
related topic
Documents on Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security (DCASS) no. 18, 2021
Sweden and the United States-gathered in Ottawa to sign a document that shaped the future of inte... more Sweden and the United States-gathered in Ottawa to sign a document that shaped the future of intergovernmental collaboration in the High North. The Ottawa Declaration created the Arctic Council as a forum to promote environmental protection and sustainable development, with particular emphasis on the economic circumstances of Indigenous peoples and other Arctic residents. The structure of the Council was innovative, involving Indigenous peoples' organizations as "Permanent Participants" who participate in all aspects of the Council's work (albeit without a vote) and thus affirming the central role of Arctic Indigenous peoples in regional affairs. As historian John English explains in his book on the origins of the Council, 1 Canada spearheaded efforts to build a new circumpolar organization that eventually subsumed the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS) and incorporated its scientific working groups into its structure. The Canadian Arctic Resources Committee (CARC) and the Walter and Duncan Gordon Foundation convened an early panel that called for an Arctic regional forum with substantial Indigenous representation and a mandate "to make the circumpolar region into a domain of enhanced civility-an area in which aboriginal peoples enjoy their full rights, and where national governments that speak for southern majorities accord progressively greater respect to the natural environment, to one another, and, in particular, to aboriginal peoples." 2 This concept was revolutionary, particularly in its effort to elevate the role, stature, and decision-making power of Indigenous peoples at the international level. 3 The documents in this volume chart the origins of the Arctic Council through a Canadian lens from its origins in discussions about arms control, circumpolar environmental cooperation, and Indigenous leadership through to its operationalization in 1998. Prominent non-governmental thinkers opened and then seized a policy window as the Government of Canada came to embrace the idea of an intergovernmental council that could grapple with a wide range of environmental, economic development, and maritime policy issues. The documents also reinforce how the Arctic Council is an outgrowth of the AEPS, announced by the eight Arctic states in 1991, and how Northern leaders saw in the Arctic Council the shape of a new North, working across national boundaries to solve problems of regional importance. Accordingly, Canada played a major role in pushing for a human dimension to the Council and in the creation of the Sustainable Development working group, acting on Northerners' wishes to have its mandate extend beyond a narrow science focus. v activities on Indigenous practices. 36 An Arctic Council with an open mandate would allow for consensus-building on "issues of mutual concern" and "provide a voice for aboriginal and other northern peoples most directly affected by decisions made about the Arctic," the discussion paper posited. These issues included "co-operation on environmental, resource development, aboriginal and military issues." 37 Griffiths continued to revise and redraft his "proposal for action," various versions of which he circulated for review and comment in the first half of 1990. 38 "Our intention in this report," Griffiths wrote, "is to consider the proposition [for an Arctic Council] in detail, and put forward an action plan that deals with all major aspects of an institution for comprehensive cooperation in the circumpolar Arctic." His vision sought to transform the Arctic from a region dominated by the "military-strategic" concerns of "southerners" to "a region of enhanced cooperation and civility" where southerners respected "the circumpolar environment and … Arctic populations." Its twenty-one tasks for the proposed Arctic Council intended "to promote civil cooperation and reduce the force of military cooperation," promote sustainable development and the role of Indigenous peoples in policy processes, and provide "a forum for discussion of Arctic military matters by all concerned." 39 Canada's role in leading political negotiations to institutionalize circumpolar relations also reflected a particular understanding of the Arctic in environmental and human terms (rooted in Indigenous subsistence-based livelihoods) that deeply influenced the region-building process. 40 The collapse of the Soviet Union had shifted attention towards new security concerns, particularly the protection of the Arctic environment. Canadian scientists uncovered extensive evidence of transboundary pollutants, such as fertilizers and pesticides, deposited in the Arctic region, and Western officials sought to address extensive pollution and radioactive waste in the Soviet Arctic that affected the entire Arctic basin. 41 Accordingly, Canada enthusiastically embraced an initiative proposed by the Finnish Government in 1988 to conduct international discussions about environmental problems in the region. Following a meeting in Rovaniemi in September 1989 that confirmed the Arctic states' support, two working groups formed to examine in detail the state of the Arctic environment and assess existing international legal instruments. Canada hosted a follow-up preparatory meeting of senior ministers from the eight Arctic states on circumpolar environmental issues in Yellowknife in April 1990 (doc. 3). These highly successful meetings highlighted a growing acknowledgement of pressing regional environmental issues and the need for enhanced scientific research cooperation, as well as the possibility of new forms of post-Cold War cooperation that transcended the East-West divide. 42 The various non-governmental organizations backing the Arctic Council Panel's reports arranged briefings in Ottawa with political parties, policy-makers, vii which might serve as the best model for the proposed Council, his report offerings insight into the various structures that the Panel considered when crafting and then refining its proposals. While specific elements of the Council remained undetermined, the broad idea continued to gain traction in high-level Canadian political circles. On 27 September 1990, while working on the final drafts of his report with Kuptana, Griffiths had a telephone conversation with Larry Hagen, the foreign minister's speechwriter. Clark was scheduled to speak at a Canada-Soviet conference with a prominent Arctic emphasis, and Hagen wanted material to include. Griffiths obliged, including proposed language and a near final draft of his report with Kuptana (see doc. 8). 44 Accordingly, during a 28 November 1990 speech in Ottawa, the Secretary of State for External Affairs announced the government's intention to propose an Arctic Council (doc. 7) at the ministerial meeting on an Arctic environmental accord to be held at Rovaniemi in June: The Government believes that now is the time to move forward to establish that Arctic Council. Canada intends to promote an Arctic Council to the seven other Arctic countries-Finland, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Greenland, the United States and the Soviet Union. We will raise the proposal at a ministerial meeting in Finland next spring on environmental cooperation. Canada is willing to host a small secretariat for this Council and contribute to sustaining it from the outset. 45 Clark emphasized that "with the Cold War over, and with our own concepts for security changing to address non-military threats to our future, let us move forward" and use an Arctic Council as a mechanism to engage the Soviet Union. He envisaged that "the agenda of the Arctic Council should be flexible, allowing for growth with success, as confidence grows." The Council could tackle an urgent need for sustainable development and social development, while providing Northerners and non-Arctic states an outlet to be heard. 46 "The moment was a great one," Franklyn Griffiths recalled. "Looking back on it, I say we performed an act of political ventriloquy." 47 This provided a high-level political push to the Arctic Council Panel's work. While Griffiths and Kuptana continued to refine their report (doc. 8) in October and November 1990, members of the Panel continued to meet informally with federal and territorial government officials. This laid the groundwork for an intensive round of consultations that the Panel conducted with the Prime Minister's Office and officials from the Departments of External Affairs and Indian Affairs and Northern Development that winter. The summary of Arctic Council Project activities from January-June 1991 (doc. 9) provides an in-depth narrative outline of what happened during these months. For example, participants in a 25 January roundtable in Ottawa heard academic, federal and territorial government perspectives on possibilities for circumpolar cooperation. assured," Panel members highlighted. "Further, we believe that the Arctic Council initiative could form the basis for new dialogue and cooperation between the federal government and Canada's Arctic aboriginal peoples." Griffiths and Kuptana also published a scathing opinion editorial in the Globe and Mail on 8 April, accusing the government of being "timorous and outdated" in apparently conceding to an open agenda that would exclude security issues and a position that might "confine native participation to representation on national delegations and to some form of observer status for international aboriginal organizations." 48 On 14 May 1991, the Arctic Council Panel published its major framework report "To Establish an International Arctic Council" (doc. 13) based on the extensive consultative program that it had conducted in the Canadian North. "The creation of an international Arctic Council does present challenges, but none that are insurmountable," the Panel insisted. Its prime concern was with "what kind of instrument will be created"-practical issues related to the objectives, structure, decision-making rules, and mandate of...
Documents on Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security (DCASS) No. 17, 2020
Network (NAADSN), and a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Insight Grant o... more Network (NAADSN), and a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Insight Grant on "The Manhattan Voyage and the Creation of the Modern Canadian North" (primary investigator: Adam Lajeunesse). Special thanks also to Jennifer Arthur-Lackenbauer for designing the covers and to Corah Hodgson for final proofreading, both of whom bring polish to the Documents on Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security series.
North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network Engage Series/ Arctic Yearbook, 2021
NAADSN Engage Series no. 3 / RDSNAA série d'engage no. 3) Published in print and electronic forma... more NAADSN Engage Series no. 3 / RDSNAA série d'engage no. 3) Published in print and electronic formats. Both Canada and the United States highlight the strategic significance of the Arctic in terms of state sovereignty, with the US stridently asserting the importance of deterring unwanted influence from outside actors over the last few years. Core American strategic documents describe the "re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition" as the central challenge to American security, describing China and Russia as "revisionist powers" seeking to undermine the international liberal order (Pincus 2020). Canada's 2017 defence policy, Strong, Secure, Engaged, also observes that China and Russia are contributing to an evolving balance of power, stating that "China is a In the context of China's Arctic Policy and the country's lack of territorial sovereignty in the region, Soon Lim (2018) considers China's key interests in the Arctic and how its Arctic policy complements its Polar Silk Road vision as an extension of its Belt and Road Initiative. As Beijing seeks to diversify its access to transportation routes and economic corridors, Erokhin, Tianming, and Xiuhua (2018) take a closer look at the aspirations laid out in China's Arctic policy in terms of incorporating Arctic shipping lanes into the BRI network. The authors specifically analyse China's potential collaboration with Nordic countries in the implementation of the announced Arctic Blue Economic Corridor (ABEC). By framing China's Arctic transportation aspirations in the context of its global ambitions, they assess the challenges of and various perspectives on transforming the ABEC into an economic and transportation corridor between China and Europe. China in Greenland Greenland is of critical importance to North American defence and security arrangements. China's increasing engagement in the Arctic island country is raising red flags as the United States becomes progressively more attentive to Chinese influence in American spheres of defence and security. The year before the release of China's Arctic strategy, Ufimtseva and Prior (2017) provided an overview of Russian and Chinese collaboration in developing hydrocarbon resources in the Russian Arctic. They discuss the critical role that Chinese investments play in oil and gas projects such as China and the Arctic 1
North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network (NAADSN) Engage Series no.7, 2021
NAADSN Engage Series no. 7 / RDSNAA série d'engage no. 7) Published in print and electronic forma... more NAADSN Engage Series no. 7 / RDSNAA série d'engage no. 7) Published in print and electronic formats. * * * Rob Huebert began analyzing Arctic issues in the late 1980s. His first major project critically examined the Canadian response to the voyage of the Polar Sea and what this meant for the creation of Canada's Arctic foreign and defence policy. By the 1990s, he observed that the state-centric, military-focused conceptualization of security that dominated during the Cold War had been transformed by a recent focus on environmental concerns and "human security" in the region. 1 By the start of the new millennium, Huebert warned that climate change and geostrategic imperatives were fundamentally transforming the circumpolar world. His articles highlighted the sources of existing and potential conflicts for Canada in the Arctic by focusing on sovereignty and on boundary disputes between Canada and its immediate neighbours. He predicted that as the Arctic became more accessible through the impacts of climate change, the Canadian position regarding the Northwest Passage would come under increasing challenge from international actors. The media took interest in his assertions that an increased volume of foreign shipping would make future sovereignty Resources Committee (CARC), the Canadian Polar Commission, and the Centre for Military and Strategic Studies (CMSS). Huebert outlined his arguments about why Canadian sovereignty was imperilled and how the federal government had to make substantial investments in enforcement and surveillance. In his presentation, Lackenbauer focused on the need to balance military and community interests, suggesting that Northerners' priorities had to be acknowledged on a local level and accommodated in strategic planning. Lackenbauer suggested that while the Canadian Rangers serve as a tangible link between Northerners and the military, they also represent a theoretical bridge between the state-centric, hard security concepts at the core of Huebert's "thinning ice" thesis, and the softer, human-security prescriptions advanced by Franklyn Griffiths through his concept of stewardship. 3 As media interest in the Arctic intensified in the middle of the decade, so did the profile of Huebert's work. The Arctic Council's seminal 2004 Arctic Climate Impact Assessment report revealed stunning ice and snow reductions across the region. Popular concerns about the implications for Canada, and particularly its control over the Northwest Passage, grew apace. Then came the escalation of the dispute between Canada and Denmark over Hans Island. After the Danes sent ships to the island in 2002 and 2003, Canada responded in 2005 with an inukshuk-raising and flag-planting visit by a small group of Canadian Rangers and other land force personnel, followed by a highly Introduction ix publicized visit by the then Minister of National Defence, Bill Graham. The media began alluding to Canada's 1995 "Turbot War" with the Spanish and even to a "domino theory" effect, the suggestion being that if Canada lost Hans Island, its other Arctic islands might succumb to a similar fate. Although Canada and Denmark soon restored the dispute to a diplomatic track, sovereignty issues did not abate. As political scientist Mathieu Landriault has demonstrated in his important work on news media coverage, however, the 2000s proved "une décennie turbulente." 4 The Paul Martin Liberal government's 2005 International Policy Statement revealed growing political will to improve surveillance and control over the Canadian Arctic, and the government was in the final stages of completing a domestic Arctic policy before Canadian voters swept it out of office. Articles in a special issue of the Canadian Military Journal published in winter 2005-2006 reveal our respective approaches at the time. Huebert asked whether we could expect a "Renaissance in Canadian Arctic Security." He noted increasing political interest in the subject, the resumption of joint exercises in the Canadian and Circumpolar Arctics, and the spat with Denmark over Hans Island as indicators that Canada was rediscovering what he perceived to be an imperative to improve its ability to defend the North. 5 By contrast, Lackenbauer's article on "The Canadian Rangers: A Postmodern Militia That Works" applied theoretical traits associated with "postmodern" military formations to frame and explain the success of that specific Canadian organization. "Political scientists have observed that post-Cold War arctic strategies are less state-centric and military-focused, and that debates about the proposed demilitarization of the Arctic region have illuminated the legacies of military activities on northern peoples and ecology," he emphasized. Accordingly, "policy-makers can no longer ignore the human impacts of their decisions on communities and individuals, especially in an era of Aboriginal self-awareness and self-government." He thus situated the Rangers in a comprehensive approach linking Arctic sovereignty and security with broader Northern development issues, economic and political security considerations, as well as Indigenous values. 6 Our respective perspectives took on heightened salience when Stephen Harper made Arctic sovereignty and security a core issue in the late 2005 federal election campaign. After he became prime minister, the Conservative leader made annual trips to the Arctic and committed to invest significantly in improving Canada's security infrastructure. The political importance that he placed on the Arctic generated significant debate about how Canada can best protect and project its national interests in the region. 7 The articles in this book x Huebert and Lackenbauer provide the authors' assessments of how the Conservatives framed Arctic issues and their implementation record over the course of their decade in office. The Canadian International Council (CIC) funded Huebert, Lackenbauer, and Griffiths as research fellows for 2008-2009 to critically examine Arctic issues and to each produce a "white paper" guiding Canadian Arctic policy. The CIC did not provide strict instructions on what they expected the authors to produce, thus allowing each of us to frame our studies as we saw fit. We discussed our findings during national speaking tours organized by the CIC and debated our core ideas in a March 2009 national videoconference. The CIC released our papers in May 2009, just before the Harper government released Canada's Northern Strategy, and Wilfrid Laurier University Press published a book based on our reports two years later that provides a snapshot of where we agreed and disagreed on core issues up to that time. Huebert argued in "Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security in a Transforming Circumpolar World" that the countries wielding capabilities to control the Arctic will reap significant benefits. He expected that Canada will need to deal with challenges to its Arctic in the future. He noted that non-Arctic states such as China, Japan, and South Korea were becoming increasingly active in the region. Competing claims vary, relating to issues from resource exploitation and development, to division of the Arctic seabed, to the right of transit through the Northwest Passage. As various actors advance their claims, the potential exists for a serious challenge to Canada's sovereignty and security in its Arctic. Huebert laid out what he saw as the essential steps that the Canadian government must take to assert control over the region, enforce its claims, and cooperate better with its Arctic neighbours to develop an international framework that will serve as a guideline for rules of engagement. By contrast, Lackenbauer argued that Canada should rein in its alarmist rhetoric about alleged sovereignty and security threats. He insisted that there was no "Arctic race" and that solutions to boundary disputes would be negotiated through diplomacy, not won or lost through military posturing. In his assessment, the "use it or lose it" message that underpinned the Harper government's "call to arms" was both erroneous and limiting. To devise a more confident and constructive Arctic strategy, he urged Canada to marry its defence and resource development agenda with stronger diplomatic and social dimensions. This comprehensive 3-D (defence-diplomacy-development) approach sought to embrace opportunities for international cooperation, fixated less on potential "sovereignty loss," and encouraged sustainable socioeconomic development so that Canada could better position itself to seize opportunities and become a world leader in circumpolar affairs. He insisted that Arctic problems could not be resolved by a return to Cold War rhetoric
North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network Engage Series, 2021
NAADSN Special Reports, 2020
In this study, the project team systematically analyzed publicly-available reports, media coverag... more In this study, the project team systematically analyzed publicly-available reports, media coverage, and academic commentary on the Canadian Rangers as well as broader Government of Canada and CAF Arctic priorities. It also drew significant insights from focus group conversations and community-based interviews with a diverse group of Rangers from across 1 CRPG. In general, our research confirms that metrics of Canadian Ranger success must measure not only the organization’s contributions to DND/CAF priorities but also contributions to collective and individual resilience that benefit communities, help to meet broader government objectives (at federal, territorial, hamlet, and Indigenous government levels), and promote Crown-Indigenous reconciliation. Applying various concepts of resilience to frame the Rangers’ myriad contributions, we propose metrics and indicators of success that embrace the Canadian Rangers’ distinct forms and terms of CAF service as relevant members of the Defence Team with extensive experience operating in austere conditions who are willing to share their local and traditional knowledge about lands and waters, whilst providing practical support for activities in what many Southern Canadians consider to be “extreme environments.” As members of their local communities, the Rangers also provide a robust and immediate response to the broad spectrum of security and safety issues facing isolated communities.
The report blends descriptive, explanatory narrative (with extensive first-hand quotes providing the insights of Canadian Rangers in their own words) with specific, measurable outcomes. The concluding chapter provides suggestions for proposed next steps.
North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network, 2020
Strategic perceptions of the Canadian North changed several times during the twentieth century, i... more Strategic perceptions of the Canadian North changed several times during the twentieth century, influencing the intensity and degree of military presence. Initially, the region was simply ignored. By the mid-1930s, it was perceived as a strategic barrier more formidable than either the Atlantic or Pacific Oceans. During the Second World War and the Cold War, with the views of the United States in the dominance, the area was seen as an approach—initially to Europe and Asia, and later to the heartland of North America. In contemporary Canada, the North is seen as having intrinsic value, and as such deserves to be watched over, protected and, if necessary, defended. By analyzing the interplay between defence, protection of sovereignty, and national development, this book reveals the myriad roles of the Canadian Forces who were assigned military responsibility to be Custos Borealis—Keeper of the North.
Documents on Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security (DCASS) No. 15, 2019
The construction of the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line in the mid-1950s represents the most dra... more The construction of the Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line in the mid-1950s represents the most dramatic example of military modernization in the Canadian Arctic. To ensure that a range of federal government stakeholders were informed about and engaged in this megaproject, the DEW Line Co-ordinating Committee was established in February 1955 and ran until 1963. The meeting minutes and the regular progress reports provided to the committee offer valuable insights into the logistical and administrative machinery behind the “great assault” on the Canadian Arctic and its transformative effects on the human population in the region.
Documents on Canadian Arctic Sovereignty and Security No. 16, 2020
In 1953, the Government of Canada resettled seven families from the Inukjuak (Port Harrison) area... more In 1953, the Government of Canada resettled seven families from the Inukjuak (Port Harrison) area in northern Quebec and three families from Pond Inlet to new High Arctic communities at Resolute Bay on Cornwallis Island and at Grise Fiord on Ellesmere Island. This volume makes various research reports, offering differing interpretations on government motivations behind these controversial relocations, available to the public and provides essential background to understand the Government of Canada’s 2010 official apology for the Inuit High Arctic relocation.
Canadian Global Affairs Institute, 2020
Возможно ли растопить ледяной занавес? Россия, Канада и вопросы безопасности в меняющейся Арктике , 2020
С точки зрения географии, Канада и Россия – два гиганта, занимающие львиную долю территорий Аркти... more С точки зрения географии, Канада и Россия – два гиганта, занимающие львиную долю территорий Арктики. Неудивительно, что обе страны сосредоточили своё внимание на арктическом регионе. Арктика является важной частью канадской и российской идентичности. Казалось, что после окончания холодной войны для Канады и России наступил этап развития дружеских отношений. Однако сдержанность обеих стран в готовности принять точку зрения другой стороны, а также отсутствие необходимых сведений об арктических стратегиях противоположной стороны, способствуют росту недоверия и ведёт к конфронтации. Насколько различаются арктические курсы двух стран? Смогут ли достигнутые в прошлом успехи в совместном решении арктических вопросов спасти отношения России и Запада от глубокого кризиса? Или эпоха борьбы за глобальное лидерство неизбежно приведёт к новому конфликту в Арктике?
Авторы: Трой Буффард, Вячеслав Гаврилов, П. Уитни Лакенбауэр, Сюзанн Лалонд, Александр Сергунин, Джим Фергюссон, Роб Хьюберт и Андреа Шаррон
Arctic Operational Histories, 2019
Fifty years ago, the American ice-breaking supertanker Manhattan tested the waters of Canada’s No... more Fifty years ago, the American ice-breaking supertanker Manhattan tested the waters of Canada’s Northwest Passage. During its epic 1969 transit, Manhattan’s task was to determine the feasibility of shipping oil from newly-discovered fields of the North Slope of Alaska to North America’s Eastern Seaboard. In so doing, the massive vessel raised pivotal questions about safe navigation, sovereignty, and environmental protection, prompting new discussions about Arctic political and economic development. Often told from the vantage point of the politicians and diplomats involved, the Manhattan’s story was also one of an integrated Canadian-American expedition dedicated to cooperative exploration and innovation. This volume publishes the reports of Lieutenant Commander Erling Stolee, the Royal Canadian Navy’s observer aboard Manhattan’s two Canadian Coast Guard icebreaker escorts – CCGS John A. Macdonald and Louis St. Laurent – which offer detailed, first-hand accounts of Canadian contributions to the test voyages.
Breaking the Ice Curtain? Russia, Canada, and Arctic Security in a Changing Circumpolar World, 2019
Canada and Russia are the geographical giants, spanning most of the circumpolar world. Accordingl... more Canada and Russia are the geographical giants, spanning most of the circumpolar world. Accordingly, the Arctic is a natural area of focus for the two countries. Although the end of the Cold War seemed to portend a new era of deep cooperation between these two Arctic countries, lingering wariness about geopolitical motives and a mutual lack of knowledge about the other's slice of the circumpolar world are conspiring to pit Canada and the Russian Federation as Arctic adversaries. Are Russian and Canadian Arctic policies moving in confron-tational direction? Can efforts at circumpolar cooperation survive the current crisis in Russian-Western relations, or does an era of growing global competition point inherently to heightened conflict in the Arctic?
Special Contract: A Story of Defence Communications in Canada, 2019
Special Contract tells the story of Bell Canada’s involvement in the construction of the Mid-Cana... more Special Contract tells the story of Bell Canada’s involvement in the construction of the Mid-Canada Line (also known as the McGill Fence), a series of radar stations running along the 55th parallel to provide early warning of a Soviet bomber attack on North America. Written by Alex Lester, a self-made engineer who headed Bell’s Special Contract Division that oversaw the building of the line during the mid-1950s, it details the project from the tropospheric scatter system that linked the sites to the completion of the microwave towers and stations dotting the mid-Canadian landscape. This important account provides unique insights into the political, logistical, and construction challenges involved in building a radar and communication system in remote Northern locations.
Journal of Military and Strategic Studies vol.19, no.2, 2018
The articles in this special issue address the roles and treatment of Indigenous people in the Ca... more The articles in this special issue address the roles and treatment of Indigenous people in the Canadian Armed Forces as well as other national armed forces (the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan) during and after the world wars. Other contributions analyze the contemporary contributions of Indigenous people in the Canadian Armed Forces, as well as contemporary public administration issues including recruitment, systemic racism, equality, and organizational perceptions. An underlying theme running through the articles asks how the Armed Forces can be more inclusive of Indigenous people.
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Books by Whitney Lackenbauer
Arctic, Shelagh Grant (1938-2020) taught history
and Canadian Studies at Trent University for
seventeen years. Her myriad contributions to scholar-
ship on Northern Canada include acclaimed books, such as Sovereignty or Security? Government Policy in the Canadian North, 1939-1950 (1988), Arctic Justice: On Trial for Murder - Pond Inlet, 1923 (2002), and Polar Imperative: A History of Arctic Sovereignty in North America (2010). Equally important are her many articles and book chapters on historiography and Northern identities, government practices, and the interplay between sovereignty and nationalism, as well as written narratives and oral traditions. This volume of selected writings by Grant celebrates her many contributions to scholarship, reflecting her passion for evidence-based analysis and debate, commitment to social justice, and her dedicated efforts to promote awareness and understanding about the Arctic and Canada’s responsibilities therein.
observing, researching, and participating in Canadian Ranger
activities for more than twenty-five years. This volume brings
together insights from his extensive writing on why this unique
military organization has taken the shape that it has, and
where the Rangers fit within the Canadian Armed Forces. It
is also a celebration of the diversity and resilience of Canada
through the richness of its remote communities, and the
strength of the people who live therein.
the federal government initiated an annual patrol to the eastern Arctic to establish and maintain police posts. The first patrol in 1922, led by civil servant J.D. Craig with master mariner Captain
Joseph-Elzéar Bernier at the helm of CGS Arctic, carried Royal Canadian
Mounted Police constables and various technical staff into the Arctic Archipelago. The firsthand accounts in this volume offer poignant insights into the expedition, narrating what happened from various perspectives as well as revealing the values, ideas, and goals of these men in their own words.
by Canadian scholars on topics related to Arctic sovereignty, security, and
circumpolar governance from 2005-2022. The primary purpose is to
compile an up-to-date research tool for students and scholars working on
related topic
The report blends descriptive, explanatory narrative (with extensive first-hand quotes providing the insights of Canadian Rangers in their own words) with specific, measurable outcomes. The concluding chapter provides suggestions for proposed next steps.
Авторы: Трой Буффард, Вячеслав Гаврилов, П. Уитни Лакенбауэр, Сюзанн Лалонд, Александр Сергунин, Джим Фергюссон, Роб Хьюберт и Андреа Шаррон
Arctic, Shelagh Grant (1938-2020) taught history
and Canadian Studies at Trent University for
seventeen years. Her myriad contributions to scholar-
ship on Northern Canada include acclaimed books, such as Sovereignty or Security? Government Policy in the Canadian North, 1939-1950 (1988), Arctic Justice: On Trial for Murder - Pond Inlet, 1923 (2002), and Polar Imperative: A History of Arctic Sovereignty in North America (2010). Equally important are her many articles and book chapters on historiography and Northern identities, government practices, and the interplay between sovereignty and nationalism, as well as written narratives and oral traditions. This volume of selected writings by Grant celebrates her many contributions to scholarship, reflecting her passion for evidence-based analysis and debate, commitment to social justice, and her dedicated efforts to promote awareness and understanding about the Arctic and Canada’s responsibilities therein.
observing, researching, and participating in Canadian Ranger
activities for more than twenty-five years. This volume brings
together insights from his extensive writing on why this unique
military organization has taken the shape that it has, and
where the Rangers fit within the Canadian Armed Forces. It
is also a celebration of the diversity and resilience of Canada
through the richness of its remote communities, and the
strength of the people who live therein.
the federal government initiated an annual patrol to the eastern Arctic to establish and maintain police posts. The first patrol in 1922, led by civil servant J.D. Craig with master mariner Captain
Joseph-Elzéar Bernier at the helm of CGS Arctic, carried Royal Canadian
Mounted Police constables and various technical staff into the Arctic Archipelago. The firsthand accounts in this volume offer poignant insights into the expedition, narrating what happened from various perspectives as well as revealing the values, ideas, and goals of these men in their own words.
by Canadian scholars on topics related to Arctic sovereignty, security, and
circumpolar governance from 2005-2022. The primary purpose is to
compile an up-to-date research tool for students and scholars working on
related topic
The report blends descriptive, explanatory narrative (with extensive first-hand quotes providing the insights of Canadian Rangers in their own words) with specific, measurable outcomes. The concluding chapter provides suggestions for proposed next steps.
Авторы: Трой Буффард, Вячеслав Гаврилов, П. Уитни Лакенбауэр, Сюзанн Лалонд, Александр Сергунин, Джим Фергюссон, Роб Хьюберт и Андреа Шаррон
with a focus on the bubbles created by successive defence and economic crises and
opportunities in the twentieth century. The first significant non-Indigenous maritime
activity centered on furs and whale oil. The Second World War and early Cold War
saw fleets of American naval, coast guard and merchant marine vessels move into the
region to construct installations. In the 1970s, resource extraction attracted the attention
of southern companies, and the North seemed to be the next great development
frontier. By the 1980s, surging oil and gas prices raised hopes for a bonanza, with government
estimates forecasting hundreds of Arctic transits by resource carriers as early
as the 1990s. Instead, fleets of icebreaking tankers remained on the drawing board at
century’s end—where they remain today. In between these booms, Arctic shipping did
not disappear, with community resupply and government operations continuing on a
predictable basis.
hazards, extreme weather, and inexperienced operators increase the risk of marine
transportation accidents and concomitant mass rescue operations (MRO). Marine
MROs are low-probability, high-consequence scenarios that are complex and challenging
wherever they occur. In Inuit Nunangat, challenges are exacerbated by austere
environmental conditions, limited support infrastructure, inadequate local medical
capacity, and fewer vessels of opportunity that can be called upon for assistance.
Perhaps the most serious challenges are those posed by the tyranny of time and distance.
Given the vast distances involved and the position of Canada’s primary search
and rescue assets in the southern parts of the country, the arrival of SAR resources
on-scene can take significant time. In this chapter, we argue that community-based
organizations (CBOs) would act as valuable force multipliers both at sea and shoreside
during a marine MRO. We use the results of a mass rescue tabletop exercise involving
community responders from Nunavut, follow-up interviews, and additional scenario-
based discussions to develop the functions that CBOs could perform. We also
provide a roadmap for how to best prepare community responders to take on these
roles and to ensure that their capabilities are reflected in relevant mass rescue and
emergency plans.