This study grasps the structural relationships between temperament, social support, and school ad... more This study grasps the structural relationships between temperament, social support, and school adjustment by adolescents as well as investigates the mediating effect of positive psychological capital from relationships between temperament, social support, and school adjustment. Participants in this study consisted of 763 students in the second grade of five middle schools. Productive correlation analysis were conducted on data collected for this study using PASW statistics ver. 18.0 program; in addition, structural equation modeling analysis was conducted using AMOS ver. 18.0 program. The main findings are as follows. Paths appeared in different ways according to the investigation of mediating effect of positive psychological capital under the impact of temperament and social support on school adjustment of adolescents. Investigation showed that harm avoidance temperament had a statistically significant indirect effect on school adjustment with a medium of positive psychological capital. Novelty seeking temperament and persistence temperament had a direct impact on the school adjustment of adolescents; however, it appeared to also indicate an indirect impact through a medium of positive psychological capital. Social support seemed to indicate a direct impact on school adjustment of adolescents as well as an indirect impact through a medium of positive psychological capital. This study provides basic data to help in the school adjustment of adolescents using personal, environmental, and psychological variables that proves the importance of positive psychological capital in adolescence.
International Review of Public Administration, 2013
Most studies of governance have emphasized that trust in government enhances government-citizen c... more Most studies of governance have emphasized that trust in government enhances government-citizen cooperation and induces the compliance of citizens with public policies. However, the scope of government-citizen collaboration has been limited to the trust that citizens hold toward their government. True collaborative governance would not work effectively if public servants did not have trust in citizens and were unwilling to engage with them in the public administration process. Given the small number of studies on the trust of public servants in citizens, we measure the trust in citizens by South Korean central government officials and analyze its determinants. Drawing upon surveys of about 250 public servants in South Korea's central government, this study finds that factors affecting public servants' trust in citizens are ranked as follows: their individual propensity to trust, their perception of citizens' integrity, their engagement in coordination relations with citizens, their perception of citizens' trust in government functions, their perception of citizens' benevolence, and their engagement in command relations with citizens.
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2011
In The New Jim Crow, civil rights lawyer and Ohio State University law professor Michelle Alexand... more In The New Jim Crow, civil rights lawyer and Ohio State University law professor Michelle Alexander examines the legal and social framework that supports the regime of mass incarceration of black men in the United States. As Alexander carefully recounts, beginning in the early 1980s with President Reagan’s declaration of a ‘‘War on Drugs,’’ a number of policy initiatives, Supreme Court decisions, and vested interests, aided and abetted by political divisiveness and public apathy, coalesced to create the social, legal, and political environment that has supported mass incarceration ever since. Alexander’s analysis reveals disturbing parallels between the racial caste systems of slavery, Jim Crow, and today’s mass incarceration of black men in our country. In the end, however, Alexander shies away from proposing a potentially successful strategy for redressing the dilemma she so carefully depicts. Rather, she ‘‘punts,’’ or ‘‘cops out,’’ as we would have said in earlier eras. Alexander begins her analysis with a brief history of the several hundred years of variously oppressive race relations between whites and blacks in the United States. Quite correctly, Alexander observes that this history may be fruitfully understood as a sequence of renascent forms of social control refashioned to the new tenor of the times. Thus, Alexander traces the history of American political rhetoric in the latter half of the twentieth century where ‘‘law and order’’ comes to constitute code for ‘‘the race problem’’ and a policy of malign neglect toward African Americans is transmuted into an active political strategy devised to develop Republican political dominance in the southern states. Ultimately, as we know, the twin themes of crime and welfare propelled Ronald Reagan into the presidency. Searching for a follow-up initiative to define his early presidency, Reagan settled on increased attention to street crime, especially drug law enforcement. In short, the War on Drugs was not some disembodied social agenda, nor was it driven by public demand, as only two percent of Americans believed crime was an important issue at the time. Rather, as Alexander shows, the War on Drugs was a direct outgrowth of race-based politics and therefore the fact that it has had a disproportionate impact on young black men should come as no surprise. Alexander next turns her attention to the interwoven details of the social, legal, and political fabric that wrap the War on Drugs in supportive garb. As Alexander recites, the War on Drugs is the cornerstone on which the current regime of race-based mass incarceration rests because: (a) convictions for drug offenses are the single most important cause of the explosion in incarceration rates since 1980, and (b) black Americans are disproportionately arrested, convicted, and subjected to lengthy sentences for drug offenses when compared to white Americans, even though drug use rates among white Americans have been consistently shown to be higher than for black Americans. Thus, any practices or policies that support the execution of the War on Drugs support the continuation of our movement toward mass incarceration of an entire category of Americans. Among the many developments Alexander reviews, one may note: changes in Supreme Court doctrine with respect to police stops, warrantless searches, consent searches, and suspicionless police sweeps for drug activity; federal initiatives to offer grants to support narcotics task forces; the development and expansion of modern drug forfeiture laws which permitted state and local law enforcement agencies to keep the vast majority of seized cash and assets in drug raids; and the legislative enactment of mandatory minimum and ‘‘three strikes’’ sentencing schemes, and their ready
Lee, Sook-Jong; Chun, Chaesung; Suh, HyeeJung; Thomsen, Patrick.2015.Middle power in action,Repor... more Lee, Sook-Jong; Chun, Chaesung; Suh, HyeeJung; Thomsen, Patrick.2015.Middle power in action,Reports,SeoulEast Asia Institute,MPDI Special Report,33
The South Korean Context South Korea's history and political system. As Koreas is located in Nort... more The South Korean Context South Korea's history and political system. As Koreas is located in Northeast Asia and surrounded by larger countries such as China, Japan, and Russia, its foreign policy has long been focused on guaranteeing its independence. The Korean War and the country's subsequent division into two Koreas forced South Korea to engage in active public diplomacy vis-à-vis North Korea in international society. During the Cold War period, the United States, its strongest ally since the Korean War, was supportive of South Korea's public diplomacy, which was based on anticommunism. South Korea's democratic transition in the late 1980s, together with its successful economic development, provided a more solid basis for its post-Cold War public diplomacy, which employed economic and cultural resources. South Korea as a rising power. South Korea had transformed from a once aid-dependent country into an advanced globalized economy by the mid-1990s. South Korea then began to use its resources for international contributions in the fields of peacekeeping activities and development assistance. The South Korean government and civil society organizations have also taken advocacy roles in human rights and environmental issues. However, it has only been since the mid-2000s that South Korea has begun to pursue its public diplomacy in a more
Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of "separation between industrial c... more Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of "separation between industrial capital and financial capital." whereby the nation's industrial conglomeratesthe chaebol-were restricted from having controlling ownership of financial institutions, especially banks. The financial crisis of 1997-98 renewed calls for regulating the chaebol, especially in terms of reinforcing corporate governance and competition policy. This process was supported and promoted by vibrant non-governmental organisations led by progressive activists who forged an effective alliance with the government and the ruling party whose platform followed a populist course. The reform movement has been resisted with equal fervour by conservative elements, led by the opposition party, chaebol-supported think tanks, and the conservative media. This cleavage is evident in the case of a pending legislation on chaebol ownership of financial institutions, the Financial Industry Structure Law. The controversy over this proposed law demonstrates that the contemporary chaebol reforms are deeply politicised. It also illustrates the path-dependent nature of the government-chaebol relationship.
Lee, Sook-Jong.September, 2012.South Korea as new middle power seeking complex diplomacy,Report,[... more Lee, Sook-Jong.September, 2012.South Korea as new middle power seeking complex diplomacy,Report,[Seoul]The East Asia Institute,EAI Asia Security Initiative Working Paper/25,36
International Review of Public Administration, 2016
The South Korean government has sought an active partnership with domestic NGOs in pursuing inter... more The South Korean government has sought an active partnership with domestic NGOs in pursuing international development cooperation. Their partnership can be categorized in two ways. One, the more common type, is that NGOs work with government offices by participating in established programs. In the second type of partnership, NGOs take a more independent position when important policy agendas are determined and often push the government to move in certain directions. Vibrant Korean NGOs usually align with more liberal rules and norms of foreign aid governance and advocate for these to their own government. The relationship between the government and NGOs in the area of development cooperation is essentially a partnership, as technical expertise and overseas aid allocation move their interaction away from divisive domestic politics. We named this partnership a "complex relationship" in which both functional and critical interactions occur. Three different types of relations-supplementary, complementary, and sometimes adversarial-co-exist across four interactive areas: volunteering services, development project implementation, development education, and policy advocacy.
... The articles in this special issue address the nature of South Korea's globalisa... more ... The articles in this special issue address the nature of South Korea's globalisation, with particular emphasis on ... in which neo-liberal policies are made global, embedded for states, corporations and workers is defining of the ... Scholte, J. . The Sources of Neoliberal Globalization,. ...
This study grasps the structural relationships between temperament, social support, and school ad... more This study grasps the structural relationships between temperament, social support, and school adjustment by adolescents as well as investigates the mediating effect of positive psychological capital from relationships between temperament, social support, and school adjustment. Participants in this study consisted of 763 students in the second grade of five middle schools. Productive correlation analysis were conducted on data collected for this study using PASW statistics ver. 18.0 program; in addition, structural equation modeling analysis was conducted using AMOS ver. 18.0 program. The main findings are as follows. Paths appeared in different ways according to the investigation of mediating effect of positive psychological capital under the impact of temperament and social support on school adjustment of adolescents. Investigation showed that harm avoidance temperament had a statistically significant indirect effect on school adjustment with a medium of positive psychological capital. Novelty seeking temperament and persistence temperament had a direct impact on the school adjustment of adolescents; however, it appeared to also indicate an indirect impact through a medium of positive psychological capital. Social support seemed to indicate a direct impact on school adjustment of adolescents as well as an indirect impact through a medium of positive psychological capital. This study provides basic data to help in the school adjustment of adolescents using personal, environmental, and psychological variables that proves the importance of positive psychological capital in adolescence.
International Review of Public Administration, 2013
Most studies of governance have emphasized that trust in government enhances government-citizen c... more Most studies of governance have emphasized that trust in government enhances government-citizen cooperation and induces the compliance of citizens with public policies. However, the scope of government-citizen collaboration has been limited to the trust that citizens hold toward their government. True collaborative governance would not work effectively if public servants did not have trust in citizens and were unwilling to engage with them in the public administration process. Given the small number of studies on the trust of public servants in citizens, we measure the trust in citizens by South Korean central government officials and analyze its determinants. Drawing upon surveys of about 250 public servants in South Korea's central government, this study finds that factors affecting public servants' trust in citizens are ranked as follows: their individual propensity to trust, their perception of citizens' integrity, their engagement in coordination relations with citizens, their perception of citizens' trust in government functions, their perception of citizens' benevolence, and their engagement in command relations with citizens.
Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews, 2011
In The New Jim Crow, civil rights lawyer and Ohio State University law professor Michelle Alexand... more In The New Jim Crow, civil rights lawyer and Ohio State University law professor Michelle Alexander examines the legal and social framework that supports the regime of mass incarceration of black men in the United States. As Alexander carefully recounts, beginning in the early 1980s with President Reagan’s declaration of a ‘‘War on Drugs,’’ a number of policy initiatives, Supreme Court decisions, and vested interests, aided and abetted by political divisiveness and public apathy, coalesced to create the social, legal, and political environment that has supported mass incarceration ever since. Alexander’s analysis reveals disturbing parallels between the racial caste systems of slavery, Jim Crow, and today’s mass incarceration of black men in our country. In the end, however, Alexander shies away from proposing a potentially successful strategy for redressing the dilemma she so carefully depicts. Rather, she ‘‘punts,’’ or ‘‘cops out,’’ as we would have said in earlier eras. Alexander begins her analysis with a brief history of the several hundred years of variously oppressive race relations between whites and blacks in the United States. Quite correctly, Alexander observes that this history may be fruitfully understood as a sequence of renascent forms of social control refashioned to the new tenor of the times. Thus, Alexander traces the history of American political rhetoric in the latter half of the twentieth century where ‘‘law and order’’ comes to constitute code for ‘‘the race problem’’ and a policy of malign neglect toward African Americans is transmuted into an active political strategy devised to develop Republican political dominance in the southern states. Ultimately, as we know, the twin themes of crime and welfare propelled Ronald Reagan into the presidency. Searching for a follow-up initiative to define his early presidency, Reagan settled on increased attention to street crime, especially drug law enforcement. In short, the War on Drugs was not some disembodied social agenda, nor was it driven by public demand, as only two percent of Americans believed crime was an important issue at the time. Rather, as Alexander shows, the War on Drugs was a direct outgrowth of race-based politics and therefore the fact that it has had a disproportionate impact on young black men should come as no surprise. Alexander next turns her attention to the interwoven details of the social, legal, and political fabric that wrap the War on Drugs in supportive garb. As Alexander recites, the War on Drugs is the cornerstone on which the current regime of race-based mass incarceration rests because: (a) convictions for drug offenses are the single most important cause of the explosion in incarceration rates since 1980, and (b) black Americans are disproportionately arrested, convicted, and subjected to lengthy sentences for drug offenses when compared to white Americans, even though drug use rates among white Americans have been consistently shown to be higher than for black Americans. Thus, any practices or policies that support the execution of the War on Drugs support the continuation of our movement toward mass incarceration of an entire category of Americans. Among the many developments Alexander reviews, one may note: changes in Supreme Court doctrine with respect to police stops, warrantless searches, consent searches, and suspicionless police sweeps for drug activity; federal initiatives to offer grants to support narcotics task forces; the development and expansion of modern drug forfeiture laws which permitted state and local law enforcement agencies to keep the vast majority of seized cash and assets in drug raids; and the legislative enactment of mandatory minimum and ‘‘three strikes’’ sentencing schemes, and their ready
Lee, Sook-Jong; Chun, Chaesung; Suh, HyeeJung; Thomsen, Patrick.2015.Middle power in action,Repor... more Lee, Sook-Jong; Chun, Chaesung; Suh, HyeeJung; Thomsen, Patrick.2015.Middle power in action,Reports,SeoulEast Asia Institute,MPDI Special Report,33
The South Korean Context South Korea's history and political system. As Koreas is located in Nort... more The South Korean Context South Korea's history and political system. As Koreas is located in Northeast Asia and surrounded by larger countries such as China, Japan, and Russia, its foreign policy has long been focused on guaranteeing its independence. The Korean War and the country's subsequent division into two Koreas forced South Korea to engage in active public diplomacy vis-à-vis North Korea in international society. During the Cold War period, the United States, its strongest ally since the Korean War, was supportive of South Korea's public diplomacy, which was based on anticommunism. South Korea's democratic transition in the late 1980s, together with its successful economic development, provided a more solid basis for its post-Cold War public diplomacy, which employed economic and cultural resources. South Korea as a rising power. South Korea had transformed from a once aid-dependent country into an advanced globalized economy by the mid-1990s. South Korea then began to use its resources for international contributions in the fields of peacekeeping activities and development assistance. The South Korean government and civil society organizations have also taken advocacy roles in human rights and environmental issues. However, it has only been since the mid-2000s that South Korea has begun to pursue its public diplomacy in a more
Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of "separation between industrial c... more Korea's developmental state had long maintained the principle of "separation between industrial capital and financial capital." whereby the nation's industrial conglomeratesthe chaebol-were restricted from having controlling ownership of financial institutions, especially banks. The financial crisis of 1997-98 renewed calls for regulating the chaebol, especially in terms of reinforcing corporate governance and competition policy. This process was supported and promoted by vibrant non-governmental organisations led by progressive activists who forged an effective alliance with the government and the ruling party whose platform followed a populist course. The reform movement has been resisted with equal fervour by conservative elements, led by the opposition party, chaebol-supported think tanks, and the conservative media. This cleavage is evident in the case of a pending legislation on chaebol ownership of financial institutions, the Financial Industry Structure Law. The controversy over this proposed law demonstrates that the contemporary chaebol reforms are deeply politicised. It also illustrates the path-dependent nature of the government-chaebol relationship.
Lee, Sook-Jong.September, 2012.South Korea as new middle power seeking complex diplomacy,Report,[... more Lee, Sook-Jong.September, 2012.South Korea as new middle power seeking complex diplomacy,Report,[Seoul]The East Asia Institute,EAI Asia Security Initiative Working Paper/25,36
International Review of Public Administration, 2016
The South Korean government has sought an active partnership with domestic NGOs in pursuing inter... more The South Korean government has sought an active partnership with domestic NGOs in pursuing international development cooperation. Their partnership can be categorized in two ways. One, the more common type, is that NGOs work with government offices by participating in established programs. In the second type of partnership, NGOs take a more independent position when important policy agendas are determined and often push the government to move in certain directions. Vibrant Korean NGOs usually align with more liberal rules and norms of foreign aid governance and advocate for these to their own government. The relationship between the government and NGOs in the area of development cooperation is essentially a partnership, as technical expertise and overseas aid allocation move their interaction away from divisive domestic politics. We named this partnership a "complex relationship" in which both functional and critical interactions occur. Three different types of relations-supplementary, complementary, and sometimes adversarial-co-exist across four interactive areas: volunteering services, development project implementation, development education, and policy advocacy.
... The articles in this special issue address the nature of South Korea's globalisa... more ... The articles in this special issue address the nature of South Korea's globalisation, with particular emphasis on ... in which neo-liberal policies are made global, embedded for states, corporations and workers is defining of the ... Scholte, J. . The Sources of Neoliberal Globalization,. ...
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