Journal articles by Carolin Zorell
Acta Politica, 2022
Existing studies suggest that what people do and do not think of as being ‘politics’, varies a lo... more Existing studies suggest that what people do and do not think of as being ‘politics’, varies a lot. Some citizens embrace narrow understandings, regarding only few issues as ‘political’. While others hold broad conceptions. What remains unclear is to what extent citizens agree on the contents, i.e., which topics are ‘political’. Using representative survey data from the U.S. (N = 1000), this article illustrates the over -laps and differences in conceptions of politics that different groups of citizens hold. Specifically, the results of a cluster analysis reveal five groups. The citizens within each group share similar conceptions of politics, while across groups conceptions differ. We find one group considering everything as political, one not regarding anything as such, and a third one identifying only tax-cuts as ‘political’. In between these extremes, two groups identify politics in terms of rather demarcated spheres of issues: domestic, or cross-border/global issues. Further analyses point to important differences in the groups’ socio-demographic profiles, political interest, and political behaviors. This shows, in their minds, people draw boundaries around politics in quite varied, yet principled, ways. This comes with a meaningful diversity in citizens’ connection to the political world around them, and with important implications for their roles within it.
International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 2022
What people eat has become a highly political issue, closely intertwined with public health, envi... more What people eat has become a highly political issue, closely intertwined with public health, environmental concerns, and climate change. Individuals’ consumption decisions tend to be greatly influenced by the people that surround them, and this seems to be especially true when it comes to food. In recent years, alongside close contacts, such as family and friends, a myriad of social influencers have appeared on the screens, sharing opinions on what (not) to eat. Presenting results from a youth survey conducted in Sweden in 2019 (N = 443), this paper shows that social media have become the primary source of information about food and eating for youths, followed by schools and families. However, primary sources of influence continue to be parents and the family at large. Furthermore, the study shows that it is possible to identify ‘central persons’, i.e., relatively clear-cut groups of people whose food choices—measured as tendency to eat climate friendly—is mirrored by the youths, bo...
Politics, 2021
Over the last two decades, scholars have investigated norms of citizenship by focussing primarily... more Over the last two decades, scholars have investigated norms of citizenship by focussing primarily on ‘dutiful’ and ‘engaged’ norms. In the meantime, contemporary democracies have witnessed growing demands for more sustainable styles of living and increasing public support for authoritarian and populist ideas. These developments point to both a change and an expansion of conventional understandings and conceptions of what a ‘good citizen’ in a democratic polity ought to do. Specifically, they raise questions about whether demands for more sustainability and increasing support for populist ideas establish new facets of democratic citizenship, and if so, how they can be meaningfully incorporated into existing images of citizenship. This study provides a re-conceptualization of citizenship norms and empirically tests a new measurement instrument using original data collected in Germany in 2019. The empirical application of an expanded set of items demonstrates the existence of more variegated facets of norms of citizenship, including norms to safeguard a sustainable future and distinct populist facets emphasizing the relevance of trust in authorities and experts as well as reliance on feelings and emotions. Contemporary conceptions of citizenship thus go beyond conventional distinctions between dutiful and engaged norms of citizenship.
Scandinavian Political Studies, 2021
The ecological impacts of consumption are well acknowledged, and most people worldwide are likely... more The ecological impacts of consumption are well acknowledged, and most people worldwide are likely to have encountered proofs for or information about it. Likewise, online and offline media seem to be full of information on the issue. Even so, large numbers of people are ‘non‐political’ consumers, inconsiderate of the ethical and ecological implications of what they buy and consume. Using representative survey data from Sweden collected in 2019, this paper shows that a major reason for non‐political consumerism can be seen in the lack of interpersonal ‘recruitment’ efforts; that is, deliberate attempts by some to influence another's consumption. Moreover, the analyses show that for a person having faced such attempts by others to influence their consumption is distinct from them discussing political consumption issues. With this, the paper also provides one of the first large‐N studies confirming recent theoretical propositions of an extended definition of political consumerism: discussion, that is, discursive action, is a sub‐form of political consumerism next to boycotting, buycotting, and lifestyle change. Interpersonal influence, in turn, is a key predictor of political consumerism. Altogether, the results suggest that spreading information may feed discursive actions. Yet, to get more people change their consumption choices and engage in political consumerism, what is needed is that people influence each other to do so.
Sustainability, 2020
‘Nudging’ symbolizes the widespread idea that if people are only provided with the ‘right’ option... more ‘Nudging’ symbolizes the widespread idea that if people are only provided with the ‘right’ options and contextual arrangements, they will start consuming sustainably. Opposite to this individual-centered, top-down approach stand observations highlighting the ‘contagiousness’ of thoughts, emotions, and behaviors of reference groups or persons present in a decision-context. Tying in these two lines, this paper argues that nudging may sound promising and easily applicable, yet the social dynamics occurring around it can easily distort or nullify its effects. This argument stems from empirical evidence gained in an exploratory observation study conducted in a Swedish cafeteria (N=1,073), which included a ‘nudging’ treatment. In the study, people in groups almost unanimously all chose the same options. After rearranging the choice architecture to make a potentially sustainable choice easier, people stuck to this mimicking behavior – while turning to choose more the non-intended option than before. A critical reflection of extant literature leads to the conclusion that the tendency to mimic each other (unconsciously) is so strong that attempts to nudge people towards certain choices appear overwhelmed. Actions become ‘contagious’; so, if only some people stick to their (consumption) habits, it may be hard to induce more sustainable behaviors through softly changing choice architectures.
Social Sciences, 2019
While the number of theoretical concepts surrounding sustainable citizenship, political consumeri... more While the number of theoretical concepts surrounding sustainable citizenship, political consumerism and ethical lifestyles is rising continuously, this article is interested in how citizens themselves delineate sustainable citizenship through their practices. Asking which contours real-world sustainable citizenship has, we draw on the practice turn. From this perspective, sustainable citizenship might be an empirical nexus of material practices, like buying organic products or sharing goods. These practices rely on dispositions that include practical rules, attitudes and political values. With survey data from Germany (N = 1350) and using principle component analysis, we reconstruct sustainable citizenship through stable and widespread real-world patterns. The results suggest that sustainable citizenship is a relatively coherent, nonetheless hybrid bundle of performances and dispositions. Real-world sustainable citizenship most resembles political consumerism, but consists overall of three distinct practices: sustainable purchasing, reduced consumption, and green mobility. All three are shown to be connected to engaged citizenship norms and the intention to advance social-ecological change. However, social class seems to prevent some citizens particularly from applying sustainable purchasing, while age and infrastructures constrain green mobility. Altogether, our results show that citizens from all social backgrounds practice sustainable citizenship. Yet they do so through different forms of practices, adjusted to their capabilities.
Acta Politica, 2019
Citizens hold different views on what they consider to be an appropriate role of the state in soc... more Citizens hold different views on what they consider to be an appropriate role of the state in society. Their ‘concept of the state’ varies, and with it vary the views on which duties and responsibilities belong to the state, firms and citizens, and which role corresponds to each of them in tackling socio-political concerns. Based on a comparison of 20 European countries, this paper shows that such views affect individuals’ tendency to become political consumers and the overall extent of political consumerism in a country. Depending on whether cooperative approaches predominate in a society or, in turn, a reliance on free-market mechanisms prevails, the magnitude of political consumerism is larger or smaller in a country, respectively. Furthermore, the same pattern is observable at the individual level: citizens holding a cooperative ‘concept of the state’ are twice as likely political consumers than are citizens relying on free-market mechanisms. Thus, the study shows that different ‘concepts of the state’ explain cross-national differences in political consumerism, and these differences are immediately connected to singular patterns that underlie the individual inhabitants’ attitudes. Moreover, this highlights that attempts to encourage political consumerism should focus on means that are attuned to the prevailing ‘concept of the state’.
Books by Carolin Zorell
This book provides an analysis of the politics of consumption and how the ‘educated consumer’ pla... more This book provides an analysis of the politics of consumption and how the ‘educated consumer’ plays a vital role in advancing responsible market practices and consumption. Based on a comprehensive interdisciplinary perspective, it explores the extent, drives and links of boycotting, buycotting, labelling schemes and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in 20 European countries. A central question addressed is whether macro-societal patterns of orientation concerning the roles of the state, companies and citizens can explain individual and cross-national differences in boycotting and buycotting. As the book shows, there is not one type of ‘political consumer’, but several, and their occurrence is directly connected to national variations of labelling schemes and Corporate Social Responsibility. Consumers need reference points and information on the political backgrounds of purchases, and policy makers must address that need through political measures which fit to the national patterns in views about cooperation and market relationships.
Chapters in books by Carolin Zorell
Politikwissenschaftliche Einstellungs- und Verhaltensforschung: Handbuch für Wissenschaft und Studium, 2019
Conference presentations by Carolin Zorell
ECPR General Conference , 2020
It has become almost of a commonplace both in academia and in the public to assume that political... more It has become almost of a commonplace both in academia and in the public to assume that political consumerism is a means to ‘buy’ a good conscience, while having only limited ‘real-world’ resonance. Studies from e.g. consumer psychology and behavioural economics fuel this image by pointing to evidence for how people who act sustainable in one moment engage in unsustainable activities afterwards. Likewise, the so-called ‘rebound effect’ that is being observed in economies worldwide, seems to support that image further. This contribution sets out to challenge the persisting criticism, dismantling the assumption that activities like political consumerism serve only to put responsibilities on the shoulders of individuals who are expected ‘to save the planet at home’, while in fact being trapped in a system in which they can (and want to) do little more than continuing with non-sustainable consumption patterns mantled in green. Relying on data from representative population surveys conducted in Germany (2014) and Sweden (2019), the paper shows that for most political consumers it is indeed about re-programming production and consumption – as well as the economic system and politics more in general – towards ecological sustainability. Specifically, the insights presented challenge three common critiques of political consumerism. First, looking at the activities that are associated with political consumerism, it stands out as a form of highly committed change making and major aspect of ‘real-world’ sustainable consumption. Second, whereas political consumerism is correlated with higher education and social class levels, citizens from all social backgrounds practice sustainability. They just do so through different forms of practices adjusted to their capabilities. Third, the discussion of political issues regarding consumption among individuals and their interpersonal encouragement to get involved in political and sustainable consumption are strikingly pervasive. Thus, political consumerism is not just something practiced by a middle-class in individualised societies, which strives to differentiate itself from others and feel good. Instead, political consumerism has real-world relevance and resonance, it grounds on political ambitions shared across social classes, and it seems to be spreading as something more than only a trend. Nonetheless, the paper ends with a critical reflection of the risk that political consumer ambitions are co-opted and instrumentalised by the dominant mantra of economic growth. Such mantra can dilute ambitions to live sustainably through the provision of greenwashed products and services, and through the continuation of countervailing policies. This, however, underlines the need to break away from prejudices towards political consumerism and recognise it as what it is: one way of committed individuals’ sustainable consumption practice and one means to spread the word of socio-ecological change and of actions towards promoting such change.
The deliberate decisions to buy- or boycott a product for political, environmental or social reas... more The deliberate decisions to buy- or boycott a product for political, environmental or social reasons clearly seems to be driven by different factors: Boycotters want to express their discontent with certain market practices and to put pressure for more responsible behavior. In contrast, buycotting relates to the idea that a firm or a product is “good” and thus should be rewarded for this. Hence, boycotts should bring about the “landscape” in which buycotting becomes possible: boycotters may encourage firms to get societally involved and institutions to introduce labeling schemes for “politically correct” products. This then serves buycotters to identify the “good” firms and products.
Yet, buycotting and boycotting as well as firms’ societal involvement (i.e. Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) and labeling schemes are spread very differently across countries. This suggests that buy- and boycotting interact differently with CSR and labeling schemes. CSR relates to the idea that market actors should take over responsibility and cooperate with civil society. In contrast, labeling schemes indicate a preference for formal rules. Based on this idea, the paper examines whether citizens’ understanding of how cooperation between government, the market and civil society should look like is one guiding factor when deciding whether to boycott and/or to buycott. As the findings indicate, this is actually the case. Furthermore, they suggest a successive relation between boycotting and buycotting connected with trust in firms.
This paper investigates why “positive” political consumers (i.e. buycotters) are not automaticall... more This paper investigates why “positive” political consumers (i.e. buycotters) are not automatically “negative” political consumers (i.e. boycotters), too. The analysis of the European Social Survey 2002/03, for example, reveals a different pattern of buycotting and boycotting across countries. Similarly, the spread of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and labeling schemes is somewhat different across countries and thus the spread of the two main sources of information on political, environmental or social matters in consumption. This suggests that citizens’ decision to use their consumption as a tool for expressing political concerns interacts differently with CSR compared to labeling schemes, and across countries.
CSR embodies the taking over of responsibility of firms in cooperation with other actors of civil society and the state. In contrast, labeling schemes serve as tools to influence demand for specific products and thus embody a culture that favors market-driven, formal solutions. In view of that, the paper examines whether the discrepancy is due to citizens’ “concept of the state”, that is to say, their attitudes concerning the state, the market and civil society and their view about who is responsible for what, how the cooperation between the three actors should look like and which role each of them should take over.
The findings propose a framework according to which, on the country level, boycotting brings about the “landscape” in which buycotting becomes possible. It puts “bad” companies under pressure to change their practices and thereby generates the information required for buycotting. In this process, the concept of the state influences individual citizens’ preferences for either CSR or labeling schemes. And depending on which of the two they want to promote, citizens may rather prefer to engage in a boycott or a buycott. Accordingly, the development of political consumerism and its overall extent are different across countries depending on the prevailing concept of the state.
Papers by Carolin Zorell
SocArXiv, 2020
The understanding of what democracy means has never been the same for all people and nations. How... more The understanding of what democracy means has never been the same for all people and nations. However, contemporary developments suggest a fundamental shift. Preferences for a-and anti-democratic political parties and authoritarian(-like) relationships between politics and civil society are gaining support. Remarkably, these developments originate and thrive in the midst of exactly those democratic structures rejected. We therefore ask if there is a new understanding of democracy, and we empirically identify a discernible category of people who support illiberal understandings of democracy. These citizens with disparaging views of democracy reject democratic processes and actors, and weakly support common norms of citizenship. Yet, they are active in politics. Because we find that it is actual participation which stimulates the understandings of democracy, our results suggest that instead of attempting to exclude citizens with illiberal understandings of democracy from political arenas, meeting them there can offer the opportunity to nurture more liberal democratic orientations.
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Journal articles by Carolin Zorell
Books by Carolin Zorell
Chapters in books by Carolin Zorell
Conference presentations by Carolin Zorell
Yet, buycotting and boycotting as well as firms’ societal involvement (i.e. Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) and labeling schemes are spread very differently across countries. This suggests that buy- and boycotting interact differently with CSR and labeling schemes. CSR relates to the idea that market actors should take over responsibility and cooperate with civil society. In contrast, labeling schemes indicate a preference for formal rules. Based on this idea, the paper examines whether citizens’ understanding of how cooperation between government, the market and civil society should look like is one guiding factor when deciding whether to boycott and/or to buycott. As the findings indicate, this is actually the case. Furthermore, they suggest a successive relation between boycotting and buycotting connected with trust in firms.
CSR embodies the taking over of responsibility of firms in cooperation with other actors of civil society and the state. In contrast, labeling schemes serve as tools to influence demand for specific products and thus embody a culture that favors market-driven, formal solutions. In view of that, the paper examines whether the discrepancy is due to citizens’ “concept of the state”, that is to say, their attitudes concerning the state, the market and civil society and their view about who is responsible for what, how the cooperation between the three actors should look like and which role each of them should take over.
The findings propose a framework according to which, on the country level, boycotting brings about the “landscape” in which buycotting becomes possible. It puts “bad” companies under pressure to change their practices and thereby generates the information required for buycotting. In this process, the concept of the state influences individual citizens’ preferences for either CSR or labeling schemes. And depending on which of the two they want to promote, citizens may rather prefer to engage in a boycott or a buycott. Accordingly, the development of political consumerism and its overall extent are different across countries depending on the prevailing concept of the state.
Papers by Carolin Zorell
Yet, buycotting and boycotting as well as firms’ societal involvement (i.e. Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) and labeling schemes are spread very differently across countries. This suggests that buy- and boycotting interact differently with CSR and labeling schemes. CSR relates to the idea that market actors should take over responsibility and cooperate with civil society. In contrast, labeling schemes indicate a preference for formal rules. Based on this idea, the paper examines whether citizens’ understanding of how cooperation between government, the market and civil society should look like is one guiding factor when deciding whether to boycott and/or to buycott. As the findings indicate, this is actually the case. Furthermore, they suggest a successive relation between boycotting and buycotting connected with trust in firms.
CSR embodies the taking over of responsibility of firms in cooperation with other actors of civil society and the state. In contrast, labeling schemes serve as tools to influence demand for specific products and thus embody a culture that favors market-driven, formal solutions. In view of that, the paper examines whether the discrepancy is due to citizens’ “concept of the state”, that is to say, their attitudes concerning the state, the market and civil society and their view about who is responsible for what, how the cooperation between the three actors should look like and which role each of them should take over.
The findings propose a framework according to which, on the country level, boycotting brings about the “landscape” in which buycotting becomes possible. It puts “bad” companies under pressure to change their practices and thereby generates the information required for buycotting. In this process, the concept of the state influences individual citizens’ preferences for either CSR or labeling schemes. And depending on which of the two they want to promote, citizens may rather prefer to engage in a boycott or a buycott. Accordingly, the development of political consumerism and its overall extent are different across countries depending on the prevailing concept of the state.