History and Political Science

As part of their mission to preach faith and morals, the medieval Dominicans often served as allies of parochial clergy and the episcopate. Scholars such as M. Michèle Mulchahey have shown that on the Continent, the Order of Preachers often helped to educate parish priests. We have evidence that thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Dominicans were allowing parochial clergy to attend their schools in England as well.

Much of this evidence is codicological. Two English codices of William Peraldus's sermons provide evidence of a provenance relating to a parish church: London Gray's Inn 20, a collection of his sermons on the Gospels, was owned by a parish priest, and Cambridge Peterhouse 211, a manuscript of his sermons on the Epistles, contains an act issued by the rector of a parish church. Another manuscript of Peraldus's sermons contains synodal statutes. As the Order of Preachers was outside of the diocesan chain of command, these statutes point to the use of these sermons by those who were subject to the episcopate.

Since the Dominicans were normally forbidden from sharing their model sermon literature with secular clergy, these codices suggest a program on the part of the English province of the Order of Preachers to make sure that diocesan clergy could attend Dominican schools in order to gain the skills necessary to preach the basic doctrines and morals of the Christian faith to England's laity.

In the European Middle Ages, the area in which the majority of lay Christians came into contact with the so-called institutional Church was pastoral care. Three principle areas of this care were preaching, confession, and catechesis. All three provide a window into popular religious practice, and thus, the study of pastoral care benefitted from the social-historical turn of the 1960s and 1970s and an increased emphasis on “the people.” One of the key aspects of this study of pastoral care has been in investigation of pastoralia, those works of literature meant to help clergy with the cure of souls carry out their tasks. The study of pastoralia begins with the manuscripts, but then aids several different approaches: history of sexuality, feminism, social and cultural history, and history of universities all make abundant use of pastoral literature.

Bella Millet's scholarly oeuvre on the Middle English Ancrene Wisse has shown how a guide to help an anchoress live a holy life eventually came to serve other pastoral functions, both for devout lay readers and for clergy exercising the cure of souls. A key theme running through her writings is mouvance, the notion that vernacular works could, over the course of their transmission among readers with different needs, have a highly mutable text, depending on audience, adaptor, and scribe (the latter two of which were often one and the same). Her

Later medieval churchmen, reaching all the way to the top of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, recognized the need for an educated clergy. Over half a century ago, in an article in Mediaeval Studies (subsequently reprinted in the collection, Pastoral Care, Clerical Education, and Canon Law, London, 1981), Leonard Boyle showed how Pope Boniface VIII's 1298 apostolic constitution Cum ex eo allowed for a rector to be absent from his parish and use its revenues to study at university. How well was this apostolic constitution implemented? The question has received attention only from smaller pieces by Roy Martin Haines and R.N. Swanson. F. Donald Logan's little book thus fills an important lacuna in the scholarship. Logan employs the Lincoln Diocese as a case study -useful because of both its size and the efficiency of its bishops as record-keepers -to examine how the clergy took advantage of Cum ex eo. Starting just after the 1298 Cum ex eo and ending in the years around the Plague in the mid-fourteenth century, Logan shows that the apostolic constitution largely served its purpose, giving a broad range of parish priests access to a university education.

major effects on hominid development. First, with sea levels dropping due to glaciation, hominids migrated to Australia and the Americas for the first time. Second, while many migrated out of colder climates, those that remained developed physical adaptations. Homo neanderthalensis (Neaderthals), a hominid that disappeared 28,000 years ago, became stockier and more powerful to deal with the difficulties of this icy climate. While not as dramatic as previous developments, the current Holocene period has seen its share of significant climatic events. The Younger Dryas event (c. 12,000 BCE) was a drop in global temperatures accompanied by a corresponding change in vegetation distribution. Reduced rainfall from 2200-1900 BCE made conditions very difficult for civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean. Finally, the Medieval Warm Period represents "one of the most recent periods of climate change." 4 Like neanderthalensis, Homo sapiens, Homo erectus, Homo habilis, and other hominids all reacted to changing climate conditions. Homo erectus and Homo habilis migrated, hunted, and used fire, while neanderthalensis had some use of language and tools and buried their dead. For millions of years, in fact, hominids had been using slivers of volcanic stone and cutters probably to hack through animal skin. The cutters were often found close together, suggesting that early hominids even had a division of labor between hunters who would have to pursue their prey and butchers who could wait nearby at the butchering site. There is even evidence of task division by gender among neanderthalensis. Multiple sites in Europe show different patterns of wear on male and female teeth, indicating a gendered task division in tasks where teeth were used to hold, break, or strip objects. 5 However, by 25,000 years ago all other hominins were extinct; only Homo sapiens sapiens, our species, survived. Paleoanthropologists attribute this survival to larger brains, durability, and ability to adapt to changing environmental conditions. Based on migration patterns and archaeological evidence, Homo sapiens sapiens appear to have been the only hominids to build seaworthy boats, create art, have organized religion, and live in any climate. 6 1.5.2 Homo sapiens Migration While Homo sapiens were decidedly more advanced than other hominids, when they first moved out of Africa some 45,000 years ago, they were only equipped with stone tools for hunting and cutting. Despite those initial limitations, 30,000 years later Homo sapiens would inhabit almost every environment on earth and had a presence in every continent except Antarctica. Homo sapiens in fact moved further and faster than all other hominids. While it is hard to attribute a single factor to all Homo sapiens migration, we do see that multiple human societies required migration to arrive at a more sophisticated level of development. Homo sapien migration accelerated close to 40,000 years ago, where humans reached continental Eurasia. Modern humans (50,000-10,000 years ago) completed the migration to all the continents except Antartica, moving first into Australia, Eastern Siberia, the Pacific margins, Japan, and the 4 Ibid., 3-5. 5 Almudena Estalrrich and Antonio Rosas, "Division of Labor by Sex and Age in Neandertals: An Approach Through the Study of Activity-Related Dental Wear, "

As Father Boyle noted, shortly after its founding, the Order of Preachers became an order of confessors. As part of their preaching mission, the Friars Preachers also conducted confessions and administered penances throughout the English province. Serving as confessors meant that they would end up serving as catechists. An impromptu education would be necessary to make sure a lay penitent understood the basic principles of mortal and venial sins. But in many instances an education would go further: summas of confession like Raymond of Pennafort’s counseled the confessor to make sure that the penitent at least have a basic command of such foundational Christian prayers as the Apostles’ Creed. Summas like Simon of Hinton’s Summa iuniorum outlined basic principles of the Christian religion such as the Articles of Faith.

Much of the historiography on Dominican texts of religious education has concentrated on the role these texts played in the religious education of friars. The doctrines present in many of these texts, however, are somewhat basic, especially given that in the Order’s first century in the English province, most recruits were drawn from the ranks of men who already had a formidable education. Moreover, many of these texts appear in the same sort of portable vademecum codices as the model sermons of prominent friars. Both of these facts suggest Dominicans catechizing laypeople. We thus have these and other pieces of evidence to suggest that not only were the Friars Preachers assisting parochial clergy by instructing laypeople from the pulpit, but also that they were providing other more personal forms of catechesis to English laypeople.

Although scholars have considered the role of secular nursing associations in nineteenthcentury Germany, they have focused on these organizations through the lens of nationalism and state-building or modernization and professionalization. As a result, the question of religiosity in secular nursing has been left largely unexplored. Focusing on the development of the Alice Women's Association for Nursing (Alice Frauenverein für Krankenpflege), which was founded in 1867 in the grand duchy of Hesse, this dissertation examines the ways in which this and similar nineteenth-century women's associations articulated a division between secular and religious forms of nursing, even while they drew on theological traditions associated with liberal Protestantism and on institutional models associated with the Catholic orders and Protestant diaconates. By following the model of the religious motherhouse, these secular Red Crossaffiliated women's associations were also able to provide their nurses with respectability and lifelong security, although adhering to this system meant that the nurses gave up much of their personal freedom.

This article is a study of the Ming philosopher Wang Yangming's handling of a rebellion by non-Han ethnic groups in the province of Guangxi in 1527. As opposed to the previous supreme commander, Wang chose not to use force to quell the uprising but rather advocated a policy of accommodation, resulting in a temporary peace. Both supreme commanders' strategies are analyzed in terms of their differing social imaginaries and moral frameworks. By so doing, light is shed on a spectrum of strategic culture in Ming China and how Wang Yangming positioned himself within it, as well as how his conception of a moral and political order of society infl uenced his policies.