Papers by Per Anders Rudling
Nationalities Papers , 2024
The recent history of the Ukrainian authoritarian far right is one of paradoxes. If one looks at ... more The recent history of the Ukrainian authoritarian far right is one of paradoxes. If one looks at the polls, it has performed poorly; its modest successes have been regional and short-lived. On the other hand, it has been highly successful in terms of shaping memory politics in the country. It has had a disproportional influence on history writing, having invested significant efforts into building an effective structure in the field of memory management. Radical nationalists have also come to staff senior positions as deans and vice chancellors at Ukraine’s top universities, the ministry of education, the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (UINP), and the archives of the Ukrainian Security Service (HDA SBU). The hard right has gained a disproportionate influence on“soft issues” of identity and the shaping of“national memory” – not only by running the governmental memory institutes, but also by hands-on drafting of memory laws outlawing
“disrespect” for the OUN, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and other historical far-right groups. This study seeks to trace and contextualize the repatriation of the ethnonationalist hard right from emigration and its role in shaping an infrastructure of memory production– in particular, under presidents Yushchenko (2005–2010) and Poroshenko (2014–2019).
Baltic Worlds, 2024
Recent years have seen the emergence of critical studies produced by third-generation Displaced P... more Recent years have seen the emergence of critical studies produced by third-generation Displaced Persons (hereafter DPs), questioning ethno-nationalist historical narrations, hegemonic in the community. Yet, in the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada, such studies have been absent. Kassandra Luciuk's current study is written by someone raised in the political elite of the Ukrainian ethno-nationalist community, in dialogue with and challenging the historical memory that her parents dedicated their lives to promote. Her study reads like a Bildungsroman of a young person whose eyes were opened to an ostracized rivalling leftist community tradition. In the process, she started to question the Nationalists monopoly of defining what it means to be Ukrainian in Canada. Her still-unpublished 2021 dissertation sheds new light on ultra-nationalist political violence in Canada and the central role of Ukrainian Nationalists in establishing normative multiculturalism in Canada. The Nationalist hegemony in the community was established through the erection of monuments, a politicized folklore, and the development of an elaborate victimization narrative of Soviet genocide abroad, Canadian concentration camps and "linguistic genocide" at home. Through claiming a share for Galician Ukrainians in the settler colonialist project, Ukrainians insisted on a special status as a "founding people" on the Canadian prairies.
Vetenskapssocieteten i Lund. Årsbok 2024., 2024
The Globe and Mail, Jan 27, 2024
A World Order in Transformation?: A Comparative Study of Consequences of the War and Reactions to these Changes in the Region (=CBEES State of the Region Report 2024), ed. Ninna Mörner , 2024
OUN, UPA i zagłada Żydów , 2016
Yad Vashem Studies, 2022
, marked the eightieth anniversary of the Lviv (Lwów) pogrom, but the memory of what transpired o... more , marked the eightieth anniversary of the Lviv (Lwów) pogrom, but the memory of what transpired on that day in 1941 remains sharply disparate. In Lviv, on June 30, 2021, the far-right Natsional'nyi korpus held a torchlight parade in which more than 1,000 far-right activists pledged their allegiance to Roman Shukhevych (1907-1950), an Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) leader and commanding officer of the Nachtigall battalion, a Ukrainian nationalist formation complicit in the Holocaust (pp. 234-235). 1 On the eve of the annual celebrations of the June 30 declaration, Oleh Romanyshyn (born in 1941), a long-term leader of the OUN-B in Canada, operating in that country as a front organization called the League of Ukrainian Canadians (Liga Ukraintsiv Kanady, LUC), delivered an address from its Toronto headquarters. Romanyshyn lamented that, The Lviv Act of declaration of the renewal of the Ukrainian State of June 30, 1941 [has] become a subject of disinformation and provocation launched by Moscow against the Ukrainian liberation movement OUN-UPA. These activities, of course, included the participation of a fifth column and various enemies of Ukraine and 1 "Bohnina misteriia pam'iaty holovnokomundvacha UPA Romana Shukhevycha u L'vovi: video," Natsional'nyi korpus, July 1, 2021, https://nationalcorps.org/vognyanamisteriya-pamyati-golovnokomanduvacha-upa-romana-shuhevicha-u-lvovi-video/ (accessed August 6, 2021). On Nachtigall's participation in the murder of Jews, see
Yalkut moreshet, vol. 102 (December 2021): 121-153., 2021
Ninna Mörner (ed.), The Many Faces of the Far Right in the Post-Communist Space: A Comparative Study of Far-Right Movements and Identity in the Region (=CBEES State of the Region Report 2021) (Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2022): 42-60., 2022
Essay ment among the strongly nationalist postwar wave of Ukrainian immigrants from the formerly ... more Essay ment among the strongly nationalist postwar wave of Ukrainian immigrants from the formerly Polish eastern borderlands. 22 Geographer and activist Lubomyr Luciuk (b. 1953), raised himself in the OUN(b) tradition, notes that "the refugees, particularly its military nationalistic pitch, reflect an ideology which had been further cultivated within the DP camps and subsequently exported as part of the cultural baggage the refugees brought with them to Canada." 23 December 15, 1948 saw the first issue of the Canadian Banderites' paper Homin Ukrainy, which Luciuk characterizes as "an unflagging advocate of revolutionary nationalist principles."
Moreshet: Journal for the Study of the Holocaust and Antisemitism, 2022
Nordisk Østforum, 2021
In 2019, the Swedish government officially switched terminology from using the traditional endoge... more In 2019, the Swedish government officially switched terminology from using the traditional endogenous term Vitryssland to the exogenous Belarus. Vitryssland (lit: White Russia) had been in use in the Swedish language since the 17 th century, and the decision was neither easy nor swift. There was no consensus about the utility of the change, and significant opposition from linguists and editors against abandoning a term which had emerged and become established over centuries of contact. The debate preceding the switch was often shrill, led by activists and steeped in identity politics. In fact, controversies regarding what to call the country were nothing new, highlighting diverging visions of its geopolitical and cultural position between East and West. Discussions mirrored the far more emotional and polarized discussions among Belarusian nationalists in the 20 th century, which at times became violent. Kryvia, Byelorussia, Greatlitva were but some of contenders. This article is an attempt to place discussions about the Swedish terminology in the larger context of history, memory, geopolitics and identity politics.
Istoricheskaia ekspertiza, 2021
Политическое развитие Белоруссии заметно отличается от ее западных соседей. Авторитарный популист... more Политическое развитие Белоруссии заметно отличается от ее западных соседей. Авторитарный популистский режим был установлен в 1994 г. под лозунгами борьбы с коррупцией, ностальгии по СССР и объединения восточнославянских народов в одно государство. На протяжении всего своего долгого правления Александр Лукашенко продемонстрировал умение ловко приспосабливаться к меняющейся геополитической ситуации. Поскольку вначале он опирался на группы, оппонирующие реформам Горбачева и Ельцина, то Лукашенко даже относили к «красно-коричневым» в связи с его сетованиями по поводу развала Советского Союза и за продвигаемую им повестку объединения восточных славян. Отсылки к советским временам продолжают играть центральную роль в идентичности и официальной памяти, формируемой режимом Лукашенко. Нарастающее давление путинской России изменило геополитическую ситуацию и заставило поменять риторику, теперь на первый план выдвигается белорусская государственность.
Journal of Belarusian Studies
Stereotype Des Ostseeraumes Interdisziplinare Beitrage Aus Geschichte Und Gegenwart, 2012
Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler, die sich mit der ukrainischen Diaspora beschäftigen, se... more Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler, die sich mit der ukrainischen Diaspora beschäftigen, sehen sich gelegentlich mit dem Phänomen der "Ukrainophobie" konfrontiert. Dieser unscharf definierte Begriff lässt sich seit den 1980er Jahren als Ukrainophobia im anglo-amerikanischen Sprachgebrauch nachweisen, und obwohl die negativen Konnotationen offensichtlich sind, ist die exakte Bedeutung unklar geblieben. Untersuchungen zu anti-ukrainischen Stereotypen in Kanada beschränkten sich bisher auf die Haltung der Mehrheitsbevölkerung 1 ; doch eine negative Einstellung zu Ukrainerinnen und Ukrainern war keineswegs eine exklusive Domäne der anglo-kanadischen Mehrheit. Der vorliegende Beitrag 2 beschäftigt sich mit anti-ukrainischen Einstellungen in einer der größeren Immigrantengruppen der kanadischen Prärie-den Skandinaviern-um dadurch Rückschlüsse auf die soziale Dynamik zwischen verschiedenen Einwanderergruppen zu ermöglichen.
Europe’s Last Frontier?: Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine between Russia and the European Union, ed. Oliver Schmidke and Serhy Yekelchyk (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008), 2008
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever with... more All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of briei quo_ tations embodied in criticaì articles or reviews.
Slavic and East European Journal, 2007
Bialoruskie Zeszyty Historyczne, 2009
Journal of Ukrainian Studies, 2005
Uploads
Papers by Per Anders Rudling
“disrespect” for the OUN, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and other historical far-right groups. This study seeks to trace and contextualize the repatriation of the ethnonationalist hard right from emigration and its role in shaping an infrastructure of memory production– in particular, under presidents Yushchenko (2005–2010) and Poroshenko (2014–2019).
“disrespect” for the OUN, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and other historical far-right groups. This study seeks to trace and contextualize the repatriation of the ethnonationalist hard right from emigration and its role in shaping an infrastructure of memory production– in particular, under presidents Yushchenko (2005–2010) and Poroshenko (2014–2019).
The book’s introduction to the intellectual history of Ukrainian nationalism and particular conditions of nation building of a stateless nation is followed by an investigation of post-Soviet memory management. The study engages the contentious issue of the taxonomy of the OUN’s ideology before concluding with a chapter on how Ukraine’s rehabilitation of this organization has been weaponized by the Russian Federation to justify its criminal war of aggression. In this war, Ukrainians defend not only their territory; their stubborn resistance is a defense of a rules-based order, democracy, fundamental human rights, and the right to self-determination. As a by-product of this is, it may also offer a way out of a memory impasse, beyond Bandera and the OUN.