Papers by Maria Khayutina
Early China, 2021
This paper is available in Open Access under https://www.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2021.10. It explores... more This paper is available in Open Access under https://www.doi.org/10.1017/eac.2021.10. It explores how the memory of the conquest of Shang and the rise of the first Zhou kings was transmitted during the early centuries of the Zhou dynasty, specifically as it was reflected in inscriptions on excavated bronze vessels and bells from the Western Zhou period (ca. mid11th to early 8th c. BCE). Approaching these inscribed objects and their texts from the perspective of the theories of social memory and cultural memory reveals that commemorating the foundational past of the dynasty became part of an intentional policy of the Zhou royal house as early as the first half of the 10th c. BCE. It demonstrates that by the mid-10th c. BCE, a stable narrative emphasizing Kings Wen 文 and Wu 武 as the founding fathers of the Zhou dynasty was established at the expense of King Cheng 成, whose role was gradually downplayed following the general logic of lineage organization, according to which the commemoration of the earliest common ancestors serves as the foundation of corporate integrity in a network of patrilineally related families. It shows that most of the men who included such commemorations in inscriptions indeed belonged to the royal patrilineal network, wherein they occupied the highest positions. It further exemplifies that the royal house cultivated the memory of the first kings using various media, including rituals, utensils, royal speeches, and inscriptions. From the analysis of such inscriptions, we can infer that the foundational memory of the Zhou dynasty was usually reactivated in the context of political negotiations, some of which included addressing lineage outsiders. Finally, it shows that both the royal house and other metropolitan lineages modified the foundational narrative according to their current needs. This paper thus contributes both to tracing the roots of the early Chinese historiographic tradition and to understanding memory production in a society as an ongoing process of negotiations and adaptations.
The Oxford Handbook of Early China
The present chapter deals with the early history and archaeology of the Zhou dynasty (mid-elevent... more The present chapter deals with the early history and archaeology of the Zhou dynasty (mid-eleventh to third centuries bce), beginning with the legendary period of early ancestors, traditionally traced back several centuries earlier. Up-to-date efforts of Chinese archaeologists to systematize and to interpret manifold cultural remains from circa the thirteenth to eleventh centuries bce in the present-day Shaanxi province are reviewed with the goal of identifying “proto-Zhou” in the material record. In addition, data are reviewed pertaining to contacts between Zhou and the contemporary political hegemon, Shang, before and during their final collision, after which the Zhou started claiming hegemony for itself. The outline of the “Western Zhou period” ending with the death of King You 幽 (r. 780–771 bce) is then introduced, touching upon the problems of periodization and of chronologic reconstructions proposed for the date of the conquest of Shang and for early Zhou reigns. Finally, poli...
早期中国研究（第 ４ 辑）, 2021
几千篇西周青铜器铭文中，只有几百篇包含着历日信息。在这几百篇中，只有几十篇包含了“完整的日期记载”，即王年、月份、月相和干支四个要素。现代社会，人们非常关注时间的严格计量，以及事件发生的准确时间... more 几千篇西周青铜器铭文中，只有几百篇包含着历日信息。在这几百篇中，只有几十篇包含了“完整的日期记载”，即王年、月份、月相和干支四个要素。现代社会，人们非常关注时间的严格计量，以及事件发生的准确时间，那么我们自然会有疑问，只有年和月份没有日，或是只有月、日却没有年的时间记录方式有什么用。然而，西周时期用于记忆过去的王年似乎并未成为每一个人的自觉需求。笔者认为，作为记录事件发生时间的通行方式，西周王年并不是特意地自上建立的，而是王室侍从圈逐渐习得的，而且这些侍从才是新型档案得以发展的功臣。关于这一点我们主要基于以下分析获得：
１． 金文中“年”是如何使用的？
２． 哪类事件使用“年”的方式记录？
３． 谁使用“王年”，用意是什么？
４． 周贵族中王年的认知是怎么增长的？与西周社会的变化有什么关系？
楚文化与长江中游早期开发国际学术研讨会论文集, eds. Xu Shaohua 徐少华, Taniguchi Mitsuru 谷口满, Luo Tai 罗泰 (Lothar von Falkenhausen), 2021
The present paper explores the process of polities' formation in the region between the Yellow Ri... more The present paper explores the process of polities' formation in the region between the Yellow River and Yangze River valleys during the late 2nd millennium BCE. Taking as an example Xi, located in a river valley north of the Tongbo mountains in present-day southern Henan, as attested by excavations of the Xi lineage cemetery, it suggests that Xi represented a lineage-based polity that emerged in a strategic bottleneck on a trading route along which desired goods were transported between the south and the north. Xi could be representative of small autonomous polities that were involved in communication with the major political and economic centers of the north (Shang successive capitals in Zhengzhou and Anyang, later – Zhou centers in Wei valley), sometimes directly, but usually via third parties, whose presence and locations are gradually getting revealed by ongoing archaeological investigations. Whereas many scholars interpret the finds of elite cemeteries containing Shang-style bronze objects as evidence of Shang southward expansion, I suggest looking at small early Chinese lineage-based polities in the frame of peer-polity interaction model, whereby I consider interregional trade in metal ores as a major factor of polity formation in the region between the two major Chinese rivers.
In Aus geteilten Zeiten: Studien zur Nanbeichao-Periode. Geburtstagsgabe für Shing Müller 宋馨, edited by Roderich Ptak, Großheirath: Ostasien-Verlag, 2020
The present paper deals with Jinlouzi 金樓子, a collection of essays by Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554), the Em... more The present paper deals with Jinlouzi 金樓子, a collection of essays by Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554), the Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 552–554) of the Liang 梁 Dynasty (502–557), focusing on the following aspects:
— where does the book title Jinlouzi ("A Golden Tower") comes from and how can it be understood against the background of the material culture of the Nanbeichao-Epoch?
— how does Jinlouzi reflect Xiao Yi's historical and bibliophile interests as well as his activities as a writer?
— which sources had he and his team used for compiling the „Xingwang“ 興王 ("Elevated to king") chapter, containing descriptions of selected exemplary rulers of the past?
— how this chapter legitimates and historically positions Xiao Yi's father Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu 武 (r. 502–549), the founder of the Liang-Dynasty?
Orientations, 2019
The He libation vessel ( zun) (Fig. 1), a magnificent piece of ancient Chinese art, played a sig... more The He libation vessel ( zun) (Fig. 1), a magnificent piece of ancient Chinese art, played a significant role in politics at the dawn of Chinese statehood as it was cast to forge an alliance between the royal family and the local nobility. Buried in earth for a long period and brought to light again in the 20th century, it became an important agent in the memory culture of modern China. Today it enjoys the status of ‘National Treasure’, and even became a media celebrity, ‘speaking’ to millions of people from the screens of their TV sets. The present paper, originally presented as a talk at the workshop "Chinese Objects and their Lives" at INALCO, Paris, June 15-16, 2018, sketches a fascinating object biography.
Historical Consciousness and the Use of the Past in the Ancient World, edited by John Baines, Henriette van der Blom, Y. S. Chen, and Tim Rood, 2019
This chapter compares two groups of inscriptions on ritual bronze vessels and bells from the 10th... more This chapter compares two groups of inscriptions on ritual bronze vessels and bells from the 10th–5th centuries BC that refer to the distant past, examining how Early Chinese elites mobilized historical memory. The first group of inscriptions, commemorating the founders of the Zhou dynasty (ca. 1050–256), is from the Zhou metropolitan area around Xi’an and dates from the 10th–early 8th centuries. Inscriptions in the second group, also referring to earlier rulers, post-date the 8th century and derive from various polities. Comparison uncovers significant regional differences and temporal changes.
Two late 9th century inscriptions exhibit the metropolitan practice of referring to the past in relation to royal appointments and rewards. Their ‘historical’ excurses are products of a Zhou memory policy that provided ideological support for the dynasty which, unlike rulers elsewhere in the ancient world, could not count on a shared pantheon to boost cohesion and loyalty among subordinates who were not royal kin. Zhou kings targeted discourse about the First Kings in order to maintain the hierarchy among metropolitan lineages. Elites imitated kings and used memory about royal ancestors to display and enhance their own prestige. Four inscriptions, commissioned by regional rulers and elites of the 8th to early 5th centuries, show that they only partly followed the metropolitan example of referring back to the early Zhou kings. In seeking legitimation for their autonomy or new political alliances they could evoke a more distant past or contrast the present Zhou kings to the dynasty’s founders. Thus, the roots of Chinese historiography go back to discourse about status and hierarchy among the Zhou elites from the 10th century onward, whereas deepening historical perspectives and the emergence of a critical approach to the past can be connected with political changes during the 8th–5th centuries.
Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents), 2017
The text known as “Bi shi” 粊誓renders an oath that an unnamed ruler of Lu took with his subordinat... more The text known as “Bi shi” 粊誓renders an oath that an unnamed ruler of Lu took with his subordinates in the run-up to a war and is one of the final four chapters of the Shangshu尚書, which are sometimes seen together as a “medley of texts from early in the Spring and Autumn period.” Regarded as somewhat marginal, these chapters enjoyed relatively little attention in the Chinese exegetic tradition. Admitting that they circulated independently before some still-unknown editorial body included them in the Shangshu, it is stimulating to inquire about their nature, date, and objectives and to attempt to locate each of them within the context of early Chinese culture, thought, society, and politics. The present chapter addresses the following questions:
• What is the historical setting of “Bi shi”?
• How does it correlate with authentic oath texts from the period that it pretends to reflect?
• In which historical context was it plausibly produced?
• What functions was it supposed to fulfill at the time of production?
Excavations in the Zhou metropolitan region in Wei River Valley have repeatedly uncovered remains... more Excavations in the Zhou metropolitan region in Wei River Valley have repeatedly uncovered remains of semi- or fully subterranean architectural structures of various shapes and sizes that date from the Western Zhou period. The present paper ponders what kind of people may have lived below ground during a time when timber-framed aboveground buildings were constructed for kings and other members of the highest elite. A look at the contemporary or slightly later burials associated with such houses may shed some light on the social standing of the inhabitants of semi- and fully subterranean dwellings.
Imprints of Kinship: Studies of Recently Discovered Bronze Inscriptions from Ancient China, ed. Edward L. Shaughnessy, 2016
A Western Zhou period cemetery near Hengshui zhen 横水鎮 in Jiang 降 county, southwest Shanxi, was di... more A Western Zhou period cemetery near Hengshui zhen 横水鎮 in Jiang 降 county, southwest Shanxi, was discovered in 2004. A comprehensive report about the excavations of the whole site has not yet been published, but some observations can be made based on preliminary reports about the tombs of Pengbo Cheng 倗伯爯 and his spouse Bi Ji 畢姬. Inscriptions discovered elsewhere reveal that Peng 倗 was a lineage of the Kui 媿/Gui 鬼 surname. Some received texts associate Kui/Gui-surnamed lineages with the Di 狄/翟 group of northern non-Zhou peoples. According to the Chinese historiographical tradition, the Di remained autonomous from the Huaxia 華夏 cultural and political community, which was dominated during the Western Zhou period by polities ruled by lineages of the Ji 姬 and Jiang 姜 surnames. The new discovery shows that a small non-Zhou polity, not referred to in transmitted literature, existed quite close to the eastern residence of the Zhou kings at Chengzhou 成周 and just to the south of Jin 晉, one of the major Zhou colonies ruled by a lineage of Ji surname. Moreover, rulers of Peng had marital relations with Bi 畢, another distinguished Ji-surnamed lineage closely related to the Zhou royal house. Thus, the case of Peng can be very instructive for understanding geopolitical and cultural relations in China during the Western Zhou period. In the following, I briefly introduce the tombs of the Peng ruling couple and the inscriptions on their bronzes, and then proceed to discuss the following four issues:
• the date of tombs M1 and M2 of the Peng cemetery;
• the relationship of Peng with non-Zhou peoples, as it can be observed based on the analysis of material remains and onomastic evidence;
• the integration of the Peng lineage into the Zhou political and social network;
• the role played by Yigong 益公, mentioned in the inscription on the Pengbo Cheng gui 倗伯爯簋 tureen, in the acquisition of allies among non-Zhou peoples.
In the conclusion, I use the case of Peng to discuss some general issues in the relationships between Zhou and non-Zhou polities of central China during the late tenth to the early ninth centuries B.C.
Early China 37, 2014
Several hundred inscribed bronze objects dating from Western and
Eastern Zhou periods were commi... more Several hundred inscribed bronze objects dating from Western and
Eastern Zhou periods were commissioned for or by married
women. Several dozen inscriptions are known whose commissioners
called themselves sheng 生(甥) of a number of lineages. In pre-Qin
Chinese, the term sheng 甥designated several categories of affinal
relatives: paternal aunts’ sons, maternal uncles’ sons, wives’ brothers,
sisters’ husbands, and sons of sisters or daughters. The wide geographical
and chronological spread of female- or sheng-related
vessels, as well as dedications to “many affinal relatives” (hungou
婚購) in bronze inscriptions point to the importance of marital ties
in early Chinese society and politics.
Focusing on the inscriptions commissioned by sheng, the present
article suggests that even when concluded at a considerable distance,
marriages produced long-term mutual obligations for male members
of the participating lineages or principalities. Affinal relationships
represented social and political capital that could be converted in
terms of individuals’ careers and prestige or benefits for their whole
lineages/states. In sum, starting from the early Western Zhou
period, marital alliances represented a substantial integrative factor
in early Chinese politics. On the one hand, marital alliances helped
to consolidate the radial network of Zhou states centered on the
Zhou king. On the other hand, they facilitated the construction of
decentralized regional and interregional inter-state networks. The
latter guaranteed the stability of the Zhou political system even when it had a weak center. As a result, the Zhou networks did not fall
apart following crises in the Zhou royal house, but continued to
expand by the inclusion of new members.
Auf Augenhöhe. Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Heiner Roetz, Bochumer Jahrbuch zur Ostasienforschung 38 , 2015
The chapter “Basic Records of Zhou” of the Shiji (Historical Records, ca. 100 BCE) contains an ac... more The chapter “Basic Records of Zhou” of the Shiji (Historical Records, ca. 100 BCE) contains an account of a “dispute” between the rulers of Yu and Rui that allegedly took place during the reign of King Wen of Zhou (died ca. 1049 BCE). According to the Shiji, the conflicting parties sought King Wen’s help in resolving their dispute. This gives the impression that, on the eve of the Zhou dynasty, settlement of disputes or deciding upon legal cases might constitute a substantial function of the royal power. However, this impression can be revealed as anachronistic. The present paper argues that the story about this “dispute” came about as the result of a misinterpretation of the ode “Mian” in the Book of Poetry, which served as one of the sources of the Historical Records. The paper analyses the “Mian” against the historical background of the Western Zhou period (1046‒771 BCE). It concludes that rather than referring to a dispute, this ode praises the rulers of Yu and Ru as elder relatives of the Zhou royal lineage, who backed King Wen’s irregular succession to the throne and thus contributed to the Zhou’s rise to power.
T'oung Pao, 2010
The present article examines how political communication and administration were
effected in the... more The present article examines how political communication and administration were
effected in the Western Zhou polity (1046/5-771 BC) and investigates the significance
of the royal residences as political and administrative centers. Bronze inscriptions
referring to royal receptions that were offered to Zhou regional rulers, rulers of non-
Zhou polities, royal officers and other subjects provide the basis for this study. It is
argued that the form of “royal hospitality” described in these inscriptions was a political
and, partially, administrative institution of the Zhou kings, and that its territorial
localization both reflected and defined the geopolitical constitution of the polity. The
article concludes by arguing that in the “larger Zhou polity” embracing the regional
states of the zhuhou, political communication was decentralized, and that none of the
royal residences held the status as political “capital” throughout the entire period. It is
further found that a process of territorial centralization was underway in the territories
under the direct control of the king, and that the oldest royal residence Zhou-under-
Qi was gradually established as political and administrative capital.
Hou Han(s’) shu: Festschrift zum 50. Geburtstag von Hans van Ess, hrsg. von Daniel Leese (München: Institut für Sinologie, 2012), 83-104, 2012
Seit mehr als zwei Jahrzehnten verbreiten sich in den Städten in ganz
China von Peking nach Urum... more Seit mehr als zwei Jahrzehnten verbreiten sich in den Städten in ganz
China von Peking nach Urumchi und von Guangzhou nach Huhhot große
Dreifüße aus Bronze. Sie werden auf Plätzen in zentral liegenden Stadtvierteln
auf hohen Postamenten aufgestellt und sind kaum zu übersehen. Der
vorliegende Beitrag gibt eine Übersicht über die bedeutendsten
Dreifüße der Volksrepublik China. Um das ganze Spektrum der
Assoziationen wahrzunehmen, die solche Wahrzeichen bei einem gebildeten
chinesischen Betrachter vermutlich wecken, soll berücksichtigt werden, wie Dreifüße im antiken China als Symbole der Tugenden zu gelten begannen.
Dieser Rückblick ermöglicht gleichzeitig abzuschätzen, welche Funktionen die
zeitgenössischen Dreifüße erfüllen, welche bereits vor der Zeitenwende
erkennbar waren, und welche von ihnen Produkte der postmodernen Zeit sind.
Aus diesen Gründen ist dieser Aufsatz chronologisch aufgebaut: Zunächst
blicken wir zum Ursprung der „Dreifuß-Kultur“ zurück und daraufhin wenden
wir uns dem heutigen Tag zu.
Oriens Extremus, 2002
The theme of hospitality as of one of the most important social and political institutions, known... more The theme of hospitality as of one of the most important social and political institutions, known from the very dawn of civilization and not less relevant today, has attracted a great deal of attention from philosophers and historians alike, especially during recent decades. The fact that this theme has taken on renewed interest is largely due to the intensification of physical human traffic all over the world and to the specifics of the present moment, when apart from the habitual spatiotemporal
dimensions, hospitality acquires an informational dimension and transits from the sphere of physical geography to that of virtual space. The diversity of contexts in which this subject may be discussed indicates the complexity and multi-functionality of this model of human communication. Moreover, whereas the concepts of hospitality are present in every language, its representations and practices may vary to a great extent from culture to culture, as well as within a single culture with the current of time. This article explores the representations of hospitality and its role in geo-political relations in late pre-imperial China and focuses on the two aspects:
1) Which function did the model of hospitality have in the representation of the historical past?
2) Which relationship between “hosts” and “guests” did the ancient Chinese model of hospitality imply?
Oriens Extremus 47 (2008): 25-65, 2008
The present paper aims to reveal how the “western period” of the Zhou dynasty (1046/5-256 BCE) wa... more The present paper aims to reveal how the “western period” of the Zhou dynasty (1046/5-256 BCE) was remembered, forgotten, and later reconstructed from pieces of memory. By juxtaposing the data of epigraphic sources against reminiscences about of the past in received texts from several centuries up to the Western Han (206 BC – AD 9) period, it addresses the following questions:
1) How was the geopolitical constitution of the Zhou polity before 771 BC reflected in various literary texts:
– in the Poetry and Documents Classics, possibly manifesting representations of the edge between the Western and Eastern Zhou periods;
– in the Zuo zhuan, possibly reflecting representations of the Spring and Autumn period (770–403 BC);
– in various texts of the Warring States period (403–221 BC)?
2) How was the early Zhou period remembered during the Western Han times and how were available memories about its “western period” selected, manipulated and integrated in Sima Qian’s Records of the Historiographer ?
Surveying many sources of a heterogeneous nature and different origins, this paper makes some preliminary observations about alternative tendencies in the process of construction of the past in early China and tentatively discusses their possible political and social backgrounds.
Time and Ritual in Early China, hrsg. von Xiaobing WANG-RIESE und Thomas O. HÖLLMANN, Asiatische Forschungen Monographienreihe, 125-151., 2009
Of over six thousands Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, only several hundred contain dates, while... more Of over six thousands Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, only several hundred contain dates, while only several dozens of these contain “full dating formulas” specifying a year of a certain – unnamed – king, a month, a term, referring to a month’s division, and a day of the ritual sexagenarian cycle. Whether to introduce a date in an inscription was plausibly a matter of individual choice of bronze objects’ commissioners. Approaching “time” as a social construct, this paper therefore examines the uses of the royal year-count kings against the social background of its users. This analysis reveals that initially, the royal year-count was used to structure and to register the activities of the king, whereas most early records of events referred not to the time, but to the place where they took place. The growing number of year-references in inscriptions from the Middle and Late Western Zhou periods as compared to the Early period demonstrates that the significance of the royal year-count was gradually increasing, although the circle of its user was mostly limited to the Zhou metropolitan elite. Occasionally, year-dates even appear for dating of private events such as marriages. This can be understood as an outcome of increasing social complexity coupled with the growing demand of metropolitan residents for more order and regulation. Nevertheless, the facultative application of the royal year-count even in records of royal receptions related to appointments and the issue of commands suggests that precise dating was not indispensable in official record-keeping. Indicating precise dates of events relevant to commissioners’ change of status in bronze inscriptions could even be a response to unsystematic documentary practices of royal scribes and secretaries. At the same time, the lack of dates in commemorations of ancestors suggests that precise dating was used only for structuring the present, whereas there was no demand for an accurate chronology of the past.
McDougall and Hansson (eds.), Chinese Concepts of Privacy , 2002
Vera DOROFEEVA-LICHTMANN, Michael DICKHARDT (Hrsg.): Creating and Representing Sacred Spaces. Göttinger Studien zur Asienforschung (Monograph Series), Heft 2-3 (Göttingen: Peust & Gutschmidt 2003), S. 113-144, 2003
Berliner China-Hefte: Sozialgeschichte Chinas, 2003
Uploads
Papers by Maria Khayutina
１． 金文中“年”是如何使用的？
２． 哪类事件使用“年”的方式记录？
３． 谁使用“王年”，用意是什么？
４． 周贵族中王年的认知是怎么增长的？与西周社会的变化有什么关系？
— where does the book title Jinlouzi ("A Golden Tower") comes from and how can it be understood against the background of the material culture of the Nanbeichao-Epoch?
— how does Jinlouzi reflect Xiao Yi's historical and bibliophile interests as well as his activities as a writer?
— which sources had he and his team used for compiling the „Xingwang“ 興王 ("Elevated to king") chapter, containing descriptions of selected exemplary rulers of the past?
— how this chapter legitimates and historically positions Xiao Yi's father Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu 武 (r. 502–549), the founder of the Liang-Dynasty?
Two late 9th century inscriptions exhibit the metropolitan practice of referring to the past in relation to royal appointments and rewards. Their ‘historical’ excurses are products of a Zhou memory policy that provided ideological support for the dynasty which, unlike rulers elsewhere in the ancient world, could not count on a shared pantheon to boost cohesion and loyalty among subordinates who were not royal kin. Zhou kings targeted discourse about the First Kings in order to maintain the hierarchy among metropolitan lineages. Elites imitated kings and used memory about royal ancestors to display and enhance their own prestige. Four inscriptions, commissioned by regional rulers and elites of the 8th to early 5th centuries, show that they only partly followed the metropolitan example of referring back to the early Zhou kings. In seeking legitimation for their autonomy or new political alliances they could evoke a more distant past or contrast the present Zhou kings to the dynasty’s founders. Thus, the roots of Chinese historiography go back to discourse about status and hierarchy among the Zhou elites from the 10th century onward, whereas deepening historical perspectives and the emergence of a critical approach to the past can be connected with political changes during the 8th–5th centuries.
• What is the historical setting of “Bi shi”?
• How does it correlate with authentic oath texts from the period that it pretends to reflect?
• In which historical context was it plausibly produced?
• What functions was it supposed to fulfill at the time of production?
• the date of tombs M1 and M2 of the Peng cemetery;
• the relationship of Peng with non-Zhou peoples, as it can be observed based on the analysis of material remains and onomastic evidence;
• the integration of the Peng lineage into the Zhou political and social network;
• the role played by Yigong 益公, mentioned in the inscription on the Pengbo Cheng gui 倗伯爯簋 tureen, in the acquisition of allies among non-Zhou peoples.
In the conclusion, I use the case of Peng to discuss some general issues in the relationships between Zhou and non-Zhou polities of central China during the late tenth to the early ninth centuries B.C.
Eastern Zhou periods were commissioned for or by married
women. Several dozen inscriptions are known whose commissioners
called themselves sheng 生(甥) of a number of lineages. In pre-Qin
Chinese, the term sheng 甥designated several categories of affinal
relatives: paternal aunts’ sons, maternal uncles’ sons, wives’ brothers,
sisters’ husbands, and sons of sisters or daughters. The wide geographical
and chronological spread of female- or sheng-related
vessels, as well as dedications to “many affinal relatives” (hungou
婚購) in bronze inscriptions point to the importance of marital ties
in early Chinese society and politics.
Focusing on the inscriptions commissioned by sheng, the present
article suggests that even when concluded at a considerable distance,
marriages produced long-term mutual obligations for male members
of the participating lineages or principalities. Affinal relationships
represented social and political capital that could be converted in
terms of individuals’ careers and prestige or benefits for their whole
lineages/states. In sum, starting from the early Western Zhou
period, marital alliances represented a substantial integrative factor
in early Chinese politics. On the one hand, marital alliances helped
to consolidate the radial network of Zhou states centered on the
Zhou king. On the other hand, they facilitated the construction of
decentralized regional and interregional inter-state networks. The
latter guaranteed the stability of the Zhou political system even when it had a weak center. As a result, the Zhou networks did not fall
apart following crises in the Zhou royal house, but continued to
expand by the inclusion of new members.
effected in the Western Zhou polity (1046/5-771 BC) and investigates the significance
of the royal residences as political and administrative centers. Bronze inscriptions
referring to royal receptions that were offered to Zhou regional rulers, rulers of non-
Zhou polities, royal officers and other subjects provide the basis for this study. It is
argued that the form of “royal hospitality” described in these inscriptions was a political
and, partially, administrative institution of the Zhou kings, and that its territorial
localization both reflected and defined the geopolitical constitution of the polity. The
article concludes by arguing that in the “larger Zhou polity” embracing the regional
states of the zhuhou, political communication was decentralized, and that none of the
royal residences held the status as political “capital” throughout the entire period. It is
further found that a process of territorial centralization was underway in the territories
under the direct control of the king, and that the oldest royal residence Zhou-under-
Qi was gradually established as political and administrative capital.
China von Peking nach Urumchi und von Guangzhou nach Huhhot große
Dreifüße aus Bronze. Sie werden auf Plätzen in zentral liegenden Stadtvierteln
auf hohen Postamenten aufgestellt und sind kaum zu übersehen. Der
vorliegende Beitrag gibt eine Übersicht über die bedeutendsten
Dreifüße der Volksrepublik China. Um das ganze Spektrum der
Assoziationen wahrzunehmen, die solche Wahrzeichen bei einem gebildeten
chinesischen Betrachter vermutlich wecken, soll berücksichtigt werden, wie Dreifüße im antiken China als Symbole der Tugenden zu gelten begannen.
Dieser Rückblick ermöglicht gleichzeitig abzuschätzen, welche Funktionen die
zeitgenössischen Dreifüße erfüllen, welche bereits vor der Zeitenwende
erkennbar waren, und welche von ihnen Produkte der postmodernen Zeit sind.
Aus diesen Gründen ist dieser Aufsatz chronologisch aufgebaut: Zunächst
blicken wir zum Ursprung der „Dreifuß-Kultur“ zurück und daraufhin wenden
wir uns dem heutigen Tag zu.
dimensions, hospitality acquires an informational dimension and transits from the sphere of physical geography to that of virtual space. The diversity of contexts in which this subject may be discussed indicates the complexity and multi-functionality of this model of human communication. Moreover, whereas the concepts of hospitality are present in every language, its representations and practices may vary to a great extent from culture to culture, as well as within a single culture with the current of time. This article explores the representations of hospitality and its role in geo-political relations in late pre-imperial China and focuses on the two aspects:
1) Which function did the model of hospitality have in the representation of the historical past?
2) Which relationship between “hosts” and “guests” did the ancient Chinese model of hospitality imply?
1) How was the geopolitical constitution of the Zhou polity before 771 BC reflected in various literary texts:
– in the Poetry and Documents Classics, possibly manifesting representations of the edge between the Western and Eastern Zhou periods;
– in the Zuo zhuan, possibly reflecting representations of the Spring and Autumn period (770–403 BC);
– in various texts of the Warring States period (403–221 BC)?
2) How was the early Zhou period remembered during the Western Han times and how were available memories about its “western period” selected, manipulated and integrated in Sima Qian’s Records of the Historiographer ?
Surveying many sources of a heterogeneous nature and different origins, this paper makes some preliminary observations about alternative tendencies in the process of construction of the past in early China and tentatively discusses their possible political and social backgrounds.
１． 金文中“年”是如何使用的？
２． 哪类事件使用“年”的方式记录？
３． 谁使用“王年”，用意是什么？
４． 周贵族中王年的认知是怎么增长的？与西周社会的变化有什么关系？
— where does the book title Jinlouzi ("A Golden Tower") comes from and how can it be understood against the background of the material culture of the Nanbeichao-Epoch?
— how does Jinlouzi reflect Xiao Yi's historical and bibliophile interests as well as his activities as a writer?
— which sources had he and his team used for compiling the „Xingwang“ 興王 ("Elevated to king") chapter, containing descriptions of selected exemplary rulers of the past?
— how this chapter legitimates and historically positions Xiao Yi's father Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu 武 (r. 502–549), the founder of the Liang-Dynasty?
Two late 9th century inscriptions exhibit the metropolitan practice of referring to the past in relation to royal appointments and rewards. Their ‘historical’ excurses are products of a Zhou memory policy that provided ideological support for the dynasty which, unlike rulers elsewhere in the ancient world, could not count on a shared pantheon to boost cohesion and loyalty among subordinates who were not royal kin. Zhou kings targeted discourse about the First Kings in order to maintain the hierarchy among metropolitan lineages. Elites imitated kings and used memory about royal ancestors to display and enhance their own prestige. Four inscriptions, commissioned by regional rulers and elites of the 8th to early 5th centuries, show that they only partly followed the metropolitan example of referring back to the early Zhou kings. In seeking legitimation for their autonomy or new political alliances they could evoke a more distant past or contrast the present Zhou kings to the dynasty’s founders. Thus, the roots of Chinese historiography go back to discourse about status and hierarchy among the Zhou elites from the 10th century onward, whereas deepening historical perspectives and the emergence of a critical approach to the past can be connected with political changes during the 8th–5th centuries.
• What is the historical setting of “Bi shi”?
• How does it correlate with authentic oath texts from the period that it pretends to reflect?
• In which historical context was it plausibly produced?
• What functions was it supposed to fulfill at the time of production?
• the date of tombs M1 and M2 of the Peng cemetery;
• the relationship of Peng with non-Zhou peoples, as it can be observed based on the analysis of material remains and onomastic evidence;
• the integration of the Peng lineage into the Zhou political and social network;
• the role played by Yigong 益公, mentioned in the inscription on the Pengbo Cheng gui 倗伯爯簋 tureen, in the acquisition of allies among non-Zhou peoples.
In the conclusion, I use the case of Peng to discuss some general issues in the relationships between Zhou and non-Zhou polities of central China during the late tenth to the early ninth centuries B.C.
Eastern Zhou periods were commissioned for or by married
women. Several dozen inscriptions are known whose commissioners
called themselves sheng 生(甥) of a number of lineages. In pre-Qin
Chinese, the term sheng 甥designated several categories of affinal
relatives: paternal aunts’ sons, maternal uncles’ sons, wives’ brothers,
sisters’ husbands, and sons of sisters or daughters. The wide geographical
and chronological spread of female- or sheng-related
vessels, as well as dedications to “many affinal relatives” (hungou
婚購) in bronze inscriptions point to the importance of marital ties
in early Chinese society and politics.
Focusing on the inscriptions commissioned by sheng, the present
article suggests that even when concluded at a considerable distance,
marriages produced long-term mutual obligations for male members
of the participating lineages or principalities. Affinal relationships
represented social and political capital that could be converted in
terms of individuals’ careers and prestige or benefits for their whole
lineages/states. In sum, starting from the early Western Zhou
period, marital alliances represented a substantial integrative factor
in early Chinese politics. On the one hand, marital alliances helped
to consolidate the radial network of Zhou states centered on the
Zhou king. On the other hand, they facilitated the construction of
decentralized regional and interregional inter-state networks. The
latter guaranteed the stability of the Zhou political system even when it had a weak center. As a result, the Zhou networks did not fall
apart following crises in the Zhou royal house, but continued to
expand by the inclusion of new members.
effected in the Western Zhou polity (1046/5-771 BC) and investigates the significance
of the royal residences as political and administrative centers. Bronze inscriptions
referring to royal receptions that were offered to Zhou regional rulers, rulers of non-
Zhou polities, royal officers and other subjects provide the basis for this study. It is
argued that the form of “royal hospitality” described in these inscriptions was a political
and, partially, administrative institution of the Zhou kings, and that its territorial
localization both reflected and defined the geopolitical constitution of the polity. The
article concludes by arguing that in the “larger Zhou polity” embracing the regional
states of the zhuhou, political communication was decentralized, and that none of the
royal residences held the status as political “capital” throughout the entire period. It is
further found that a process of territorial centralization was underway in the territories
under the direct control of the king, and that the oldest royal residence Zhou-under-
Qi was gradually established as political and administrative capital.
China von Peking nach Urumchi und von Guangzhou nach Huhhot große
Dreifüße aus Bronze. Sie werden auf Plätzen in zentral liegenden Stadtvierteln
auf hohen Postamenten aufgestellt und sind kaum zu übersehen. Der
vorliegende Beitrag gibt eine Übersicht über die bedeutendsten
Dreifüße der Volksrepublik China. Um das ganze Spektrum der
Assoziationen wahrzunehmen, die solche Wahrzeichen bei einem gebildeten
chinesischen Betrachter vermutlich wecken, soll berücksichtigt werden, wie Dreifüße im antiken China als Symbole der Tugenden zu gelten begannen.
Dieser Rückblick ermöglicht gleichzeitig abzuschätzen, welche Funktionen die
zeitgenössischen Dreifüße erfüllen, welche bereits vor der Zeitenwende
erkennbar waren, und welche von ihnen Produkte der postmodernen Zeit sind.
Aus diesen Gründen ist dieser Aufsatz chronologisch aufgebaut: Zunächst
blicken wir zum Ursprung der „Dreifuß-Kultur“ zurück und daraufhin wenden
wir uns dem heutigen Tag zu.
dimensions, hospitality acquires an informational dimension and transits from the sphere of physical geography to that of virtual space. The diversity of contexts in which this subject may be discussed indicates the complexity and multi-functionality of this model of human communication. Moreover, whereas the concepts of hospitality are present in every language, its representations and practices may vary to a great extent from culture to culture, as well as within a single culture with the current of time. This article explores the representations of hospitality and its role in geo-political relations in late pre-imperial China and focuses on the two aspects:
1) Which function did the model of hospitality have in the representation of the historical past?
2) Which relationship between “hosts” and “guests” did the ancient Chinese model of hospitality imply?
1) How was the geopolitical constitution of the Zhou polity before 771 BC reflected in various literary texts:
– in the Poetry and Documents Classics, possibly manifesting representations of the edge between the Western and Eastern Zhou periods;
– in the Zuo zhuan, possibly reflecting representations of the Spring and Autumn period (770–403 BC);
– in various texts of the Warring States period (403–221 BC)?
2) How was the early Zhou period remembered during the Western Han times and how were available memories about its “western period” selected, manipulated and integrated in Sima Qian’s Records of the Historiographer ?
Surveying many sources of a heterogeneous nature and different origins, this paper makes some preliminary observations about alternative tendencies in the process of construction of the past in early China and tentatively discusses their possible political and social backgrounds.
The bow is the first long-distance weapon in human history. In many early civilizations, including China, archery was used both for hunting and warfare. The use of archery (she 射) for killing various wild mammals and the use of bowmen (she 射) in wars is evident in the inscriptions on oracle bones and turtle plastrons from the late Shang period (ca. 1300-1046/5 BCE). The ritual Classics formed ca. the 4-2th c. BCE represent archery as one of the noble “arts” (yi 藝) and describe elaborate “bow-shooting rituals” (she li 射禮) as comprising an aspect of the high elite culture. Moreover, these Classics claim that such rituals were established at the royal court long before, possibly as early as the very beginning of the Zhou dynasty (1046/5-256 BCE). The present book, representing a slightly amended version of Susanne Adamski’s PhD dissertation (University of Münster, 2014), attempts to verify how much contemporaneous written evidence reveals about the role of archery during the earlier part of the Zhou epoch, conventionally labeled as the “Western Zhou period” (1046-771 BCE).
This review summarizes and evaluates the main contents of the book. Moreover, juxtaposing the author's findings to additional inscriptional data, it revises the dates of some inscriptions used in this study and provides further insights into the social and historical contexts of Western Zhou archery events.
Inhalte der als „Gastfreundschaft“ und „Freundschaft“ bezeichneten Beziehungen sind zivilisationsspezifisch und unterliegen einem historischen Wandel. Dementsprechend kann sich die Identifikation ihrer Subjekte sowie der Charakter der Kommunikation zwischen ihnen kultur- und epochenabhängig unterscheiden. Die vorliegende Studie möchte die mit Gastfreundschaft und Freundschaft verbundenen Vorstellungen und Praktiken anhand der Kontextanalyse der einschlägigen Begriffen „Gast“ (bin 賓, ke 客, binke 賓客) und „Freund“ (you 友, peng 朋, pengyou 朋友) im Schrifttum des vorkaiserlichen China untersuchen und deren Wandel vor dem Hintergrund sozialpolitischer Prozesse erklären.
Funde von beschrifteten Bronzen und anderen Objekten in Friedhöfen von Fürstentümern an der Shang- und Zhou-Peripherie deuten in der Tat auf die Existenz von dezentralisierten regionalen und überregionalen Netzwerken hin. Gleichzeitig belegen sie die hohe Mobilität von Elitefrauen, welche manchmal auf die Entfernung von mehreren hundert Kilometer von ihrer Heimat verheiratet wurden. Die vorliegende Studie möchte anhand von Fallbeispielen aus der späten Shang- und der frühen Zhou-Zeit die Mobilität von Frauen vor dem wirtschaftlichen Hintergrund erklären und Heiratsallianzen zwischen aristokratischen Lineages als einen wesentlichen Faktor des überregionalen Austausches im bronzezeitlichen China erörtern.