Videos by abbas varij kazemi
در نشست ارائه یافته های موج سوم طرح ملی مصرف کالاهای فرهنگی
کالاهای فرهنگی در سال ۱۳۹۸ . به طور... more در نشست ارائه یافته های موج سوم طرح ملی مصرف کالاهای فرهنگی
کالاهای فرهنگی در سال ۱۳۹۸ . به طور کلی مصرف فرهنگی چگونه در ایران طبقاتی و جنسیتی توزیع شده است؟ 14 views
سخنرانی در موسسه رحمان
سال سخنرانی دی ۱۳۹۶
8 views
این نشست در پژوهشگاه فرهنگ، هنر و ارتباطات در تاریخ چارشنبه ۱۲ تیر ۱۳۹۸برگزار شده است
7 views
چگونه مردم ناا مید شدند و چرا باید امیدوار باشند؟
مصاحبه در سال ۱۳۹۸ انجام شده است
4 views
این سخنرانی در اسفند ماه ۱۴۰۰ در همایش فرهنگ و دانشگاه ایراد شده است.به دلیل حضور و علاقه من به ز... more این سخنرانی در اسفند ماه ۱۴۰۰ در همایش فرهنگ و دانشگاه ایراد شده است.به دلیل حضور و علاقه من به زندگی در شبکه‌های اجتماعی، همواره فراز و نشیب‌های زندگی دانشگاهی و شکل حضور استادان و دانشجویان برای من مهم بوده است. اینک نه تنها استادان دانشگاه، پژوهشگران و جامعه‌شناسان خود روی موضوع اینفلوئنسرها تحقیق میکند بلکه برخی از آنها خود به اینفلوئنسر تبدیل شده‌اند؟ دانشگاهیانی که خود جامعه در حال تغییر ما را موضوع مطالعه قرار می‌دهند اینک خود بخشی از این تحول شده‌اند. چه اتفاقی بر سر دانشگاه خواهد رخ داد؟ دانشگاهیان اینفلوئنسر شده را چگونه باید فهم کنیم؟ 14 views
Papers by abbas varij kazemi
Quarterly Journal of Research and Planning in Higher Education, 2023
The marketization of higher education is a set of structures, procedures, and practices that make... more The marketization of higher education is a set of structures, procedures, and practices that make the university system more and more subject to the requirements of the market. In this article, in the beginning, we tried to describe the dimensions of this marketization and show at what levels it operates. An important level of marketization practices includes theoretical and academic justifications, which we mentioned as market-oriented approaches. In this article, we classified these theoretical practices to justify marketization in Iranian universities in the framework of several specific approaches: 1) indigenous Islamism, 2) Radical market orientation, 3) Developmental market orientation, and 4) Expedients market orientation. We traced these approaches in the works of leading academic figures and showed that although the place of the first three approaches is in the university, in a part of the fourth approach there is a mediator through which these academic approaches reach the structure of administrative institution (government) and legislating institution (Parliament) has an effect. This mediator has been filled by those whom we mentioned as "bureaucratic Agents". We tried to explain the effect of this mediator through the review of some policy-making texts. In this article, we have used documentary and meta-analysis methods. We have tried to show to what extent market-oriented approaches are rooted and widespread among expert opinions, academic research and analysis, and common beliefs and opinions in Iranian universities.
فصلنامه تحقیقات فرهنگی ایران, 2023
This article attempts to identify models, including the conceptual ones related to social respons... more This article attempts to identify models, including the conceptual ones related to social responsibility of universities through the meta-analysis of researches conducted in this field in Iran, and then, by showing the shortcomings of these models, on the one hand, the fundamental principles governing any form of conceptual formulation and on the other, alternative forms should be introduced that can realize the socially responsible university. This article focuses on the researches that were published in the last decade. In the first step, it tried to identify patterns based on the researches under review. Then, with a critical analysis, it was shown why it is necessary to go beyond the existing studies and think of alternative forms that can better formulate the responsibility of the university. In this research, three main forms of university, service-oriented (which itself is divided into two i.e. mission-oriented and citizen universities), and social university were identified based on the existing approaches in the study environment. These three forms were critically analyzed, so that the fourth form, i.e. ecological university could be introduced as a more socially-responsible alternative. Implicitly, we tried to show that the models and approaches have a fundamental role in shaping the research orientation, and thus the necessity of presenting alternative models because they create new theoretical and research possibilities. This research showed that without an ontological understanding, any form of social responsibility of the university can reduce aspects of the university in favor of preferred aspect (market or government); something that can be seen especially in Iranian academic researches on the social responsibility of the university. It is suggested that more attention needed to the ecological university as a specific alternative that Ronald Barnett had started to formulate.
مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به معنای ترجیح یک شکل دانشگاه به دیگری است. اما این شکل‌ها چه هستند و چه پیامدهایی دارند. در این مقاله که بر پژوهش‌های منتشره در حوزه مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه در دهه‌ی ۱۳۹۰ شمسی متمرکز است، در گام نخست کوشیده شد که الگوهایی بر پایه‌ی پژوهش‌های مورد بررسی شناسایی شوند. سپس با واکاوی انتقادی این شکل‌ها نشان داده شد که چرا باید از مطالعات موجود فراتر رفت و به شکلهای بدیل دیگر اندیشید که بهتر می‌توانند مسئولیت دانشگاه را صورت‌بندی کنند. در این پژوهش سه شکل اصلی دانشبنگاه، دانشگاه خدمت‌محور (که خود به دو شکل دانشگاه مأموریت‌محور و دانشگاه شهروندی تقسیم می‌شود)، دانشگاه اجتماعی بر اساس رویکردهای واقعاًموجود در فضای مطالعات دانشگاه و مسئولیت اجتماعی آن شناسایی شدند. این سه شکل مورد واکاوی و نقد قرار گرفتند تا شکل چهارم یعنی دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی از نظر اجتماعی مسئول‌تر معرفی شود. درواقع به‌شکلی ضمنی کوشیدیم نشان دهیم که الگوها و رویکردهای پژوهشگران نقشی اساسی در شکل‌یابی جهت‌گیری پژوهشی آنها دارد و همین ضرورت ارائه‌ی شکل‌ها و الگوهای بدیل را نشان میدهد چرا که امکان‌های تازه‌ی نظری و پژوهشی را در وضعیت ایجاد میکند و می‌آفریند. این پژوهش نشان داد که بدون وجود درکی هستی‌شناختی از دانشگاه هر شکلی از صورت‌بندی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به تقلیل وجوه گوناگون دانشگاه به وجوه بازار یا دولت می‌انجامد؛ چیزی که به‌ویژه در پژوهش‌های دانشگاهی ایرانی درباره‌ی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به چشم می‌خورد. پیشنهاد ما توجه به دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی مهم است که رونالد بارنت دست به صورت‌بندی آن زده است.
İmgelem, 2023
We investigated the lives of lower-middle-class traditional-religious Muslim Women in the Middle ... more We investigated the lives of lower-middle-class traditional-religious Muslim Women in the Middle East, with an emphasis on women in Ankara and Tehran. This article seeks to show the opposite aspects of current theories that show the concept of agency is typically useful to the upper middle classes, vice versa submission and obedience are characteristics typically used to describe the lower middle classes. In addition, Studies in the field of religion and women consider the emancipation of women from the structure of patriarchy and the challenge of the beliefs and interpretations of traditional Islam to belong to the upper class and elite of society. The results revealed that these women often did not think and act regarding social, cultural, traditional, and religious expectations as passive, and submissive personality but they looked for redistribution of their facilities and opportunities and also gain internal independence while they were conscious of what is going on in their current situation. Furthermore, they have not used religion as a tool to expand their empowerment opportunities, but they have challenged traditional Islam and the interpretations that have tried to suppress them with the help of patriarchy for long years. They have inadvertently opened the space for the entry of religious intellectualism thoughts into their practical everyday life. Indirect opposition to the laws that have a jurisprudential basis has caused women to go beyond the stage of resistance, and this opposition as an intangible struggle has been able to change aspects of their lives.
مجله جامعه‌شناسی ایران, 2022
After the Islamic revolution, a religious discipline became dominant. This question appeared whet... more After the Islamic revolution, a religious discipline became dominant. This question appeared whether in postrevolutionary society people are more religious. In previous researches, it is mentioned that there is a gap in religiosity data. The gap is between religious believes, experiences, and emotions on one side and collective rituals on the other side. Also, the gap is between individual religious behaviors On one hand and collective rituals on the other hand. It is rarely discussed the gap inside the collective rituals. However, it is an important gap that enables us to analyze the religiosity in contemporary Iran through concepts other than secularization and privatization of religiosity. According to secondary analysis of data from two national surveys in 1390 and 1395, secondary rituals like pilgrimage were considerably popular. People turn to these rituals relying on their emotions. Besides, self-referential religiosity that is based on emotions has become important. Based on this, religious crowds have been formed which could be an important base to reproduce the dominant ideological apparatus. The duality of religious crowds and formal religiosity does not give us a realistic depiction. Nor does the duality of formal and individual religiosity. Furthermore, although the centrality of emotions and desires can lead to the formation of creative subject- as Alain Touraine said- but looking at the policies of government on secondary collective rituals, it is more probable that it will lead to the merge of the individual into the crowd. In this way, the ideological apparatus of the state will be reproduced and authoritarianism will be strengthened. The study of religious literature in Iran indicates a change in the ideological apparatus of the state from emphasizing individual worship such as prayer and fasting to collective rituals and sacred spaces.
Critique, 2023
This article investigates the grounds for forming the "women, life, freedom" movement in Iran, wh... more This article investigates the grounds for forming the "women, life, freedom" movement in Iran, which has spread throughout the country since September 2022. In this article, relying on statistical data and social research, five significant shifts that Iranian society has experienced in the last few decades have been discussed. Each crucial component, such as Age, Generational, Gender, Population, and Reference Group shifts, demonstrates a part of the grounds of the late movement in the networked society framework. The article tries to better understand the 2022 social movement by combining and interrelating the five mentioned components.
You may access to the Article through the link:
https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/AT8EZFQKATF8T8MJFKRI/full?target=10.1080/03017605.2023.2238443
Etemad newepaper, 2007
اگر مرگ در اندیشه اواخر قرن نوزدهم هنوز عنصری بیگانه بود، اما در اوایل قرن بیستم ( سال ۱۹۱۰) با م... more اگر مرگ در اندیشه اواخر قرن نوزدهم هنوز عنصری بیگانه بود، اما در اوایل قرن بیستم ( سال ۱۹۱۰) با مقاله کوتاهی که گئورگ زیمل، جامعه شناس نامی آلمان در این باره نوشت، به عنصری کاملاً آشنا در زندگی ما بدل شد که تمام کنش های حیاتی ما را «از درون و از بدو امر» ساختاردهی می کند. هدف اولی که زیمل در مقاله خود مطرح می کند، نگرش مادی گرایانه به مرگ است؛ توقف صرف تنفس. دومین نگرش وی به ایده دینی مرگ برمی گردد، ایده یی که مرگ را به عنوان رخدادی سنتی درمی یابد که چونان دروازه یی است به سوی زندگی حقیقی و آن- جهانی. این دو نگرش، مرگ را عنصری جدا و متفاوت از زندگی می دانند؛
این مقاله ترجمه ای است از جستار زیمل با عنوان متافیزیک مرگ که از زبان آلمانی و تطبیق آن با زبان انگلیسی ترجمه شده است.
زنان، بخش بزرگی از مخاطبان بازار تهران، در حال استفاده از فضایی هستند که در طی سالها برای استفاد... more زنان، بخش بزرگی از مخاطبان بازار تهران، در حال استفاده از فضایی هستند که در طی سالها برای استفاده اکثریت مردانه شکل‌گرفته است. هدف پژوهش پی بردن به معنای بازار تهران در تجربه زنان و چگونگی تأثیر شرایط زمینهای بر شکلگیری این معنا بوده است. پژوهشگران با روش پدیدارشناسی به مصاحبه عمیق با 14 زن (و برای دستیابی به داده‌های مکمل، 6 مرد) پرداختهاند. تحلیل دادهها بر اساس روش پدیدارشناسی استعلاییصورت گرفته است. یافتههای پژوهش نشان میدهد بازار تهران برای زنان تنها محل خرید نیست و جنبههای مهمی از سودمندی‌‌های فضای شهری مثل بودن در میان مردم، لذتبردن از کیفیت‌‌های کالبدی و پیوند با هویت تاریخی شهر را در اختیار زنان قرار میدهد. همچنین تفاسیر پژوهشگران به وجود گسست میان تجربه زنان و ساختارهای از پیش موجود که به یک فضای جنسیتدار شکل دادهاند اشاره میکند. این ناهماهنگیها در رقابت باکیفیتهای مطلوب برای زنان، بر کم و کیف حضور ایشان در بازار اثر میگذارد.
woman's studies, 2022
The social life of the Chador in contemporary Iran
Ferdos Sheikholeslam
Abbas Varij Kazemi
... more The social life of the Chador in contemporary Iran
Ferdos Sheikholeslam
Abbas Varij Kazemi
Abstract
The tumultuous fate of chador in the social life of Iranian women, led to the concealment of conflicting stories and meanings: keeping women back from civilization, resistance against Western women, carrying justice-seeking meanings, clothing of the ruling Hezbollahi faction, beauty provider for the modern veiled woman. These meanings, which were imposed on the chador about 150 years ago, these meanings were associated with changes in its body; From the variety of sewing patterns to the accompaniment with other objects. In the present article, by using approach of material culture studies, and through documentary method, we show four periods of chador social life in the new era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a symbol of pro-government, as a commodity integrated in the fashion market. In the first Pahlavi period, the chador was spoken of as a distance from civilization and through the conflicts of the traditional with the modern. In the second period, the chador served the revolution and fight against the consumerist culture of the West, thus becoming a symbol of change in modern life. In the third period, the chador was associated with a form of cultural-political domination. In the fourth period, the chador created its own fashions to not only does not hide her owner's visual beauties, but also tries to reveal them as much as possible.
Keywords: Chador social life, Clothing, Material culture studies, woman, the things.
Introduction
Almost all objects have special meanings and are part of our history. They reflect things about culture, politics, and society. For example, the clothes we wear are intertwined with social changes and reflect things beyond our personal taste.
During the modern experience in Iran, Chador was one of the most important mediators of rethinking human life. The new history of Chador started in the 14th century, when this object distanced itself from ideas that belonged to the past by being actively present in the revolutionary era of modernity.
What identity has Chador established for itself in history? How was it perceived in different eras? How did it gain a voice and ideology of its own during the different eras of modern Iran? When was its weight on the body noticed? When did it become a tool for making changes to the environment? How did it go from functioning as a backlash against fashion to being integrated into fashion? How can the social history of modern Iran be read in a new light through Chador? In this article, we argue that Chador has gone through four life periods in the modern era.
Theoretical Approach and Research Method
The concept of "Material Culture Studies" narrates social, political, economic, and cultural changes of a society through the objects that are prominent in that society. Objects have power because they make possible the exercise of power, the formation of class divisions, and political resistance. Therefore, to understand socio-political currents, studying only the history of thoughts and ideas and the lives of kings and warriors is not enough. Rather, along with reading and criticizing the current historiography, it is necessary to heed the objects that play a role in domination/resistance dynamics and determine social forces, so that the past and present can be viewed in a new light.
In terms of methodology, many historical documents and records were used: women's magazines, published memoirs, pictures, newspapers, historical books, government documents and correspondence, news websites, government legislations, and public speeches. All these sources can be placed in the category of the Documentary Method. The document contents were first collected, then classified and eventually, based on the review of the data, the social life of Chador was divided into four periods.
Findings
With the establishment of the modern era during the first Pahlavi, Chador signified a distance from civilization. In this sense, Chador symbolized traditional values and was in conflict with modernity.
In the second period, Chador was the symbol of a protesting woman and a call for revolution. During this period, Chador was regarded as a symbol of the activities that were performed in protest against invasive modern values; but of course, not to merely return to tradition or the past, but to protest against the anti-traditional nature of modernization. During this period, Chador became a leading object and a symbol of change in modern life. It was a reaction against Western corruption and consumerism in modern Iran. Chador also served as a means of camouflage and disguise in protests.
In the third period, with the dominance of the religious government after the revolution (1979 AC), Chador became a symbol of supporting the government and the ideology of an Islam that was political. On the one hand, it represented a Muslim woman who covered up her body but was modern enough not to withdraw herself from social and political activities. Chador became a symbol of the purity of the Islamic Revolution and the glorification of the martyrs' blood. It became a political tool that was supposed to protect all religious values - not just traditional ones - as a bastion.
In the fourth period, Chador turned into an aesthetic product that followed fashion trends and did not conceal the visual beauty of itself and its owner but rather tried to reveal sexual attractions as much as possible. During this period, Chador in its traditional sense was regarded as a disturbing presence in social life. Therefore, those who supported the preservation of Chador (A Chador that was in accordance with the social lives of veiled women), tried to link the concepts of comfortableness and hijab through marketing mechanisms, to facilitate the presence of Chador on new bodies. When Chador entered the fashion industry and created its own consumption patterns, it presented the beauty of itself and the body that wore it in a different way. In other words, it became an object that made its user be seen and distinguished; it no longer homogenized its user. In this sense, Chador was both a hijab and a fashion; a condemner and simultaneously a promoter of consumption; both a cover and a revealer.
Discussion and Conclusion
With the approach of material culture studies, the history of Chador narrates various views on gender that constantly transform and sometimes conflict each other. According to historians like Afsaneh Najmabadi (1398) and Mohammad Tavakoli Targhi (1397), the dual concept of woman/man is both the producer and the product of the modern nation-state in Iran, and has led to the creation and changes of meanings, symbols, spaces, and objects. Chador is a good example that shows the transformation of human relationships and especially those of women in the modern era. This article illustrates four periods of Chador's social life in the contemporary era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a sign of being a government-supporter, and as a product integrated into the fashion market.
Since the end of the Qajar, Chador has highlighted certain words: originality, tradition, identity, security, necessity, limitation, immunity. Chador did not give in to the humiliation imposed on it by the Pahlavi Kingdom; instead, the very rejection it experienced, loaded it with liberating concepts and changed it from a "traditional" dress to an "original" one during the 1960s and 1970s. Words changed. Chador, as a traditional dress, had the potential to symbolize the concept of backwardness. But if it was perceived as an ancient and original dress that bore meaning and facilitated the participation of women in the revolution, why would it not be welcomed? When a dress acquires an identity, it overflows with feeling, especially when that identity seeks justice and rejects colonialism. After the revolution, the country was in chaos: The new regime purified the official institutions from all signs of Taghut and many disagreements occurred among intellectual fronts. All this caused Chador, which had just established new liberating meanings for itself during the revolution, to fall into the trap of bipolarity again, in the sense that wearing or not wearing it determined where the person stood regarding social and political issues. Eventually, merely wearing the Chador was not enough and the manner of wearing became important: how exactly a person gathered the Chador around herself, and what types of clothes she wore under it. At this point, one could be a "Chadori Woman" in various ways which allowed Chador to evolve in accordance with the socio-cultural changes of the time and therefore, remain.
urban planning knowledge, 2021
Introduction: When linked to space, the critical attitude to capital hegemony on human relation... more Introduction: When linked to space, the critical attitude to capital hegemony on human relations in contemporary society enters into urban studies. From this perspective, in the urban study of space, as a problematic concept, two categories of literature of (social) production and (cultural) consumption of space can be distinguished, which seems to have been developed most of all under the two disciplines of cultural studies and political economy. Also, the public space, at the center of urban design studies, has been mixed with a critical understanding in recent years. Considering the conflict between the forces of power and the people and the interdisciplinary nature of urban design has forced it to pay attention to the literature on the production and consumption of space for a deeper understanding of the transformation of public spaces.
Methodology: This article aimed to develop a critical understanding of public space, especially under the knowledge of urban design, by combining the two theoretical concepts of social production and cultural consumption of space. So, to achieve such an objective, two steps were taken. In the first step, based on a documentary study, the two notions of production and consumption of space were categorized in two theoretical-disciplinary traditions of political (urban) economy and cultural (urban) studies, respectively. They were examined along with the latest critical literature about urban public space. In the second step, this theoretical essay tries to present a coherent picture of the position of urban public spaces in a theoretical frame that stems from examining a hierarchy from philosophical roots to tangible concepts derived from the above two concepts.
Results: The transformation of contemporary urban public space affected by economic, political, and social changes has caused the urban design to a need for a comprehensive study of these spaces beyond its classical approaches by borrowing perspectives and theories from the two disciplines of political economy and cultural studies. The findings show how the concepts are considered in the three categories of literature (social production of space, cultural consumption, and critical studies of urban design) at three levels of discussion (paradigmatic, theoretical and objective).
Discussion: On a paradigmatic level, it seems that the literature on the production of space, arising from dialectical materialism, tends to a holistic understanding and presents a kind of meta-narrative of the spatialization of capitalism in the context of society (and city). Perhaps this holistic approach has caused sociologists such as Thrift (2003) to criticize geographers of the production of space (such as Harvey and Clarke) to theorize minus empirical findings. However, Harvey (1985: 13-16) tries to provide an answer to this kind of ambiguity in his Urban Experience. By referring to someone who tries to read it as a text from the top of a tall tower, he introduces his epistemological logic as a kind of view from above, which instead of capturing by the city, captures the city in his mind. On the other hand, studies of cultural consumption seek to understand and interpret the representation of capitalist culture in human relations. A matter that later, with new development, has reached a deconstructed understanding of the meaning of consumption as "production" (innovative consumption). From a theoretical point of view, the political economy of the production of space mainly focuses on criticizing capitalism and the system of capital accumulation under classical Marxist concepts such as class, work, surplus and production. On the other hand, consumption from the viewpoint of cultural studies can be understood mainly around the two theories of consumer society and consumer culture, which are critical characteristics of contemporary culture. Some other concepts, such as the society of the spectacle, popular culture, casual class, and symbolic capital, are pivotal. The objective part of the discussion revolves around the question that at the confluence of production and consumption, how can we look at urban public spaces as an objective level of space, which is most interesting in urban design studies? In this section, it is shown that "everyday life" is the key to understanding. At this level, the conceptual formulation of Carmona (2012) for the "homogenization" of public spaces can be understood in conjunction with it; which is presented by criticizing three contemporary processes that lead to consume, privatized, and invented urban public spaces, without having an apparent theoretical reference to everyday urban life. Conclusion: The realm of everyday life can be understood as the confluence of the two concepts of cultural consumption and the social production of space; a visible part of it is occurring in public spaces as the field of action of urban design and the continuous crystallization of production and consumption flows. In this position, every day can be read through the concept of homogenization of space, where the upstream forces of abstract production in dialectics with downstream forces of objective consumption are evolving contemporary urban spaces. In terms of combining the two mentioned disciplines in the field of urban public spaces, the present article is a novel effort into urban design knowledge.
نگرش انتقادی به هژمونی سرمایه بر روابط انسانی در جامعه امروز آنگاه‌که با فضا پیوند می‌خورد، وارد محدوده مطالعات شهری شده و موردتوجه واقع می‌شود. از این منظر در مطالعه شهری فضا، به‌عنوان مفهومی مناقشه‌انگیز (پروبلماتیک)، دو دسته ادبیات تولید (اجتماعی) و مصرف (فرهنگی) فضا قابل‌تشخیص هستند که به‌نظر می‌رسد بیش از همه ذیل دو دیسیپلین مطالعات فرهنگی و اقتصاد سیاسی مورد بسط قرارگرفته‌اند. همچنین فضای عمومی که در کانون مطالعات طراحی شهری قرار دارد، طی سالهای اخیر با نوعی فهم انتقادی آمیخته‌شده است. اینجاست که ماهیت میان‌رشته‌ای طراحی شهری، آن را ناگزیر از توجه توأمان به ادبیات تولید و مصرف فضا برای فهم عمیق‌تر تحول فضاهای عمومی در میانه تنازع نیروهای قدرت و مردم نموده است.
هدف: پژوهش حاضر با هدف توسعه فهم انتقادی از فضای عمومی خصوصاً ذیل دانش طراحی شهری به کمک تطبیق ترکیبی دو انگاره نظری تولید اجتماعی و مصرف فرهنگی فضا برآمده است.
روش: این جستار نظری با بررسی سلسله‌مراتبی از ریشه‌های فلسفی تا بروندادهای ملموس حاصل از مفاهمه دو انگاره فوق‌الذکر، تلاش میکند تصویری خوانا از جایگاه فضاهای عمومی شهری در قالب یک منظومه نظری ارائه نماید.
یافته‌ها: یافتههای مقاله چگونگی ارتباط مفاهیم موردتوجه سه دسته ادبیات تولید اجتماعی فضا، مصرف فرهنگی فضا و مطالعات انتقادی طراحی شهری را در سه سطح پارادایمی، نظری و عینی نشان میدهد.
نتیجه گیری: این پژوهش نشان میدهد عرصه زندگی روزمره کانون مفاهمه دو انگاره مصرف فرهنگی و تولید اجتماعی فضا است؛ عرصه‌ای که بخش نمایانی از آن در فضاهای عمومی به‌عنوان میدان عمل طراحی شهری و میدان تبلور دائمی تولید و مصرف جاری است. بر این مبنا دانش طراحی شهری می‌تواند زندگی روزمره را از دریچه مفهوم همگن شدن فضا مورد خوانش قرار دهد؛ جایی که نیروهای بالادستی تولید انتزاعی در دیالکتیکی با نیروهای پایین‌دستی مصرف عینی، در حال تحول فضاهای شهری معاصر هستند
پژوهش مسائل اجتماعی در ایران, 2022
The present article studies, influential academic people in Iran and indicate that the position o... more The present article studies, influential academic people in Iran and indicate that the position of influencers in the academic environment has also found its place. To conduct this study, we first investigate the concept of fame culture and then review on the relationship between university and influencer culture. The next step is to study the typology of academic influencers in Iran through literature review, as well as the study of several professor’s Instagram pages. In general, three general types have been identified.
The first category is traditional celebrities, who mostly have a small presence on social networks. The second category is professors-influencers, i.e. those who were born within social networks and whose presence, activity and reputation in the virtual world is greater than the outside world. The third group has a hybrid identity and has an enrich experience in terms of age, but they are not related to the first group.
In other words, they are on the border between the first and the second type, but they have a little bit of their former reputation in the world outside of cyberspace, and they have also created a new position for themselves in social networks. In the comparison between these three types of academics, the major distinctions of academic celebrities as emerging figures will be explained. The professors-influencers are born and live in social networks, they owe their fame to these networks, they establish a more horizontal relationship with their audience, they address a more general population, they are well aware of the strength of weak ties. And finally, they appear in the role of new intellectual leaders in the society.
مقالۀ حاضر به دنبال مطالعۀ افراد پرنفوذ علمی در ایران، بدین پرسش می‌پردازد که چگونه در کنار سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی، استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، جای خود را در فضای دانشگاهی بازکرده‌اند. برای انجام این مطالعه، ابتدا به کاوش در باب مفهوم فرهنگ شهرت و اینفلوئنسری پرداخته‌ایم و سپس پای تحقیقات متأخر در باب نسبت دانشگاه و فرهنگ اینفلوئنسری را به میان آورده‌ایم. در مرتبه بعدی از خلال مطالعات انجام¬شده و همچنین مطالعۀ موقعیت هفت استاد پرنفوذ دانشگاهی، صفحات اینستاگرامی و دیگر شبکه‌های اجتماعی آنان وارسی شده، در نهایت گونه‌شناسی¬ای از اشکال مختلف استادان مشهور دانشگاهی ارائه می‌شود. سه گونۀ کلی از استادان مشهور شناسایی شد:
در دسته اول، سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی قرار دارند که عمدتاً حضوری اندک در شبکه‌های اجتماعی دارند. دسته دوم، استادان - اینفلوئنسر هستند؛ یعنی کسانی که درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد شدند و حضور، فعالیت و شهرتشان در جهان مجازی، بیش از جهان بیرونی است. گروه سوم، هویت دورگه و هیبریدی دارند؛ به لحاظ سنی هرچند تجربه بالایی دارند، با گروه سنی دسته اول فاصله دارند. به عبارتی در مرز میان گونۀ اول و دوم جای گرفته‌اند؛ هم کمی شهرت پیشین در دنیایی خارج از فضای مجازی دارند و هم موقعیت جدیدی برای خود در شبکه‌های اجتماعی ایجاد کرده‌اند. در مقایسۀ میان این سه گونۀ دانشگاهی، تمایزهای عمده سلبیریتی‌‌های دانشگاهی به عنوان چهرۀ نوظهور تشریح خواهد شد. استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد می¬شوند و زندگی می‌کنند؛ شهرتشان را مدیون همین شبکه‌‌ها هستند؛ رابطه¬ای افقی‌تر با مخاطبان خود برقرار می‌کنند؛ جمعیتی عمومی‌تر را مخاطب خود قرار می‌دهند؛ به‌خوبی از قدرت پیوندهای سست آگاهند و در نهایت در نقش رهبران جدید فکری در جامعه ظاهر می‌شوند.
sociological cultural Studies, 2022
واقعیت زندگی‌روزمره و ضرباهنگهای درهم‌تنیده آن رابطه‌ای متقابل با فرایند تولید فضای شهر و قدرت‌ه... more واقعیت زندگی‌روزمره و ضرباهنگهای درهم‌تنیده آن رابطه‌ای متقابل با فرایند تولید فضای شهر و قدرت‌های دخیل در آن دارد. پژوهش حاضر تلاش میکند به این پرسش‌ها پاسخ دهد که ضرباهنگ زندگی‌روزمره در شهر تهران چگونه تجربه می‌شود و این ضرباهنگ با تولید فضای شهری چه رابطه‌ای دارد. با استفاده از روش ضرباهنگ‌کاوی و مردم‌نگاری و رفت‌وبرگشتی بین واقعیت و نظریه و سطح خرد و کلان، سه فضای انتخاب‌شده (بازار بورس، دریاچه خلیج‌فارس و محله خلازیر) و استفاده از نظریه تولید فضای هانری لوفور مشخص شد که دولت اقتدارگرا و حاکمیت آمرانه شهری، فرهنگ چندپاره، نظم پولی تحت تاثیر تقسیم جهانی کار و ناکارآمدی محلی به همراه طبیعتی اسطوره‌پردازی‌شده، از طریق درساژی به وسعت یک شهر، ضرباهنگ زندگی‌روزمره زیست‌کنندگان آن را در تداخلات پیچیده‌ای رقم می‌زند و همزمان از آن متاثر می‌شود. در کنار شکاف‌های عمیق اجتماعی و طبقاتی، که خود از جلوه‌های متنوع زندگی‌روزمره برمی‌آید، آنچه زیست‌کنندگان فضای شهر تهران را به هم پیوند میدهد، حضور ضرباهنگی از انتظار در حیات‌روزمره آنان است؛ انتظار برای امری که نویدبخش سعادت است و هرگز محقق نمی‌شود.
Journal of Cultural studies and Communication, 2022
This paper intends to re-examine Cultural revolution, as the most important academic event in pos... more This paper intends to re-examine Cultural revolution, as the most important academic event in postrevolutionary Iran, as well as its impacts on the course of humanities in Iranian universities. The Cultural Revolution was a political move which expanded over the time and changed universities’ situation, leading eventually to establishment of a formal body over the Ministry of Science, i.e. The Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution, to control the Iranian academic life.
The paper focuses on the questions of why and how the humanities problematized in the course of expansion and institutionalization of Cultural Revolution, as it helped to emerge ideas like “Islamization of humanities” and “producing Islamic humanities”; implying a kind of distrust toward academic humanities. Government’s decision to realize these ideas has marginalized their scientific aspect and made academics reluctant to help it. On the other hand, clerics’ participation in this game has created an image of confrontation between clergy and academy, as it has fueled the idea of conflict between ideology and knowledge. This situation has weakened the position of humanities in the academy and helped it’s expansion in the public sphere.
This paper, through re-examining the documents of the Cultural Revolution and re-reading narratives of its actors as well as reviewing the consequences of this event, including projects like Islamization of humanities and production of the Islamic humanities, shows that the intervention of politics and ideology in the game of academic science, not only can secure the desired goals, but it can also lead to undesirable consequences.
Sociological review, 2022
The main purpose of this article is to trace the position of critical theory among social science... more The main purpose of this article is to trace the position of critical theory among social science "text books" with emphasis on books of sociological theories in Iran. For this purpose, we follow two narrative trajectories in Iranian sociology and show that until 1979, the two left and right currents in Iranian social sciences have not shown interest in the critical tradition (Frankfurt School). After that, we will discuss how critical theory has found a marginal place among the books of sociological theory in Iran, both in the form of translation and authorship.
This article has followed the traces of critical theory within the academy and among the books of sociological theory and has shown that the isolation of critical theory has been due to domination and the struggle between micro and macro currents in Iranian social sciences. Finally, the critical tradition has hardly been able to find a marginal position as part of the social sciences. This article also shows the continuation of the tradition of adaptation in books of sociological theories While the tradition of adaptation in circumstances such as the 1950s and 1960s could have been seen as an escape from censorship, its persistence in other decades has been more a sign of our authors' approach to complicating the theoretical.
Research Letter of Political Science, 2021
فهم سازوکارهای وقوعِ ناآرامی‌های آبان 1398 در ایرانْ هدفِ مقاله حاضر است. برای تدوین این مقاله، ا... more فهم سازوکارهای وقوعِ ناآرامی‌های آبان 1398 در ایرانْ هدفِ مقاله حاضر است. برای تدوین این مقاله، از مطالعات اسنادی، مشاهدات میدانی، مصاحبه و آمارهای رسمی بهره برده‌ایم. در مرحله اول با مطالعه اکتشافی منطقه‌ای که بستر بخشی از این رویداد بود؛ فقر، نابرابری، حاشیه‌نشینی و نوعِ مشاغلِ غالب در آن را به عنوان مفاهیم کلیدی در این زمینه تشخیص دادیم. در گام بعد و در پرتو نظریه‌های متأخرِ مرتبط با مفاهیم به‌دست‌آمده دریافتیم که نه فقر، نه نابرابری و نه حاشیه‌نشینیْ که بی‌ثبات‌کاریْ در پیوندِ بیشتر با وقوع این حوادث بوده است. گزارش‌ها نشان می‌دهند در بسیاری از مناطقی که بی‌ثبات‌کاری در آنها رواج داشته، شاهد وقوع ناآرامی نبوده‌ایم. این یعنی هیچکدام از این موارد (فقر، نابرابری، حاشیه‌نشینی و بی‌ثبات‌کاری) به تنهاییْ قادر به تبیین چرایی وقوع این حوادث نیستند. در نهایت، با پشتیبانیِ تنوعِ مکانیِ وقایع آبان 1398 توسط ابزار مفهومی پریکاریا تحلیل این وقایع را بر اندیشه‌های استندینگ و ریف‌کین بنا کردیم. به عنوان نتیجه‌گیری کلی، با تعدیل رویکرد نظری استفاده شده -ضمن آنکه نمیتوان در این زمینه از تحلیل طبقاتی سود جست- معتقدیم وقوع این ناآرامی‌ها در قالب عکس‌العمل‌هایی ماشین‌وار از طریق شکل‌گیریِ «ترس از فقر» در میان پریکریت‌هایِ جمعیتِ فعالِ جامعه قابل پیگیری است.
Critical Studies in Texts & Programs of Human Sciences, 2022
این مقاله با هدف مطالعه‌ای انتقادی بر کتاب «زندگی روزمره تهی‌دستان شهری(۱۳۹۰-۱۳۹۲)» نوشته علیرضا ... more این مقاله با هدف مطالعه‌ای انتقادی بر کتاب «زندگی روزمره تهی‌دستان شهری(۱۳۹۰-۱۳۹۲)» نوشته علیرضا صادقی نوشته شده‌است. کتابی که حاصل پژوهش مقطع دکترای نویسنده است و اولین چاپ آن به پاییز ۱۳۹۷ بازمی‌گردد. این کتاب از مجموعه آثاری به شمار می‌رود که در سنت نظری-روشی آصف بیات نوشته شده و به گفته نویسنده در ادامه کتاب «سیاستهای خیابانی» بیات که در سال ۱۹۹۷ میلادی نوشته شده، خوانش پذیر می‌شود. نتایج حاصل از این مطالعه انتقادی نشان میدهد که هرچند اطلاعات و شواهد ارائه شده در کتاب که با روشی مردم‌نگارانه تحلیل شده‌اند، حکایت از عمق و ابعاد گسترده انجام این تحقیق دارند، اما واقعیت این است که کتاب از نمونه اصلی خود یعنی «سیاستهای خیابانی» پا فراتر نگذاشته است. همچنین بی‌توجهی و کم‌رنگ نشان دادن نقش تهی‌دستان در بازتولید موقعیت فرودستی و بی‌نظمی‌های شهری نکته‌ای است که در طراحی و جمع‌بندی کتاب حاضر به چشم می‌خورد.
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کالاهای فرهنگی در سال ۱۳۹۸ . به طور کلی مصرف فرهنگی چگونه در ایران طبقاتی و جنسیتی توزیع شده است؟
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مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به معنای ترجیح یک شکل دانشگاه به دیگری است. اما این شکل‌ها چه هستند و چه پیامدهایی دارند. در این مقاله که بر پژوهش‌های منتشره در حوزه مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه در دهه‌ی ۱۳۹۰ شمسی متمرکز است، در گام نخست کوشیده شد که الگوهایی بر پایه‌ی پژوهش‌های مورد بررسی شناسایی شوند. سپس با واکاوی انتقادی این شکل‌ها نشان داده شد که چرا باید از مطالعات موجود فراتر رفت و به شکلهای بدیل دیگر اندیشید که بهتر می‌توانند مسئولیت دانشگاه را صورت‌بندی کنند. در این پژوهش سه شکل اصلی دانشبنگاه، دانشگاه خدمت‌محور (که خود به دو شکل دانشگاه مأموریت‌محور و دانشگاه شهروندی تقسیم می‌شود)، دانشگاه اجتماعی بر اساس رویکردهای واقعاًموجود در فضای مطالعات دانشگاه و مسئولیت اجتماعی آن شناسایی شدند. این سه شکل مورد واکاوی و نقد قرار گرفتند تا شکل چهارم یعنی دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی از نظر اجتماعی مسئول‌تر معرفی شود. درواقع به‌شکلی ضمنی کوشیدیم نشان دهیم که الگوها و رویکردهای پژوهشگران نقشی اساسی در شکل‌یابی جهت‌گیری پژوهشی آنها دارد و همین ضرورت ارائه‌ی شکل‌ها و الگوهای بدیل را نشان میدهد چرا که امکان‌های تازه‌ی نظری و پژوهشی را در وضعیت ایجاد میکند و می‌آفریند. این پژوهش نشان داد که بدون وجود درکی هستی‌شناختی از دانشگاه هر شکلی از صورت‌بندی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به تقلیل وجوه گوناگون دانشگاه به وجوه بازار یا دولت می‌انجامد؛ چیزی که به‌ویژه در پژوهش‌های دانشگاهی ایرانی درباره‌ی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به چشم می‌خورد. پیشنهاد ما توجه به دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی مهم است که رونالد بارنت دست به صورت‌بندی آن زده است.
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https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/AT8EZFQKATF8T8MJFKRI/full?target=10.1080/03017605.2023.2238443
این مقاله ترجمه ای است از جستار زیمل با عنوان متافیزیک مرگ که از زبان آلمانی و تطبیق آن با زبان انگلیسی ترجمه شده است.
Ferdos Sheikholeslam
Abbas Varij Kazemi
Abstract
The tumultuous fate of chador in the social life of Iranian women, led to the concealment of conflicting stories and meanings: keeping women back from civilization, resistance against Western women, carrying justice-seeking meanings, clothing of the ruling Hezbollahi faction, beauty provider for the modern veiled woman. These meanings, which were imposed on the chador about 150 years ago, these meanings were associated with changes in its body; From the variety of sewing patterns to the accompaniment with other objects. In the present article, by using approach of material culture studies, and through documentary method, we show four periods of chador social life in the new era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a symbol of pro-government, as a commodity integrated in the fashion market. In the first Pahlavi period, the chador was spoken of as a distance from civilization and through the conflicts of the traditional with the modern. In the second period, the chador served the revolution and fight against the consumerist culture of the West, thus becoming a symbol of change in modern life. In the third period, the chador was associated with a form of cultural-political domination. In the fourth period, the chador created its own fashions to not only does not hide her owner's visual beauties, but also tries to reveal them as much as possible.
Keywords: Chador social life, Clothing, Material culture studies, woman, the things.
Introduction
Almost all objects have special meanings and are part of our history. They reflect things about culture, politics, and society. For example, the clothes we wear are intertwined with social changes and reflect things beyond our personal taste.
During the modern experience in Iran, Chador was one of the most important mediators of rethinking human life. The new history of Chador started in the 14th century, when this object distanced itself from ideas that belonged to the past by being actively present in the revolutionary era of modernity.
What identity has Chador established for itself in history? How was it perceived in different eras? How did it gain a voice and ideology of its own during the different eras of modern Iran? When was its weight on the body noticed? When did it become a tool for making changes to the environment? How did it go from functioning as a backlash against fashion to being integrated into fashion? How can the social history of modern Iran be read in a new light through Chador? In this article, we argue that Chador has gone through four life periods in the modern era.
Theoretical Approach and Research Method
The concept of "Material Culture Studies" narrates social, political, economic, and cultural changes of a society through the objects that are prominent in that society. Objects have power because they make possible the exercise of power, the formation of class divisions, and political resistance. Therefore, to understand socio-political currents, studying only the history of thoughts and ideas and the lives of kings and warriors is not enough. Rather, along with reading and criticizing the current historiography, it is necessary to heed the objects that play a role in domination/resistance dynamics and determine social forces, so that the past and present can be viewed in a new light.
In terms of methodology, many historical documents and records were used: women's magazines, published memoirs, pictures, newspapers, historical books, government documents and correspondence, news websites, government legislations, and public speeches. All these sources can be placed in the category of the Documentary Method. The document contents were first collected, then classified and eventually, based on the review of the data, the social life of Chador was divided into four periods.
Findings
With the establishment of the modern era during the first Pahlavi, Chador signified a distance from civilization. In this sense, Chador symbolized traditional values and was in conflict with modernity.
In the second period, Chador was the symbol of a protesting woman and a call for revolution. During this period, Chador was regarded as a symbol of the activities that were performed in protest against invasive modern values; but of course, not to merely return to tradition or the past, but to protest against the anti-traditional nature of modernization. During this period, Chador became a leading object and a symbol of change in modern life. It was a reaction against Western corruption and consumerism in modern Iran. Chador also served as a means of camouflage and disguise in protests.
In the third period, with the dominance of the religious government after the revolution (1979 AC), Chador became a symbol of supporting the government and the ideology of an Islam that was political. On the one hand, it represented a Muslim woman who covered up her body but was modern enough not to withdraw herself from social and political activities. Chador became a symbol of the purity of the Islamic Revolution and the glorification of the martyrs' blood. It became a political tool that was supposed to protect all religious values - not just traditional ones - as a bastion.
In the fourth period, Chador turned into an aesthetic product that followed fashion trends and did not conceal the visual beauty of itself and its owner but rather tried to reveal sexual attractions as much as possible. During this period, Chador in its traditional sense was regarded as a disturbing presence in social life. Therefore, those who supported the preservation of Chador (A Chador that was in accordance with the social lives of veiled women), tried to link the concepts of comfortableness and hijab through marketing mechanisms, to facilitate the presence of Chador on new bodies. When Chador entered the fashion industry and created its own consumption patterns, it presented the beauty of itself and the body that wore it in a different way. In other words, it became an object that made its user be seen and distinguished; it no longer homogenized its user. In this sense, Chador was both a hijab and a fashion; a condemner and simultaneously a promoter of consumption; both a cover and a revealer.
Discussion and Conclusion
With the approach of material culture studies, the history of Chador narrates various views on gender that constantly transform and sometimes conflict each other. According to historians like Afsaneh Najmabadi (1398) and Mohammad Tavakoli Targhi (1397), the dual concept of woman/man is both the producer and the product of the modern nation-state in Iran, and has led to the creation and changes of meanings, symbols, spaces, and objects. Chador is a good example that shows the transformation of human relationships and especially those of women in the modern era. This article illustrates four periods of Chador's social life in the contemporary era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a sign of being a government-supporter, and as a product integrated into the fashion market.
Since the end of the Qajar, Chador has highlighted certain words: originality, tradition, identity, security, necessity, limitation, immunity. Chador did not give in to the humiliation imposed on it by the Pahlavi Kingdom; instead, the very rejection it experienced, loaded it with liberating concepts and changed it from a "traditional" dress to an "original" one during the 1960s and 1970s. Words changed. Chador, as a traditional dress, had the potential to symbolize the concept of backwardness. But if it was perceived as an ancient and original dress that bore meaning and facilitated the participation of women in the revolution, why would it not be welcomed? When a dress acquires an identity, it overflows with feeling, especially when that identity seeks justice and rejects colonialism. After the revolution, the country was in chaos: The new regime purified the official institutions from all signs of Taghut and many disagreements occurred among intellectual fronts. All this caused Chador, which had just established new liberating meanings for itself during the revolution, to fall into the trap of bipolarity again, in the sense that wearing or not wearing it determined where the person stood regarding social and political issues. Eventually, merely wearing the Chador was not enough and the manner of wearing became important: how exactly a person gathered the Chador around herself, and what types of clothes she wore under it. At this point, one could be a "Chadori Woman" in various ways which allowed Chador to evolve in accordance with the socio-cultural changes of the time and therefore, remain.
Methodology: This article aimed to develop a critical understanding of public space, especially under the knowledge of urban design, by combining the two theoretical concepts of social production and cultural consumption of space. So, to achieve such an objective, two steps were taken. In the first step, based on a documentary study, the two notions of production and consumption of space were categorized in two theoretical-disciplinary traditions of political (urban) economy and cultural (urban) studies, respectively. They were examined along with the latest critical literature about urban public space. In the second step, this theoretical essay tries to present a coherent picture of the position of urban public spaces in a theoretical frame that stems from examining a hierarchy from philosophical roots to tangible concepts derived from the above two concepts.
Results: The transformation of contemporary urban public space affected by economic, political, and social changes has caused the urban design to a need for a comprehensive study of these spaces beyond its classical approaches by borrowing perspectives and theories from the two disciplines of political economy and cultural studies. The findings show how the concepts are considered in the three categories of literature (social production of space, cultural consumption, and critical studies of urban design) at three levels of discussion (paradigmatic, theoretical and objective).
Discussion: On a paradigmatic level, it seems that the literature on the production of space, arising from dialectical materialism, tends to a holistic understanding and presents a kind of meta-narrative of the spatialization of capitalism in the context of society (and city). Perhaps this holistic approach has caused sociologists such as Thrift (2003) to criticize geographers of the production of space (such as Harvey and Clarke) to theorize minus empirical findings. However, Harvey (1985: 13-16) tries to provide an answer to this kind of ambiguity in his Urban Experience. By referring to someone who tries to read it as a text from the top of a tall tower, he introduces his epistemological logic as a kind of view from above, which instead of capturing by the city, captures the city in his mind. On the other hand, studies of cultural consumption seek to understand and interpret the representation of capitalist culture in human relations. A matter that later, with new development, has reached a deconstructed understanding of the meaning of consumption as "production" (innovative consumption). From a theoretical point of view, the political economy of the production of space mainly focuses on criticizing capitalism and the system of capital accumulation under classical Marxist concepts such as class, work, surplus and production. On the other hand, consumption from the viewpoint of cultural studies can be understood mainly around the two theories of consumer society and consumer culture, which are critical characteristics of contemporary culture. Some other concepts, such as the society of the spectacle, popular culture, casual class, and symbolic capital, are pivotal. The objective part of the discussion revolves around the question that at the confluence of production and consumption, how can we look at urban public spaces as an objective level of space, which is most interesting in urban design studies? In this section, it is shown that "everyday life" is the key to understanding. At this level, the conceptual formulation of Carmona (2012) for the "homogenization" of public spaces can be understood in conjunction with it; which is presented by criticizing three contemporary processes that lead to consume, privatized, and invented urban public spaces, without having an apparent theoretical reference to everyday urban life. Conclusion: The realm of everyday life can be understood as the confluence of the two concepts of cultural consumption and the social production of space; a visible part of it is occurring in public spaces as the field of action of urban design and the continuous crystallization of production and consumption flows. In this position, every day can be read through the concept of homogenization of space, where the upstream forces of abstract production in dialectics with downstream forces of objective consumption are evolving contemporary urban spaces. In terms of combining the two mentioned disciplines in the field of urban public spaces, the present article is a novel effort into urban design knowledge.
نگرش انتقادی به هژمونی سرمایه بر روابط انسانی در جامعه امروز آنگاه‌که با فضا پیوند می‌خورد، وارد محدوده مطالعات شهری شده و موردتوجه واقع می‌شود. از این منظر در مطالعه شهری فضا، به‌عنوان مفهومی مناقشه‌انگیز (پروبلماتیک)، دو دسته ادبیات تولید (اجتماعی) و مصرف (فرهنگی) فضا قابل‌تشخیص هستند که به‌نظر می‌رسد بیش از همه ذیل دو دیسیپلین مطالعات فرهنگی و اقتصاد سیاسی مورد بسط قرارگرفته‌اند. همچنین فضای عمومی که در کانون مطالعات طراحی شهری قرار دارد، طی سالهای اخیر با نوعی فهم انتقادی آمیخته‌شده است. اینجاست که ماهیت میان‌رشته‌ای طراحی شهری، آن را ناگزیر از توجه توأمان به ادبیات تولید و مصرف فضا برای فهم عمیق‌تر تحول فضاهای عمومی در میانه تنازع نیروهای قدرت و مردم نموده است.
هدف: پژوهش حاضر با هدف توسعه فهم انتقادی از فضای عمومی خصوصاً ذیل دانش طراحی شهری به کمک تطبیق ترکیبی دو انگاره نظری تولید اجتماعی و مصرف فرهنگی فضا برآمده است.
روش: این جستار نظری با بررسی سلسله‌مراتبی از ریشه‌های فلسفی تا بروندادهای ملموس حاصل از مفاهمه دو انگاره فوق‌الذکر، تلاش میکند تصویری خوانا از جایگاه فضاهای عمومی شهری در قالب یک منظومه نظری ارائه نماید.
یافته‌ها: یافتههای مقاله چگونگی ارتباط مفاهیم موردتوجه سه دسته ادبیات تولید اجتماعی فضا، مصرف فرهنگی فضا و مطالعات انتقادی طراحی شهری را در سه سطح پارادایمی، نظری و عینی نشان میدهد.
نتیجه گیری: این پژوهش نشان میدهد عرصه زندگی روزمره کانون مفاهمه دو انگاره مصرف فرهنگی و تولید اجتماعی فضا است؛ عرصه‌ای که بخش نمایانی از آن در فضاهای عمومی به‌عنوان میدان عمل طراحی شهری و میدان تبلور دائمی تولید و مصرف جاری است. بر این مبنا دانش طراحی شهری می‌تواند زندگی روزمره را از دریچه مفهوم همگن شدن فضا مورد خوانش قرار دهد؛ جایی که نیروهای بالادستی تولید انتزاعی در دیالکتیکی با نیروهای پایین‌دستی مصرف عینی، در حال تحول فضاهای شهری معاصر هستند
The first category is traditional celebrities, who mostly have a small presence on social networks. The second category is professors-influencers, i.e. those who were born within social networks and whose presence, activity and reputation in the virtual world is greater than the outside world. The third group has a hybrid identity and has an enrich experience in terms of age, but they are not related to the first group.
In other words, they are on the border between the first and the second type, but they have a little bit of their former reputation in the world outside of cyberspace, and they have also created a new position for themselves in social networks. In the comparison between these three types of academics, the major distinctions of academic celebrities as emerging figures will be explained. The professors-influencers are born and live in social networks, they owe their fame to these networks, they establish a more horizontal relationship with their audience, they address a more general population, they are well aware of the strength of weak ties. And finally, they appear in the role of new intellectual leaders in the society.
مقالۀ حاضر به دنبال مطالعۀ افراد پرنفوذ علمی در ایران، بدین پرسش می‌پردازد که چگونه در کنار سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی، استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، جای خود را در فضای دانشگاهی بازکرده‌اند. برای انجام این مطالعه، ابتدا به کاوش در باب مفهوم فرهنگ شهرت و اینفلوئنسری پرداخته‌ایم و سپس پای تحقیقات متأخر در باب نسبت دانشگاه و فرهنگ اینفلوئنسری را به میان آورده‌ایم. در مرتبه بعدی از خلال مطالعات انجام¬شده و همچنین مطالعۀ موقعیت هفت استاد پرنفوذ دانشگاهی، صفحات اینستاگرامی و دیگر شبکه‌های اجتماعی آنان وارسی شده، در نهایت گونه‌شناسی¬ای از اشکال مختلف استادان مشهور دانشگاهی ارائه می‌شود. سه گونۀ کلی از استادان مشهور شناسایی شد:
در دسته اول، سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی قرار دارند که عمدتاً حضوری اندک در شبکه‌های اجتماعی دارند. دسته دوم، استادان - اینفلوئنسر هستند؛ یعنی کسانی که درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد شدند و حضور، فعالیت و شهرتشان در جهان مجازی، بیش از جهان بیرونی است. گروه سوم، هویت دورگه و هیبریدی دارند؛ به لحاظ سنی هرچند تجربه بالایی دارند، با گروه سنی دسته اول فاصله دارند. به عبارتی در مرز میان گونۀ اول و دوم جای گرفته‌اند؛ هم کمی شهرت پیشین در دنیایی خارج از فضای مجازی دارند و هم موقعیت جدیدی برای خود در شبکه‌های اجتماعی ایجاد کرده‌اند. در مقایسۀ میان این سه گونۀ دانشگاهی، تمایزهای عمده سلبیریتی‌‌های دانشگاهی به عنوان چهرۀ نوظهور تشریح خواهد شد. استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد می¬شوند و زندگی می‌کنند؛ شهرتشان را مدیون همین شبکه‌‌ها هستند؛ رابطه¬ای افقی‌تر با مخاطبان خود برقرار می‌کنند؛ جمعیتی عمومی‌تر را مخاطب خود قرار می‌دهند؛ به‌خوبی از قدرت پیوندهای سست آگاهند و در نهایت در نقش رهبران جدید فکری در جامعه ظاهر می‌شوند.
The paper focuses on the questions of why and how the humanities problematized in the course of expansion and institutionalization of Cultural Revolution, as it helped to emerge ideas like “Islamization of humanities” and “producing Islamic humanities”; implying a kind of distrust toward academic humanities. Government’s decision to realize these ideas has marginalized their scientific aspect and made academics reluctant to help it. On the other hand, clerics’ participation in this game has created an image of confrontation between clergy and academy, as it has fueled the idea of conflict between ideology and knowledge. This situation has weakened the position of humanities in the academy and helped it’s expansion in the public sphere.
This paper, through re-examining the documents of the Cultural Revolution and re-reading narratives of its actors as well as reviewing the consequences of this event, including projects like Islamization of humanities and production of the Islamic humanities, shows that the intervention of politics and ideology in the game of academic science, not only can secure the desired goals, but it can also lead to undesirable consequences.
This article has followed the traces of critical theory within the academy and among the books of sociological theory and has shown that the isolation of critical theory has been due to domination and the struggle between micro and macro currents in Iranian social sciences. Finally, the critical tradition has hardly been able to find a marginal position as part of the social sciences. This article also shows the continuation of the tradition of adaptation in books of sociological theories While the tradition of adaptation in circumstances such as the 1950s and 1960s could have been seen as an escape from censorship, its persistence in other decades has been more a sign of our authors' approach to complicating the theoretical.
کالاهای فرهنگی در سال ۱۳۹۸ . به طور کلی مصرف فرهنگی چگونه در ایران طبقاتی و جنسیتی توزیع شده است؟
مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به معنای ترجیح یک شکل دانشگاه به دیگری است. اما این شکل‌ها چه هستند و چه پیامدهایی دارند. در این مقاله که بر پژوهش‌های منتشره در حوزه مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه در دهه‌ی ۱۳۹۰ شمسی متمرکز است، در گام نخست کوشیده شد که الگوهایی بر پایه‌ی پژوهش‌های مورد بررسی شناسایی شوند. سپس با واکاوی انتقادی این شکل‌ها نشان داده شد که چرا باید از مطالعات موجود فراتر رفت و به شکلهای بدیل دیگر اندیشید که بهتر می‌توانند مسئولیت دانشگاه را صورت‌بندی کنند. در این پژوهش سه شکل اصلی دانشبنگاه، دانشگاه خدمت‌محور (که خود به دو شکل دانشگاه مأموریت‌محور و دانشگاه شهروندی تقسیم می‌شود)، دانشگاه اجتماعی بر اساس رویکردهای واقعاًموجود در فضای مطالعات دانشگاه و مسئولیت اجتماعی آن شناسایی شدند. این سه شکل مورد واکاوی و نقد قرار گرفتند تا شکل چهارم یعنی دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی از نظر اجتماعی مسئول‌تر معرفی شود. درواقع به‌شکلی ضمنی کوشیدیم نشان دهیم که الگوها و رویکردهای پژوهشگران نقشی اساسی در شکل‌یابی جهت‌گیری پژوهشی آنها دارد و همین ضرورت ارائه‌ی شکل‌ها و الگوهای بدیل را نشان میدهد چرا که امکان‌های تازه‌ی نظری و پژوهشی را در وضعیت ایجاد میکند و می‌آفریند. این پژوهش نشان داد که بدون وجود درکی هستی‌شناختی از دانشگاه هر شکلی از صورت‌بندی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به تقلیل وجوه گوناگون دانشگاه به وجوه بازار یا دولت می‌انجامد؛ چیزی که به‌ویژه در پژوهش‌های دانشگاهی ایرانی درباره‌ی مسئولیت اجتماعی دانشگاه به چشم می‌خورد. پیشنهاد ما توجه به دانشگاه بوم‌شناختی همچون بدیلی مهم است که رونالد بارنت دست به صورت‌بندی آن زده است.
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این مقاله ترجمه ای است از جستار زیمل با عنوان متافیزیک مرگ که از زبان آلمانی و تطبیق آن با زبان انگلیسی ترجمه شده است.
Ferdos Sheikholeslam
Abbas Varij Kazemi
Abstract
The tumultuous fate of chador in the social life of Iranian women, led to the concealment of conflicting stories and meanings: keeping women back from civilization, resistance against Western women, carrying justice-seeking meanings, clothing of the ruling Hezbollahi faction, beauty provider for the modern veiled woman. These meanings, which were imposed on the chador about 150 years ago, these meanings were associated with changes in its body; From the variety of sewing patterns to the accompaniment with other objects. In the present article, by using approach of material culture studies, and through documentary method, we show four periods of chador social life in the new era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a symbol of pro-government, as a commodity integrated in the fashion market. In the first Pahlavi period, the chador was spoken of as a distance from civilization and through the conflicts of the traditional with the modern. In the second period, the chador served the revolution and fight against the consumerist culture of the West, thus becoming a symbol of change in modern life. In the third period, the chador was associated with a form of cultural-political domination. In the fourth period, the chador created its own fashions to not only does not hide her owner's visual beauties, but also tries to reveal them as much as possible.
Keywords: Chador social life, Clothing, Material culture studies, woman, the things.
Introduction
Almost all objects have special meanings and are part of our history. They reflect things about culture, politics, and society. For example, the clothes we wear are intertwined with social changes and reflect things beyond our personal taste.
During the modern experience in Iran, Chador was one of the most important mediators of rethinking human life. The new history of Chador started in the 14th century, when this object distanced itself from ideas that belonged to the past by being actively present in the revolutionary era of modernity.
What identity has Chador established for itself in history? How was it perceived in different eras? How did it gain a voice and ideology of its own during the different eras of modern Iran? When was its weight on the body noticed? When did it become a tool for making changes to the environment? How did it go from functioning as a backlash against fashion to being integrated into fashion? How can the social history of modern Iran be read in a new light through Chador? In this article, we argue that Chador has gone through four life periods in the modern era.
Theoretical Approach and Research Method
The concept of "Material Culture Studies" narrates social, political, economic, and cultural changes of a society through the objects that are prominent in that society. Objects have power because they make possible the exercise of power, the formation of class divisions, and political resistance. Therefore, to understand socio-political currents, studying only the history of thoughts and ideas and the lives of kings and warriors is not enough. Rather, along with reading and criticizing the current historiography, it is necessary to heed the objects that play a role in domination/resistance dynamics and determine social forces, so that the past and present can be viewed in a new light.
In terms of methodology, many historical documents and records were used: women's magazines, published memoirs, pictures, newspapers, historical books, government documents and correspondence, news websites, government legislations, and public speeches. All these sources can be placed in the category of the Documentary Method. The document contents were first collected, then classified and eventually, based on the review of the data, the social life of Chador was divided into four periods.
Findings
With the establishment of the modern era during the first Pahlavi, Chador signified a distance from civilization. In this sense, Chador symbolized traditional values and was in conflict with modernity.
In the second period, Chador was the symbol of a protesting woman and a call for revolution. During this period, Chador was regarded as a symbol of the activities that were performed in protest against invasive modern values; but of course, not to merely return to tradition or the past, but to protest against the anti-traditional nature of modernization. During this period, Chador became a leading object and a symbol of change in modern life. It was a reaction against Western corruption and consumerism in modern Iran. Chador also served as a means of camouflage and disguise in protests.
In the third period, with the dominance of the religious government after the revolution (1979 AC), Chador became a symbol of supporting the government and the ideology of an Islam that was political. On the one hand, it represented a Muslim woman who covered up her body but was modern enough not to withdraw herself from social and political activities. Chador became a symbol of the purity of the Islamic Revolution and the glorification of the martyrs' blood. It became a political tool that was supposed to protect all religious values - not just traditional ones - as a bastion.
In the fourth period, Chador turned into an aesthetic product that followed fashion trends and did not conceal the visual beauty of itself and its owner but rather tried to reveal sexual attractions as much as possible. During this period, Chador in its traditional sense was regarded as a disturbing presence in social life. Therefore, those who supported the preservation of Chador (A Chador that was in accordance with the social lives of veiled women), tried to link the concepts of comfortableness and hijab through marketing mechanisms, to facilitate the presence of Chador on new bodies. When Chador entered the fashion industry and created its own consumption patterns, it presented the beauty of itself and the body that wore it in a different way. In other words, it became an object that made its user be seen and distinguished; it no longer homogenized its user. In this sense, Chador was both a hijab and a fashion; a condemner and simultaneously a promoter of consumption; both a cover and a revealer.
Discussion and Conclusion
With the approach of material culture studies, the history of Chador narrates various views on gender that constantly transform and sometimes conflict each other. According to historians like Afsaneh Najmabadi (1398) and Mohammad Tavakoli Targhi (1397), the dual concept of woman/man is both the producer and the product of the modern nation-state in Iran, and has led to the creation and changes of meanings, symbols, spaces, and objects. Chador is a good example that shows the transformation of human relationships and especially those of women in the modern era. This article illustrates four periods of Chador's social life in the contemporary era: as a symbol of backwardness, as a revolutionary and liberating tool, as a sign of being a government-supporter, and as a product integrated into the fashion market.
Since the end of the Qajar, Chador has highlighted certain words: originality, tradition, identity, security, necessity, limitation, immunity. Chador did not give in to the humiliation imposed on it by the Pahlavi Kingdom; instead, the very rejection it experienced, loaded it with liberating concepts and changed it from a "traditional" dress to an "original" one during the 1960s and 1970s. Words changed. Chador, as a traditional dress, had the potential to symbolize the concept of backwardness. But if it was perceived as an ancient and original dress that bore meaning and facilitated the participation of women in the revolution, why would it not be welcomed? When a dress acquires an identity, it overflows with feeling, especially when that identity seeks justice and rejects colonialism. After the revolution, the country was in chaos: The new regime purified the official institutions from all signs of Taghut and many disagreements occurred among intellectual fronts. All this caused Chador, which had just established new liberating meanings for itself during the revolution, to fall into the trap of bipolarity again, in the sense that wearing or not wearing it determined where the person stood regarding social and political issues. Eventually, merely wearing the Chador was not enough and the manner of wearing became important: how exactly a person gathered the Chador around herself, and what types of clothes she wore under it. At this point, one could be a "Chadori Woman" in various ways which allowed Chador to evolve in accordance with the socio-cultural changes of the time and therefore, remain.
Methodology: This article aimed to develop a critical understanding of public space, especially under the knowledge of urban design, by combining the two theoretical concepts of social production and cultural consumption of space. So, to achieve such an objective, two steps were taken. In the first step, based on a documentary study, the two notions of production and consumption of space were categorized in two theoretical-disciplinary traditions of political (urban) economy and cultural (urban) studies, respectively. They were examined along with the latest critical literature about urban public space. In the second step, this theoretical essay tries to present a coherent picture of the position of urban public spaces in a theoretical frame that stems from examining a hierarchy from philosophical roots to tangible concepts derived from the above two concepts.
Results: The transformation of contemporary urban public space affected by economic, political, and social changes has caused the urban design to a need for a comprehensive study of these spaces beyond its classical approaches by borrowing perspectives and theories from the two disciplines of political economy and cultural studies. The findings show how the concepts are considered in the three categories of literature (social production of space, cultural consumption, and critical studies of urban design) at three levels of discussion (paradigmatic, theoretical and objective).
Discussion: On a paradigmatic level, it seems that the literature on the production of space, arising from dialectical materialism, tends to a holistic understanding and presents a kind of meta-narrative of the spatialization of capitalism in the context of society (and city). Perhaps this holistic approach has caused sociologists such as Thrift (2003) to criticize geographers of the production of space (such as Harvey and Clarke) to theorize minus empirical findings. However, Harvey (1985: 13-16) tries to provide an answer to this kind of ambiguity in his Urban Experience. By referring to someone who tries to read it as a text from the top of a tall tower, he introduces his epistemological logic as a kind of view from above, which instead of capturing by the city, captures the city in his mind. On the other hand, studies of cultural consumption seek to understand and interpret the representation of capitalist culture in human relations. A matter that later, with new development, has reached a deconstructed understanding of the meaning of consumption as "production" (innovative consumption). From a theoretical point of view, the political economy of the production of space mainly focuses on criticizing capitalism and the system of capital accumulation under classical Marxist concepts such as class, work, surplus and production. On the other hand, consumption from the viewpoint of cultural studies can be understood mainly around the two theories of consumer society and consumer culture, which are critical characteristics of contemporary culture. Some other concepts, such as the society of the spectacle, popular culture, casual class, and symbolic capital, are pivotal. The objective part of the discussion revolves around the question that at the confluence of production and consumption, how can we look at urban public spaces as an objective level of space, which is most interesting in urban design studies? In this section, it is shown that "everyday life" is the key to understanding. At this level, the conceptual formulation of Carmona (2012) for the "homogenization" of public spaces can be understood in conjunction with it; which is presented by criticizing three contemporary processes that lead to consume, privatized, and invented urban public spaces, without having an apparent theoretical reference to everyday urban life. Conclusion: The realm of everyday life can be understood as the confluence of the two concepts of cultural consumption and the social production of space; a visible part of it is occurring in public spaces as the field of action of urban design and the continuous crystallization of production and consumption flows. In this position, every day can be read through the concept of homogenization of space, where the upstream forces of abstract production in dialectics with downstream forces of objective consumption are evolving contemporary urban spaces. In terms of combining the two mentioned disciplines in the field of urban public spaces, the present article is a novel effort into urban design knowledge.
نگرش انتقادی به هژمونی سرمایه بر روابط انسانی در جامعه امروز آنگاه‌که با فضا پیوند می‌خورد، وارد محدوده مطالعات شهری شده و موردتوجه واقع می‌شود. از این منظر در مطالعه شهری فضا، به‌عنوان مفهومی مناقشه‌انگیز (پروبلماتیک)، دو دسته ادبیات تولید (اجتماعی) و مصرف (فرهنگی) فضا قابل‌تشخیص هستند که به‌نظر می‌رسد بیش از همه ذیل دو دیسیپلین مطالعات فرهنگی و اقتصاد سیاسی مورد بسط قرارگرفته‌اند. همچنین فضای عمومی که در کانون مطالعات طراحی شهری قرار دارد، طی سالهای اخیر با نوعی فهم انتقادی آمیخته‌شده است. اینجاست که ماهیت میان‌رشته‌ای طراحی شهری، آن را ناگزیر از توجه توأمان به ادبیات تولید و مصرف فضا برای فهم عمیق‌تر تحول فضاهای عمومی در میانه تنازع نیروهای قدرت و مردم نموده است.
هدف: پژوهش حاضر با هدف توسعه فهم انتقادی از فضای عمومی خصوصاً ذیل دانش طراحی شهری به کمک تطبیق ترکیبی دو انگاره نظری تولید اجتماعی و مصرف فرهنگی فضا برآمده است.
روش: این جستار نظری با بررسی سلسله‌مراتبی از ریشه‌های فلسفی تا بروندادهای ملموس حاصل از مفاهمه دو انگاره فوق‌الذکر، تلاش میکند تصویری خوانا از جایگاه فضاهای عمومی شهری در قالب یک منظومه نظری ارائه نماید.
یافته‌ها: یافتههای مقاله چگونگی ارتباط مفاهیم موردتوجه سه دسته ادبیات تولید اجتماعی فضا، مصرف فرهنگی فضا و مطالعات انتقادی طراحی شهری را در سه سطح پارادایمی، نظری و عینی نشان میدهد.
نتیجه گیری: این پژوهش نشان میدهد عرصه زندگی روزمره کانون مفاهمه دو انگاره مصرف فرهنگی و تولید اجتماعی فضا است؛ عرصه‌ای که بخش نمایانی از آن در فضاهای عمومی به‌عنوان میدان عمل طراحی شهری و میدان تبلور دائمی تولید و مصرف جاری است. بر این مبنا دانش طراحی شهری می‌تواند زندگی روزمره را از دریچه مفهوم همگن شدن فضا مورد خوانش قرار دهد؛ جایی که نیروهای بالادستی تولید انتزاعی در دیالکتیکی با نیروهای پایین‌دستی مصرف عینی، در حال تحول فضاهای شهری معاصر هستند
The first category is traditional celebrities, who mostly have a small presence on social networks. The second category is professors-influencers, i.e. those who were born within social networks and whose presence, activity and reputation in the virtual world is greater than the outside world. The third group has a hybrid identity and has an enrich experience in terms of age, but they are not related to the first group.
In other words, they are on the border between the first and the second type, but they have a little bit of their former reputation in the world outside of cyberspace, and they have also created a new position for themselves in social networks. In the comparison between these three types of academics, the major distinctions of academic celebrities as emerging figures will be explained. The professors-influencers are born and live in social networks, they owe their fame to these networks, they establish a more horizontal relationship with their audience, they address a more general population, they are well aware of the strength of weak ties. And finally, they appear in the role of new intellectual leaders in the society.
مقالۀ حاضر به دنبال مطالعۀ افراد پرنفوذ علمی در ایران، بدین پرسش می‌پردازد که چگونه در کنار سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی، استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، جای خود را در فضای دانشگاهی بازکرده‌اند. برای انجام این مطالعه، ابتدا به کاوش در باب مفهوم فرهنگ شهرت و اینفلوئنسری پرداخته‌ایم و سپس پای تحقیقات متأخر در باب نسبت دانشگاه و فرهنگ اینفلوئنسری را به میان آورده‌ایم. در مرتبه بعدی از خلال مطالعات انجام¬شده و همچنین مطالعۀ موقعیت هفت استاد پرنفوذ دانشگاهی، صفحات اینستاگرامی و دیگر شبکه‌های اجتماعی آنان وارسی شده، در نهایت گونه‌شناسی¬ای از اشکال مختلف استادان مشهور دانشگاهی ارائه می‌شود. سه گونۀ کلی از استادان مشهور شناسایی شد:
در دسته اول، سلیبریتی‌‌های سنتی قرار دارند که عمدتاً حضوری اندک در شبکه‌های اجتماعی دارند. دسته دوم، استادان - اینفلوئنسر هستند؛ یعنی کسانی که درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد شدند و حضور، فعالیت و شهرتشان در جهان مجازی، بیش از جهان بیرونی است. گروه سوم، هویت دورگه و هیبریدی دارند؛ به لحاظ سنی هرچند تجربه بالایی دارند، با گروه سنی دسته اول فاصله دارند. به عبارتی در مرز میان گونۀ اول و دوم جای گرفته‌اند؛ هم کمی شهرت پیشین در دنیایی خارج از فضای مجازی دارند و هم موقعیت جدیدی برای خود در شبکه‌های اجتماعی ایجاد کرده‌اند. در مقایسۀ میان این سه گونۀ دانشگاهی، تمایزهای عمده سلبیریتی‌‌های دانشگاهی به عنوان چهرۀ نوظهور تشریح خواهد شد. استاد- اینفلوئنسرها، درون شبکه‌های اجتماعی متولد می¬شوند و زندگی می‌کنند؛ شهرتشان را مدیون همین شبکه‌‌ها هستند؛ رابطه¬ای افقی‌تر با مخاطبان خود برقرار می‌کنند؛ جمعیتی عمومی‌تر را مخاطب خود قرار می‌دهند؛ به‌خوبی از قدرت پیوندهای سست آگاهند و در نهایت در نقش رهبران جدید فکری در جامعه ظاهر می‌شوند.
The paper focuses on the questions of why and how the humanities problematized in the course of expansion and institutionalization of Cultural Revolution, as it helped to emerge ideas like “Islamization of humanities” and “producing Islamic humanities”; implying a kind of distrust toward academic humanities. Government’s decision to realize these ideas has marginalized their scientific aspect and made academics reluctant to help it. On the other hand, clerics’ participation in this game has created an image of confrontation between clergy and academy, as it has fueled the idea of conflict between ideology and knowledge. This situation has weakened the position of humanities in the academy and helped it’s expansion in the public sphere.
This paper, through re-examining the documents of the Cultural Revolution and re-reading narratives of its actors as well as reviewing the consequences of this event, including projects like Islamization of humanities and production of the Islamic humanities, shows that the intervention of politics and ideology in the game of academic science, not only can secure the desired goals, but it can also lead to undesirable consequences.
This article has followed the traces of critical theory within the academy and among the books of sociological theory and has shown that the isolation of critical theory has been due to domination and the struggle between micro and macro currents in Iranian social sciences. Finally, the critical tradition has hardly been able to find a marginal position as part of the social sciences. This article also shows the continuation of the tradition of adaptation in books of sociological theories While the tradition of adaptation in circumstances such as the 1950s and 1960s could have been seen as an escape from censorship, its persistence in other decades has been more a sign of our authors' approach to complicating the theoretical.
As a traditional male-dominated space, Tehran Bazaar has been witnessing a surge in the presence of women and their activities for more than two decades. Building on Rose's paradoxical spaces, this study focused on a qualitative, ethnographic analysis of Sabzeh-meydan in Tehran Bazaar (which is the main entrance area of the bazaar) as a contested space and examined how women negotiate the norms and compete with men for appropriating space. Our findings suggest that although Sabzeh-meydan is a gendered space, women attempt to solidify their presence and extend the scope of their activities in this traditional space using specific tactics that resemble those applied in other traditional environments in the MENA region. They demonstrate respect for the existing norms to reinforce their presence, but they make use of even limited opportunities to add variety to their behavior. Particularly, by penetrating into the more enclosed inner parts of the space, women paradoxically affect the masculinity that seeks to control their presence and behavior in Sabzeh-meydan. These findings highlight the fact that improvements in the physical qualities of traditional urban spaces without considering the existing cultural and social context do not necessarily result in the maximum use of urban spaces by different social groups.
Introduction
In the last several decades, the Middle East and North African countries have experienced an increase in the presence of women in the public realm, and public spaces in these countries are now used by women for a wide range of optional and social activities1 (Varij Kazemi, 2009; Newcomb, 2006). In the meanwhile, some scholars have doubted the generalizability of Western feminist theories to the situation of women in developing countries including those in the MENA region (Crowley, 2014; Sawalha, 2014; Abu-Lughod, 1998). For instance, Western studies pinpoint the effect of the physical dimension and activities in the environment on the way men and women apply the space (e.g., Loewen et al., 1993; Marcus & Francis, 1997; Sur, 2014; Trench et al., 1992; Tummers & Zibell, 2012). Conversely, some studies of space and gender conducted in the Middle East suggest that despite improvements in the physical qualities of the environment, men and women's presence and use of spaces are still determined by the dominant social norms and rules of public spaces (e.g., Almahmood et al., 2018; Gökarıksel & Secor, 2017; Bagheri, 2014). The present study attempts to investigate the simultaneous effects of the physical dimensions and social and cultural features of the traditional male-dominated environment of Tehran Bazaar on how women employ the space and negotiate the dominant norms in order to appropriate space. We claim that despite the existing limitations in the traditional environment of Tehran Bazaar, women make use of the scarce possibilities in favor of reinforcing their presence, and their endeavor in this traditional context differs from the negotiation tactics of appropriating space in a modern context.
To this end, we have made use of the notion of “gendered space”, which refers to a space that restricts women's activities by imposing certain behavioral patterns and creating a sense of insecurity (Madanipour, 1996). Moreover, we shall examine the practicality of some theories of the social construction of space in the context of Tehran Bazaar where different unequal levels of access to power resources are offered to men and women. According to Low (2016), an analysis of contested spaces is considered as an effective method for studying the social construction of space. In these spaces, actors are involved in conflicts owing to unequal access to power and resources, and these conflicts are manifested as opposition, confrontation, subversion, and resistance (Low & Lawrence-Zúñiga, 2003). Gillian Rose's theory of paradoxical space also highlights the issue of gender conflicts in appropriating space. Rose (1993) considers women's contradictions in everyday life and points out the possibilities, even if limited ones, in their experience of a space. She further holds that women regard themselves both as an insider and as an outsider in paradoxical spaces at the intersection of different cultures. According to her, this issue establishes a new order and challenge regarding male dominance by creating heterogeneous power geometries. In the same vein, the researchers look at Tehran Bazaar through the lens of Rose's theory as a space that is full of simultaneous openings and limitations for women.
Thus, given the physical, social, and cultural contexts of Sabzeh-meydan in Tehran Bazaar (which is a major entrance area of the bazaar), this paper analyzes it as a ‘contested space’ through a qualitative approach and investigates how women compete with men for appropriating space in the context of this bazaar. We hope that our findings reveal the importance of a holistic approach in addressing the qualitative aspects of the physical space of traditional contexts to those urban designers and planners in the MENA region considering degendering urban spaces.
Section snippets
Research method
An ethnographic approach was adopted, and participative observations and in-depth semi-structured interviews were used to investigate women's spatial behavior and the meaning of space for them in the main entrance area of Tehran Bazaar, which is known as Sabzeh-meydan. The mentioned observations and interviews were performed on seven non-consecutive days in the spring of 2018 and with 13 female visitors (aged 25–52) of Tehran Bazaar, respectively, and purposeful sampling was conducted using the
The context: women in Tehran's urban spaces and Tehran Bazaar
After centuries of women's weak presence in public spaces (Alizadeh & Khatam, 2007), their attendance in Iran's urban spaces has remarkably increased since the 1990s (Amir-Ebrahimi, 2006), which may be due to the transformation of economic and sociocultural conditions and attendant changes in lifestyle, not least in metropolitan areas (Fazeli, 2015; Moidfar et al., 2015). Consequently, modern shopping centers have turned into places for women to stroll and spend their time (Azari, 2013;
Sabzeh-meydan as a gendered space: presence of women in margins and borders
The analysis of the spatial behavior of men and women indicated that Sabzeh-meydan acts differently toward different genders, and this issue results from the lack of responsiveness of the physical environment to women's needs because of the male-dominated traditional culture, as well as from different goals of men and women in visiting the bazaar. Men and women visit it mostly for work and shopping or window-shopping, respectively. In Sabzeh-meydan, women moving under the ravagh and watching
Discussion and conclusion
Ethnographic findings indicate that despite their remarkable presence, women tend to attend parts of space not dominated by collective male behavior, contributing to the organization of a gendered space resulting from power relations in the space. Men's power as business owners and real possessors of the space, along with their permanent bonds arouses collective behavior and acts as a privilege in appropriating the contested space. Changing this discourse is beyond a simple increase in the
مسئله ترافیک در تهران مسئله‌ای پیچیده و چندپهلو است. یک جنبه مهم از این پدیده که اغلب مورد توجه قرار نمی‌گیرد، اهمیت نقش فرهنگ خانواده در استفاده از وسیله نقلیه شخصی و شیوه و شکل نظام حمل‌و‌نقل شهری در تهران است. استدلال نگارنده در این مقاله دو جنبه دارد؛ یک جنبه به ماهیت خانوادگی اتومبیل‌های شخصی باز می‌گردد و جنبه دوم به کیفیت غیرخانواده‌گرایانه وسایل نقلیه عمومی. به عبارتی نگارنده معتقد است؛ از یک‌سو ماشین شخصی در ایران ادامه فضای خانه در خیابان است و از این رو برای تغییر فرهنگ سفر درون‌شهری نیاز به تغییر نگرش شهروندان به فضاهای عمومی شهر بوده و از دیگرسو کیفیت وسایل نقلیه عمومی باید به‌گونه‌ای باشد که فرهنگ خانواده‌گرایانه ایرانی و اهمیت و تکریم خانواده را مدنظر قرار دهند. مقاله حاضر به یکی از عوامل مهم استفاده زیاد اتومبیل شخصی در تهران، الگوی غالب فردگرایی در ایران، یعنی فردگرایی خانواده‌گرایانه پرداخته است. ماشین به عنوان برساخته‌ای فرهنگی، حاوی معانی است که بدون درک آن معانی در ذهنیت جمعی ایرانیان نمیتوان بر تغییر شکل مصرف اتومبیل فائق آمد
The powerful presence of a weak critical tradition in Iran has been contradictory and paradoxical. Critical theory is under pressure because of its western origin and its links to Marxism, and at the same time, it has been conservatively aligned with the policies of the Islamic State due to its anti-Western and anti-capitalist analyses in the form of criticism of the Western modernity. The project of criticizing the culture of the post-revolutionary consumer society is in line with the anti-consumerist slogans and cultural criticisms of Iran´s political leaders.
فصل سوم با تاکید بر ایده‌های جیمز کلیفورد به تحول در معنای سفر در عصر جهانی شدن و زمانه بی‌قراری‌های مستمر پرداخته و تاثیری که این پارادایم جدید در مفهوم سفر نظریه‌ها دارد در یک دهه بعد از ادوارد سعید به بحث گذاشته می‌شود.
فصل چهارم پای بحثی دیگر به نام سفر مفاهیم را به میان می‌کشد. این ایده مطرح می‌شود که برخی از مفاهیم بنیادی مستقل از نظریه می‌تواند به مسافرت برود و در رشته‌های دیگر سرک بکشد و در آنها انقلابی ایجاد کند. در عین حال، بحث می شود که هر مهاجرتی امری گزینشی و البته سیاسی است از این رو برخی مفاهیم یا نظریه‌ها از هجرت باز می‌مانند، برخی آوارگی را در وطن تجربه می‌کنند تا بمیرند و برخی با ترک زادگاه‌شان یا میدانی که در آن به دنیا آمده‌اند و رفتن به میدان‌های جدیدی پر و بالی جدید می‌گشایند و افق‌های جدیدی را در علم باز می‌کنند.
فصل پنجم ایده‌های مطرح شده ذیل نظریات جنوب را شرح میدهد. برخی چون کونل معتقدند که سفر نظریه‌ها از کشورهای شمال( برخوردار) به کشورهای جنوب بیشترسفری یکطرفه است و کمتر امکان بازگشت پیدا کرده است و برخی دیگر چون مایکل بوراووی نشان می‌دهند که چگونه نظریه‌های شمالی در کشورهای جنوب از نو می‌توانند بازارایی و ترکیب شوند تا بتوانند در بستر جدید جای گیرند.
این کتاب را در نهایت با جمع‌بندی مختصر به پایان رساندم به این امید که بتوانم برنامه‌‌ای پژوهشی را آغاز کنم که این مجلد تنها مقدمه‌ای بر آن است.
بخش اول، دانشگاه و آموزش عالی در ایران
بخش دوم،اقلیتهای دانشگاهی جدید
بخش سوم علوم اجتماعی در ایران
بخش چهارم،تجربه مطالعات فرهنگی در ایران
در ضمیمه این فایل یکی از جستارها گنجانده شده است که به بخش سوم مرتبط است
بر اساس سرشماری انجام‌شده حدود 400 مرکز خرید و مجتمع تجاری کوچک و بزرگ در تهران وجود دارد که بیشتر در مناطق 1 و 2 و 5 و در مرحلۀ بعد مناطق 4 و 22 تهران متمرکز هستند . بر اساس پیمایش 2200 نفری در میان شهروندان تهرانی، بیشترین مراجعه‌کننده به مراکز خرید در میان طبقات اجتماعی متوسط و جوانان و زنان بوده است و گروه‌های طبقاتی پایین، کمترین استفاده را از آن داشته‌اند. از میان گروه‌های مختلف سنی گروه 18ـ 29 سال، بیشترین نگرش مثبت به مراکز خرید داشته است. برای شهروندان تهرانی خرید فعالیتی خانوادگی است تا فردگرایانه، همچنین مراکز خرید با مفهوم آسودگی، امنیت در ذهنیت مردم گره خورده است. مشخص شده است که رفتن به مرکز خرید، اولویت سوم فراغتی مردم بعد از رفتن در پارک و دیدار خانواده و اقوام است. به طور کلی، 66 درصد مردم طی سال 1394 از یک مرکز خرید بازدید کرده بودند. همچنین، بر اساس پیمایش1200نفری درون مراکز خرید روشن شد که مصرف‌کنندگان بیشتر از طبقات متوسط، گروه سنی جوان و تحصیل‌کرده هستند.
پیامدهای گسترش مالسازی در تهران را در سه سطح فردی سطح شهر و سطح مراکز خرید و مالها بیان شده است. در سطح فردی با تحول در سبک زندگی و فرهنگ مصرف و تحول در تجربۀ شهر روبه‌رو هستیم. در سطح شهر با تغییر بافت شهری، تحول در الگوهای سکونت حوالی مراکز خرید، دگردیسی فضایی شهر به سمت شبهفضاهای عمومی یعنی فضاهای عمومی با مالکیت خصوصی و کنترل‌شده، نابرابری فضایی میان طبقات پایین و متوسط و اعیانی‌سازی شهر از طریق توسعۀ فضاهای لوکس تجاری مواجهیم. در سطح مالها موقعیت اشباع مالها و افت و خیزهای حیات درون مالها که در برخی مواقع منجر به پدیدۀ مرگ مال یا تغییرکاربری آن شده است، روبه‌رو خواهیم بود.
از میان راهکارهای پیشنهادی، میتوان به ضرورت جدی گرفتن پیوست‌های اجتماعی قبل و پس از ساخت اشاره کرد. ایجاد سامانۀ آنلاین برای شفافیت صدور مجوزها، انتشار اسناد و پیوست‌های و تعداد مراکز خرید در تهران و مهم‌تر از همه، سخت‌گیری در دادن صدور مجوز برای ساختن مالهای بیشتر، تلاش برای ساخت هرچه بیشتر فضاهای عمومی غیرتجاری میتوان نام برد.
جدای از آن کتاب با جمع بندی به نتیجه گیری های در زمینه موضوعاتی که محققان بدان علاقمند بودند و برخی از مهمترین داده ها اشاره می کند
شکل دوم پادرهوایی را باید خارج از نظام توسعه سرمایدارانه ای که از طریق تحصیل کار خود را به جلو می برد دید. مجموعه عظیمی از بی پناهان بی جایگاهی فاقد سواد لازم دانشگاهی هستند، آنها در موج عظیم مهاجرت در طول چند دهه گذشته به شهرها و روستاهای اطراف مراکز بزرگ شهری آمده اند و شب روز این موقعیت متزلزل را تجربه می‌کنند. این شکل دوم در این مقاله موضوع بحث ما نیست و در آینده بدان خواهیم پرداخت.
اطلاعات در سال ۱۳۸۷ جمع اوری شده است و گزارش در سال ۱۳۸۹ منتشر شده است
با توجه به زمان زیادی که از این گزارش می گذزد امکان مقایسه با داده های جدیدتر را برای محققان فراهم می کند..
تحقیق در سال ۱۳۸۹ در بین دانشحویان دانشگاههای کشور انجام شده است. از انجا که یک گزارش تحقیق منتشر نشده است لازم ایت بدین شیوه و با مشخصاتی که در صفحه اول گزارش امده است ارجاع داده شود
این گزارش، کتاب منتشر شده نیست و به همین شیوه لازم است ارجاع داده شود
تحقیق درمعاونت اجتماعی شهرداری تهران انجام شده است
محمد فاضلی و من در این مصاحبه در کنار مهرک محمودی سردبیر مجله گفت‌وگو کرده‌ایم
سخن گفتن از رویای ایرانی بعد از سقوط این هواپیما در عمل بی معنی بود اما برنامه ریزی از قبل شده بود بنابراین بحث حول سوگواری و خاطرات جمعی با بحث رویا گره خورده است.
این مصاحبه در آذر ۱۳۹۷ انجام گرفته است
اکنون که در میانه همه گیری کرونا هستیم مرگ کلاس درس تماما تحقق یافته است
این جنبش، اغلب مولفه‌های «جنبشهای جدید جدید» را با خود حمل میکند و دارای خصائصی همچون ساختاری افقی، فقدان رهبری مشخص، بی‌توجهی به احزاب سیاسی جاری، وجود عناصری قدرتمند از پیوندهای ضعیف، قدرت جماعت‌ها و جمع‌های کوچک، حیات شبکه‌ای و نقش نیرومند شبکه‌های اجتماعی مجازی، سیال و منعطف است. بااین‌حال، خصائص تکینۀ دیگری نیز دارد که شامل حیات شبکه‌ای نیرومند به‌جای حیات انجمنی، عاملیت غیرانسانی (همانند مو)، مطالبات معمولی در کنار مطالبات کلان، و رادیکالیزه‌شدن فرهنگ اتاق‌خواب است. ازسوی‌دیگر، برخلاف برخی از جنبشهای جدید اجتماعی در بسیاری از کشورهای مدرن، نوگرا، توسعه‌گرا و طرفدار ارزش‌های حوزۀ خصوصی است و برخلاف تجربه بسیاری از کشورهای خاورمیانه، جنبشی غیردینی است که هیچ نشانه‌ای از پشتوانه‌ای از جماعات مذهبی و بنیادگرا یا تمایلات دینی در آن مشاهده نمی‌شود.
باتوجه به گسترش مراکز خرید و مجتمعهای تجاری و دعوت مردم به ورود در فضاهای اندرونی شهری، به تدریج مجتمعهای تجاری ، جایگزین میدان‌های شهری می‌شوند. میدان‌های جدیدی که جمعیت‌ها را درون خود فرا می‌خوانند، نگاه می‌دارند و از نو جمعیتی جدید تولید می‌کنند. در چنین وضعیتی، فضاهای فرهنگی و فضاهای عمومی شهری بیش از اندازه در دامن اقتصاد پولی و سیستم سوادگری افتاده است و تا اندازه زیادی عرصه عمومی استقلال خود را از فضاهای مصرفی ازدست میدهد. برخلاف مطالعه نیمه اول دهه هشتاد که بر فراغتی شدن فضاهای تجاری از طریق مصرف متفاوت فرهنگی تاکید داشتیم از ابتدای دهه ۹۰ ، سیاست تجاری‌کردن فضای فراغتی را به عنوان تهدیدی برای زندگی شهری و فضای عمومی می‌دانیم.
«مالی‌شدن شهر» و تهی‌شدن فضاهای عمومی از جنبه‌های‌عمومی خود و همین‌طور سیاستهای ملال‌آور فرهنگی در ایران اشکال جدید جمعیتی را موجب شده است که جماعت پرسه‌زن در دهه ۷۰ شمسی را به «پرسه‌زنی در جماعت» در دهه ۹۰ تغییر داده‌است. در جامعه ما که اجازه حضور جمعیت‌های سازمان‌یافته و انجمنی وجود ندارد جماعت‌ها ( که صرفا به مجتمعهای تجاری محدود نخواهند بود) قرار است معماری جامعه جدیدشهری را شکل دهند و در عین حال خود را به مثابه «شبه فضای عمومی» در اختیار مردم قرار دهند.
است . سعی کردم که نشان بدهم چگونه غذای نذری کارکردی فرهنگی و انسجام بخش بین بخشهای گسترده‌تری از مردم اعم از سکولار و مذهبی بازی میکند
مردمی که خود را در شرایط انقلابی می بینند تجربه های فشرده ای را پشت سر می گذارند. بسیاری از کارهای بزرگ را باید در کمترین زمان ممکن تجربه کنند: اعتراض کردن، فدا کردن مال، کشته دادن، اعتصاب، ویران کردن نظم و... آنها زیر و رو شدن تجربه های گذشته خود را می بییند و نیاز به تجربه های جدید را حس می کنند.
مقاله به تحلیل رویداد اعتراض آبان 98 در ایران می پردازد
نظریه باید گفت‌وگویی در زبان ما ایجاد کند، و منجر به جست‌و‌جویهای جدید و سرآغاز داستان‌های جدید از جامعه ما شود. بدین معنا ما باید از مقام تماشاگری خارج شویم و به موقعیت بازیگری برسیم. ترجمه صرف، روایت و نقل مستمر این یا آن نظریه مشهور ما را درون فضای بسته اسیر کرده است یکی از راههای رهایی از چنین دایره بسته‌ای رویاریی مستقیم با واقعیتهای انضمامی در ایران و سفر رفت و برگشتی مستمر میان واقعیت و نظریه خواهد بود. شاید راه دومی که بتوان طرح کرد استمرار و دنبال کردن مفاهیم و نظریات ابتدایی است که محققان و متفکران ما خود دنبال کرده‌اند در بسیاری اوقات دانشگاهیان ما بر ایده‌های خود نیز استمرار ندارند. راه سوم در خواندن آثار یکدیگر و ارجاع دادن به همدیگر است که در ایران کمتر اتفاق می‌افتد و نوعی سندرم ارجاع به منابع خارجی صرف برای فاصله‌گذاری عمدی از تحقیقات داخل است و بدین شکل متمایز کردن خود از دیگر همکاران!و در نهایت خروج از نگاه به نظریه‌ها به مثابه جعبه ابزار است. نظریه‌ها با سنتهای فکری درگیرند و نمیتوان آن را به جعبه ابزار محدود کرد این در حالی است که بنظر من مفاهیم نظری و جامعه شناختی می‌توانند جعبه ابزار باشند و نه نظریه‌ها و اغلب از تفاوت و مرزگذاری میان این دو غفلت شده است.
مطالعۀ حاضر بر دو پیمایش متمرکز می شود؛ تلاش می‌شود با تحلیل ثانویۀ داده‌های دو پژوهش، یکی پیمایش ارزش‌های جهانی در سال 2014 و دیگری پیمایش اجتماعی اروپا در سال 2016، و نیز استفاده از دیگر مطالعات، چشم‌اندازی از وضعیت دینداری در کشورهای اروپایی و چگونگی خلق این تصویر از سوی محققان به‌دست داده شود.
در اینجا، هدف از چنین تحلیلی آن است که نخست، تصویری از دینداری در اروپا و نیز سازوکار سنجش آن در پژوهش‌ها به‌دست دهیم؛ و دوم، بین دینداری در اروپا و ایران در مولفه‌هایی که این امکان وجود دارد مقایسه انجام شود.
as an urban middle class advocate. For this purpose, the policies of
the Islamic Republic of Iran on Iranian middle class life will be reviewed. I demonstrate that how, after the 1979 revolution, the details of the life of this class, including dressing, consumption and
cultural tastes, are limited by the state. And as a result, the position
of this class has changed from “dominant” before the revolution to
“subordinated” after that. Through reviewing influential works and
students’ dissertations in Cultural Studies departments in Iranian
universities, it will be shown how the study of the life of the middle
class has been an emancipatory and critical activity in Iran. Therefore, the concept of “resistance” is used as tool for criticizing of
state policies and displaying of the agency of the middle class in
Iran.
Despite this, I will criticize that focus on middle class life has
marginalized the economy in favor of culture. Turning to study of
the life of lower social classes places the culture in the economic
context. For this reason, Iranian cultural studies should bridge the
gap between culture and economy to be able to study another part of
the subaltern and dominated classes
این یادداشت بر اساس دوازده فیلم نمایش داده شده در جشنواره نوشته شده است
https://www.etemadnewspaper.ir/fa/main/detail/37869
دیدگاه جامعه‌شناسی فضا تشریح کردم
https://www.etemadnewspaper.ir/fa/Main/Detail/84363
: تلاش من اين است كه امروز باب بحثي را باز كنم كه شروع بحث هاي بعدي باشد و مطالعاتم در زندگي روزمره را در عرصه هاي ديگري مثل مطالعات زندگي روزمره ،غيرانسان ها (اشيا و آنچه در زندگي روزمره شهري انسان نيستند) پي بگيرم و آنها را به مطالعه زندگي روزمره شهري پيوند دهم. البته اين موضوع تا حدودي زودرس است اما مي تواند در آتيه افقي را براي سياستگذاري شهري باز كند تا تنگ نظرانه شهر راننگريم و آن را صرفا جاي انسان‌ها نبينيم، بلكه آن را غير از انسان ها، جاي حيوان ها، اشيا ، پرنده ها، پل ها، ساختمان ها، خيابان ها، ماشين ها و مجموعه آنچه شهر خوانده
مي شودن يزببينيم. بنابراين در مطالعات شهري مي خواهم از چيزي تحت عنوان غيرانسان ها دفاع كنم.
https://www.etemadnewspaper.ir/fa/main/detail/21436