Papers by Massimo Di Ricco
Universidad del Rosario, 2015
OASIS, 2018
Las sublevaciones populares en la región de Medio Oriente representaron un momento de cambio polí... more Las sublevaciones populares en la región de Medio Oriente representaron un momento de cambio político en todos los países árabes tanto a nivel nacional como en términos de equilibrio en la geopolítica regional. En el análisis de estos eventos se dio particular relevancia a la agencia de medios de comunicaciones tradicionales y digitales. El canal satelital Al Jazeera en árabe jugó un papel relevante en la propagación de las protestas en diferentes países de la región, tanto por su extensa cobertura de los acontecimientos como por la credibilidad que había ganado entre la población desde su fundación en 1996. Pero la posición del canal respecto a las protestas, y el uso de diferentes enfoques según el país, lo llevaron a perder una parte importante de su audiencia. Por esta razón las sublevaciones, además de ciertos cambios geopolíticos relevantes, llevaron a una reconfiguración del ecosistema mediático de la región, con el establecimiento de nuevos medios informativos y la conformac...
Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, 2010
An analysis of the Lebanese public space must be linked to the very configuration of its politica... more An analysis of the Lebanese public space must be linked to the very configuration of its political system, either in terms of geographical space or in political or social terms. The aim of this article –which considers the case of the Shi'ite community– is to highlight, on one hand, the informal character of community public space in Lebanon, and on the other, to shed light on the role of the individual within it. The community and the public space is analysed here from a perspective that takes into consideration the cases of dissent and freedom of expression within a space which is normally excluded from public debate. The case of the Shi'ite community (and in particular of Hezbollah's space) exemplifies a specific anomaly that at the same time represents a general tendency among all Lebanese communities. Such an anomaly, especially in times of severe internal political tension, leads to an informal division of the national territory between the different Lebanese commu...
Tunisian personal status law is known for its 'progressive' character, shown for example by its p... more Tunisian personal status law is known for its 'progressive' character, shown for example by its prohibition of polygamy. Charfi writes: 'The Tunisian personal status code is much talked about, both in Tunisia and outside. Abroad, the code is often presented as a model of adaptation of Islamic law to the realities of the 20th century. It is in fact due to this code, that Tunisia is known as a modern state [ ... ] Within the country, people are proud of the code, as people consider it one of the most important achievements of the nation, and maybe even the most precious one.' 1 Nonetheless, Tunisian legislation contains many lacunae that allow for 'non-progressive' interpretations. This chapter examines what factors curtail the judicial interpretation of these lacunae judicial in the field of Tunisian personal status law. Part 1 addresses the concept of lacunae and judicial discretion, both in codifications in general and in Tunisian personal status law in particular. Part 2 describes how, in some delicate areas of law, this discretion leads to uniformity in judicial practices, but how in other areas such practices are characterised by
Global Media Journal : German Edition, 2012
The Arab Spring represents a breaking point in the cooperation between the pan-Latin American sat... more The Arab Spring represents a breaking point in the cooperation between the pan-Latin American satellite television TeleSUR and Al-Jazeera. Even if in February TeleSUR firmly condemned the closure by Egyptian authorities of the Al-Jazeera Cairo offices, NATO military intervention in Libya and the beginning of protests in Syria provoked an important change in TeleSUR coverage of the Arab Spring. This shift coincided with a departure from the Al-Jazeera network, sanctioning the possible end of a collaboration that always had strong political connotations. TeleSUR joined the cause of the protesters in the coverage of the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings, meanwhile it took what we can refer to as an "ideological approach" in the coverage of the uprisings after the international intervention in Libya, implicitly embracing the official media version of the Arab regimes. This stance sparked controversy especially within grassroots Latin American movements, igniting a strong debate ...
... | Ayuda. Espai públic i societat civil dintre d'un estat confessional. Els d... more ... | Ayuda. Espai públic i societat civil dintre d'un estat confessional. Els drusos del Líban i les organitzacions de base comunitària. Autores: Massimo di Ricco; Localización: El contemporani: revista d'història, ISSN 1133-519X, Nº. 35-36, 2007 , pags. 11-16. ...
La minoranza amazigh, o berbera, in Marocco, che a detta di molti potrebbe anche definirsi come m... more La minoranza amazigh, o berbera, in Marocco, che a detta di molti potrebbe anche definirsi come maggioranza numerica, non gode ancora di un pieno riconoscimento della propria identita da parte dello Stato. Un forte movimento di rivendicazione, basato principalmente sul lavoro delle associazioni della cosiddetta societa civile, si prodiga costantemente col fine di conseguire che la propria cultura goda dei diritti che le appartengono, e per una maggior apertura verso la democratizzazione dell'intero paese. / La minoria amazigh, o bereber, en Marruecos, que para muchos podria configurarse como una mayoria numerica, no goza todavia de un pleno reconocimiento de la propia identidad por parte del Estado. Un fuerte movimiento de reivindicacion, que encuentra su base en el trabajo de la asi dicha sociedad civil, actua constantemente con el fin de conseguir que su cultura obtenga los derechos que le pertenecen, y para una mayor apertura hacia la democratizacion del pais entero. / La min...
Reivindicando la Esfera Publica Comunitaria: Individuos Comunitarios, Comunidades y el Sistema Li... more Reivindicando la Esfera Publica Comunitaria: Individuos Comunitarios, Comunidades y el Sistema Libanes.El sistema confesional libanes, no obstante los continuos remodelamientos en que incurrio desde su establecimiento, mantiene su mayor peculiaridad en el reconocimiento institucional de varias comunidades confesionales y en su estructura de power-sharing. Cada reconocida comunidad libanesa disfruta de unas cuotas politicas en el parlamento nacional, y el sistema les provee prerrogativas en la administracion de las leyes de estatuto personal de sus propios miembros, lo que supone la autonomia de la comunidad respecto al Estado sobre estos asuntos. Dichas prerrogativas sancionan las comunidades libaneses como entidades politicas. Este estudio asume que el sistema confesional, como consecuencia de estas prerrogativas, sanciona institucionalmente el rol de la comunidad como intermediario necesario entre el individuo y el estado. La comunidad va a representar la verdadera base del sistem...
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary political histor... more This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary political history of the participation of the Colombian Arabs in local, regional and national politics, with a special focus on the city of Barranquilla and the Colombian Caribbean region. It mainly focuses on the period of time that goes from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s, which is considered as the missing link in order to understand the full involvement of the third generation of the descendants of Arab origins in the political life of the city and the region. These ages were analyzed through the local press, along with the data of the Registraduria Nacional on the local and national elections between 1958 and 1986. The second generation of Arab migrants did not involve massively in politics in these ages, but some figures among them took advantages of the economic crisis and political vacuum in the city in order to achieve important positions of power as local or national representatives
... Entre la guerra i el consens: el paper de la societat civil en l'actual conf... more ... Entre la guerra i el consens: el paper de la societat civil en l'actual conflicte libanès. Autores:Massimo di Ricco; Localización: Àmbits de política i societat, ISSN 1578-9918, Nº. 39 (Verano), 2008 (Ejemplar dedicado a: Democracia y Derechos Humanos al Mediterráneo) , págs. ...
International news, with its own characteristics and dynamics, are loaded with a strong power of ... more International news, with its own characteristics and dynamics, are loaded with a strong power of representation and are for the majority of the people the first way to get an idea of the world. Their international projection often implies considerations related to media geopolitics or traditional forms of propaganda. News and media literacy limited interest on inter- national news requires thinking about the design of a model to critically approach news on international issues. The results obtained through an online survey with an adult Spanish-speaking population suggest the existence of different levels of critical approach to news on international issues, ranging from passive consumption to the exercise of an informed and active citizenship of the world.
Las sublevaciones populares en la región de Medio Oriente representaron un momento de cambio en t... more Las sublevaciones populares en la región de Medio Oriente representaron un momento de cambio en todos los países árabes tanto a nivel nacional como en términos de equilibrio en la geopolítica regional. En el análisis de estos eventos se dio particular relevancia a la agencia de medios de comunicaciones tradicionales y digitales. En este contexto, el canal satelital Al Jazeera en árabe ha sido particularmente criticado por haber actuado como una herramienta de la política exterior de la monarquía de Qatar, y acusado de apoyar la agenda política del movimiento de los Hermanos Musulmanes. No obstante desde su fundación en 1996 Al Jazeera se haya rápidamente posicionado como el canal de referencia para gran parte de la población en la región, su postura respecto a los eventos que se desencadenaron desde finales de 2010 le ha llevado a perder una parte importante de su influencia, especialmente en términos de audiencia. Por esta razón las sublevaciones, además de unos cambios geopolíticos relevantes, también llevaron a una reconfiguración del ecosistema mediático de la región, con el establecimiento de nuevos medios informativos y la conformación de un espacio donde diferentes televisiones de información satelital, en su gran mayoría vinculadas con países o actores políticos de la región, luchan para promocionar su visión sobre los acontecimientos políticos en Medio Oriente. Esa nueva condición ha llevado a la configuración de una nueva geopolítica de la información, paralela a los equilibrios de poder cambiantes a nivel de política regional. La reflexión sobre la relación entre geopolítica e información abre interrogantes sobre el futuro rol de estos canales como herramientas de política exterior de los principales actores en las disputas geopolíticas.
The popular uprisings in the Middle East represented a moment of change in all Arab countries both at national level and in terms of regional geopolitical balance. In the analysis of these events particular importance was given to the influence of traditional and new digital media. In this context, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera in Arabic has been particularly criticized for acting as a tool of Qatar foreign policy, and accused of supporting the political agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. Although since its founding in 1996 Al Jazeera has rapidly positioned itself as the channel of reference for much of the population in the region, its stance on the events that have unfolded since the end of 2010 led the channel to loose part of its audience. For this reason, the upheavals, in addition to relevant geopolitical changes, also led to a reconfiguration of the region's media ecosystem, with the establishment of new media and a more heterogeneous space where different satellite news channels, mainly linked to countries or political actors in the region, struggle to promote their views to an Arab audience. This new condition has led to the configuration of a new geopolitics of the information, parallel to the changing power balances at political level. A reflection on the relationship between geopolitics and information opens questions about the future role of these channels as foreign policy tools of the main actors in the geopolitical disputes.
Historia y Comunicación Social, 2016
Recibido: 25 de agosto de 2015 Aceptado: 16 de noviembre de 2015
Abstract
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary
politic... more Abstract
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary
political history of the participation of the Colombian Arabs in local,
regional and national politics, with a special focus on the city of Barranquilla
and the Colombian Caribbean region. It mainly focuses on the period of time
that goes from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s, which is considered as
the missing link in order to understand the full involvement of the third
generation of the descendants of Arab origins in the political life of the city
and the region. These ages were analyzed through the local press, along with
the data of the Registraduria Nacional on the local and national elections
between 1958 and 1986. The second generation of Arab migrants did not
involve massively in politics in these ages, but some figures among them took
advantages of the economic crisis and political vacuum in the city in order
to achieve important positions of power as local or national representatives.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar, a través de una investigación exploratoria,
una preliminar historia política de la participación de los colombo-árabes
en la política local, regional y nacional, con un enfoque especial en
la ciudad de Barranquilla y la región Caribe colombiana. El artículo se centra
principalmente en la época que va desde los años cincuenta hasta finales de
la década de 1980. Esta se considera como el eslabón perdido para entender
la plena participación de la tercera generación de los descendientes de origen
árabe en la vida política de la ciudad y la región. Estas décadas fueron analizadas
a través de la prensa local, junto con los datos de la Registraduría
Nacional respecto a las elecciones locales y nacionales entre 1958 y 1986.
La segunda generación de inmigrantes árabes no se involucró masivamente
en política, pero algunos tomaron ventaja de la crisis económica y del vacío
político en la ciudad con el fin de alcanzar posiciones importantes de poder
como representantes locales o nacionales
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary political histor... more This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary political history of the participation of the Colombian Arabs in local, regional and national politics, with a special focus on the city of Barranquilla and the Colombian Caribbean region. It mainly focuses on the period of time that goes from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s, which is considered as the missing link in order to understand the full involvement of the third generation of the descendants of Arab origins in the political life of the city and the region. These ages were analyzed through the local press, along with the data of the Registraduria Nacional on the local and national elections between 1958 and 1986. The second generation of Arab migrants did not involve massively in politics in these ages, but some figures among them took advantages of the economic crisis and political vacuum in the city in order to achieve important positions of power as local or national representatives.
The Arab Spring represents a breaking point in the cooperation between the pan-Latin American sat... more The Arab Spring represents a breaking point in the cooperation between the pan-Latin American satellite television TeleSUR and Al-Jazeera. Even if in February TeleSUR firmly condemned the closure by Egyptian authorities of the Al-Jazeera Cairo offices, NATO military intervention in Libya and the beginning of protests in Syria provoked an important change in TeleSUR coverage of the Arab Spring. This shift coincided with a departure from the Al-Jazeera network, sanctioning the possible end of a collaboration that always had strong political connotations. TeleSUR joined the cause of the protesters in the coverage of the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings, meanwhile it took what we can refer to as an “ideological approach” in the coverage of the uprisings after the international intervention in Libya, implicitly embracing the official media version of the Arab regimes. This stance sparked controversy especially within grassroots Latin American movements, igniting a strong debate mainly visible on the web. At an international level, the undeclared departure from the Al-Jazeera network reflects the future split between leftist Latin American governments, who embrace and fund the multi-state TV network TeleSUR, and the forces that will come out from the Arab Spring. Finally, the Arab Spring represented a missing opportunity for TeleSUR to play an important role in global media, and not only for a national or regional audience. Indeed, TeleSUR gave more importance to the political interests of the channel's founders, than in pursuing a balanced information out of ideological interests or geopolitical strategies.
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Papers by Massimo Di Ricco
The popular uprisings in the Middle East represented a moment of change in all Arab countries both at national level and in terms of regional geopolitical balance. In the analysis of these events particular importance was given to the influence of traditional and new digital media. In this context, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera in Arabic has been particularly criticized for acting as a tool of Qatar foreign policy, and accused of supporting the political agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. Although since its founding in 1996 Al Jazeera has rapidly positioned itself as the channel of reference for much of the population in the region, its stance on the events that have unfolded since the end of 2010 led the channel to loose part of its audience. For this reason, the upheavals, in addition to relevant geopolitical changes, also led to a reconfiguration of the region's media ecosystem, with the establishment of new media and a more heterogeneous space where different satellite news channels, mainly linked to countries or political actors in the region, struggle to promote their views to an Arab audience. This new condition has led to the configuration of a new geopolitics of the information, parallel to the changing power balances at political level. A reflection on the relationship between geopolitics and information opens questions about the future role of these channels as foreign policy tools of the main actors in the geopolitical disputes.
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary
political history of the participation of the Colombian Arabs in local,
regional and national politics, with a special focus on the city of Barranquilla
and the Colombian Caribbean region. It mainly focuses on the period of time
that goes from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s, which is considered as
the missing link in order to understand the full involvement of the third
generation of the descendants of Arab origins in the political life of the city
and the region. These ages were analyzed through the local press, along with
the data of the Registraduria Nacional on the local and national elections
between 1958 and 1986. The second generation of Arab migrants did not
involve massively in politics in these ages, but some figures among them took
advantages of the economic crisis and political vacuum in the city in order
to achieve important positions of power as local or national representatives.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar, a través de una investigación exploratoria,
una preliminar historia política de la participación de los colombo-árabes
en la política local, regional y nacional, con un enfoque especial en
la ciudad de Barranquilla y la región Caribe colombiana. El artículo se centra
principalmente en la época que va desde los años cincuenta hasta finales de
la década de 1980. Esta se considera como el eslabón perdido para entender
la plena participación de la tercera generación de los descendientes de origen
árabe en la vida política de la ciudad y la región. Estas décadas fueron analizadas
a través de la prensa local, junto con los datos de la Registraduría
Nacional respecto a las elecciones locales y nacionales entre 1958 y 1986.
La segunda generación de inmigrantes árabes no se involucró masivamente
en política, pero algunos tomaron ventaja de la crisis económica y del vacío
político en la ciudad con el fin de alcanzar posiciones importantes de poder
como representantes locales o nacionales
The popular uprisings in the Middle East represented a moment of change in all Arab countries both at national level and in terms of regional geopolitical balance. In the analysis of these events particular importance was given to the influence of traditional and new digital media. In this context, the satellite news channel Al Jazeera in Arabic has been particularly criticized for acting as a tool of Qatar foreign policy, and accused of supporting the political agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood movement. Although since its founding in 1996 Al Jazeera has rapidly positioned itself as the channel of reference for much of the population in the region, its stance on the events that have unfolded since the end of 2010 led the channel to loose part of its audience. For this reason, the upheavals, in addition to relevant geopolitical changes, also led to a reconfiguration of the region's media ecosystem, with the establishment of new media and a more heterogeneous space where different satellite news channels, mainly linked to countries or political actors in the region, struggle to promote their views to an Arab audience. This new condition has led to the configuration of a new geopolitics of the information, parallel to the changing power balances at political level. A reflection on the relationship between geopolitics and information opens questions about the future role of these channels as foreign policy tools of the main actors in the geopolitical disputes.
This article aims to present through an exploratory research a first preliminary
political history of the participation of the Colombian Arabs in local,
regional and national politics, with a special focus on the city of Barranquilla
and the Colombian Caribbean region. It mainly focuses on the period of time
that goes from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s, which is considered as
the missing link in order to understand the full involvement of the third
generation of the descendants of Arab origins in the political life of the city
and the region. These ages were analyzed through the local press, along with
the data of the Registraduria Nacional on the local and national elections
between 1958 and 1986. The second generation of Arab migrants did not
involve massively in politics in these ages, but some figures among them took
advantages of the economic crisis and political vacuum in the city in order
to achieve important positions of power as local or national representatives.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar, a través de una investigación exploratoria,
una preliminar historia política de la participación de los colombo-árabes
en la política local, regional y nacional, con un enfoque especial en
la ciudad de Barranquilla y la región Caribe colombiana. El artículo se centra
principalmente en la época que va desde los años cincuenta hasta finales de
la década de 1980. Esta se considera como el eslabón perdido para entender
la plena participación de la tercera generación de los descendientes de origen
árabe en la vida política de la ciudad y la región. Estas décadas fueron analizadas
a través de la prensa local, junto con los datos de la Registraduría
Nacional respecto a las elecciones locales y nacionales entre 1958 y 1986.
La segunda generación de inmigrantes árabes no se involucró masivamente
en política, pero algunos tomaron ventaja de la crisis económica y del vacío
político en la ciudad con el fin de alcanzar posiciones importantes de poder
como representantes locales o nacionales
The main importance of this new graphic movement is that it presents different overlapping levels and objectives. As the first editorial of the Lebanese Samandal comic magazine states, main aim is “to lift the stature of comics to that of a mature art form capable of tackling more than superheroes and their baffling hairdos”. Along with the attempt to give the 9th Art recognition within the Middle East, they aim to establish a solid transnational community. New-born Egyptian TokTok comic magazine expresses in its first issue that main objective is to “create crowdedness and a mess of comics, drawn in a free, post modern spirit”.
This regional transnational movement mainly captures the society through the medium and platform of comic magazines, along with online graphic publications in personal blogs or websites. In this case, their agency often turn into a direct intervention in the public space in order to interact with the society and communicate with the potential new public they aim to create.
The objective of this article is to outline the emergence of this movement and to analyze the different forms and branches of such transnational graphic movement that has its epicenter between Beirut and Cairo. Considering the movement’s concern for their society and the attempt to capture its main essence on a social and political level, the paper wants to specifically analyze different cases of interaction of these individuals with the reality of the region, in terms of representation or direct intervention.