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Tresi Nonno

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Papers by Tresi Nonno

Deciphering the Harappan script: the Harappan language is a dialect of Burushaski

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2024. Deciphering the Harappan script: the Harappan language is a dialect of Burushaski, Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol 10, N 3: pp.: 24 - 48

The language of the Harappan script is a dialect of Burushaski. The seal M308 has an image of an ... more The language of the Harappan script is a dialect of Burushaski. The seal M308 has an image of an anthropomorphic figure holding two tigers and an inscription describing the image: in the inscription there is a numeric sign "2" that correlates with two tigers. Also among the signs of the inscription there is a sign that is a schematic depiction of a yoke that evidently expresses the meaning "to hold"; and for Proto-Burushaski it is possible to reconstruct the form *nV (*na) for "to hold" that evidently is a cognate with the Burushaski word "yoke"-nal. The seal M306 also has an image of an anthropomorphic figure holding two tigers and an inscription describing the image, but in this case the sign "box" / "reservoir" is used instead of the numeric sign "2". The Proto-Burushaski word "pair" is *kum and it is homonymous to the Proto-Burushaski word "small cistern" *kur.

The Ainu-Minoan (Sino-Caucasian) substratum in Indo-Iranian languages

Nonno T. 2024. The Ainu-Minoan (Sino-Caucasian) substratum in Indo-Iranian languages. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N 2; p.: 32 - 38

In Sanskrit and in Iranian languages there are about 55 words that have no reliable Indo-European... more In Sanskrit and in Iranian languages there are about 55 words that have no reliable Indo-European etymology, but are supposed to have originated from the language of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC). The BMAC language seems to be quite close to Burushaski and Yeniseian. Burushaski and Yeniseian languages are quite close relatives, and both belong to the Ainu-Minoan stock / macrofamily. At least some of these 55 substratum words can be correlated with Burushaski and Yeniseian words. The most notorious examples are: the Sanskrit word atharvan – a legendary priest who, according to Hinduism, performed the first yajna – originally was the following word-form: a-th-a-r-u-an – “the one who performs rite”; the Sanskrit theonym Indra correlates with the Proto-Yeniseian form *tɨŋgVr “high”; the Sanskrit word nagnáhu “sourdough” and Persian nān “bread” correlate with Common Burushaski *naɣé “dung” (sourdough sometimes does not smell particularly pleasant and is similar in consistency to the dung).

New data on the etymology of the Ainu word kamuy

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2024. New data on the etymology of the Ainu word kamuy. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N1; pp.: 2 - 15

Previously it was shown that Ainu is a relative to the Sino-Tibetan family. The Ainu word kamuy i... more Previously it was shown that Ainu is a relative to the Sino-Tibetan family. The Ainu word kamuy is a compound of two roots: ka and muy. The component ka correlates with the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *-"tie", and *Kat-"adhere" (in historical Ainu exists the word ka "thread" "string"). The component muy correlates with the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *meɫ-"face" (in historical Ainu exists the word mau "state" / "condition"). Thus, ka means "tie" / "double"; muy means "state" / "figure" / "condition". The word ka-muy literally means "double figure" / "double nature" / "two figures" / two natures". Two natures mean: masculine and feminine natures, i.e.: kamuy is somebody/something that combines masculine and feminine natures. Kamuy is an androgyne. In the case of kamuy the ability to join two natures is an indicator / a measure of divinity. In other words: a deity is as deity as resembles an androgyne.

Some lexical correspondences between the Ainu language and the Sino-Tibetan family

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2024. Some lexical correspondences between the Ainu language and the Sino-Tibetan family. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N 1; pp.: 16 - 39

In 2016 through an analysis of grammar has been shown that Ainu is a relative of the Sino-Tibetan... more In 2016 through an analysis of grammar has been shown that Ainu is a relative of the Sino-Tibetan languages. Although grammar is more important than lexis, but lexical similarities are also very important, so the current paper is aimed to demonstrate some lexical correlations between Ainu and Proto-Sino-Tibetan (PST) / Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB). In this article are shown 34 reconstructed lexical items of Late Jōmon Ainu (LJA) that can be correlated with certain lexical items of PST or PTB. The most illustrative correlations are the following: “child” LJA *po ~ PST *pōk / *poj, copula / “to be” LJA *ne ~ PTB *nay, “deer” LJA *yuk ~ PTB *d-yuk; “to dwell” LJA *ʔun ~ PTB *ʔum; “face” LJA *nan ~ PST ŋār, “to go” LJA *paye ~ PTB *pay, LJA “to be high”, “elevation” – *ri ~ PTB “mountain” – *ri; “I” LJA *ku ~ PTB *ka; “woman” LJA *mat ~ PTB *ma.

The Satsumon ceramics is a continuation of the Jōmon ceramics. Part I: Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon

Nonno T. 2023. The Satsumon ceramics is a continuation of the Jōmon ceramics. Part I: Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 4; pp.: 1 - 22

Using a method of comparison vessels shapes and ornaments that allows calculation of degrees of r... more Using a method of comparison vessels shapes and ornaments that allows calculation of degrees of resemblance, I want to show that the Satsumon ceramics is nothing else, but a continuation of the Epi-Jōmon ceramics. Having compared two vessels of Satsumon with two vessels of Epi-Jōmon I received the following values: Satsumon vessel 1 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 1 = 0.78; Satsumon vessel 2 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 1 ≈ 0.67; Satsumon vessel 1 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 2 ≈ 0.74; Satsumon vessel 2 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 2 ≈ 0.72. It is noteworthy that the highest value of the degree of resemblance received for pairs of Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon vessels is higher than the value received for the pair of Satsumon vessels that is 0.73, and significantly higher than the value received for the pair of Epi-Jōmon vessels that is 0.68. Thus, the Satsumon ceramics is just a local variant of the Epi-Jōmon ceramics.

Against the concept of archaeological culture

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2023. Against the concept of archaeological culture. Cultural Anthropology & Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 3; pp.: 12 - 14

The use of the concept of archaeological culture causes tangles and absurdity. Archaeologists oft... more The use of the concept of archaeological culture causes tangles and absurdity. Archaeologists often try to ascribe certain ethnic content to archaeological cultures, or simply replace the discourse about ancient ethnic groups with a discourse about archaeological cultures. Also, different archaeological cultures are frequently singled out within the material culture created by the same ethnicity. And among archaeologists there is a prerequisite to explain any change of archaeological cultures by the change of population. It is better not to use the concept of archaeological culture at all, the concept of technocomplex should be used instead. The concept of technocomplex is much more accurate than the concept of archaeological culture, since the concept of technocomplex designates a recurring assemblage of artifacts from a specific region and a specific time as a phenomenon of material culture only, and leaves aside the question of its ethnic content.

The etymology of the ethnonym Saeki/Sapeki

Nonno T. 2023. The etymology of the ethnonym Saeki/Sapeki, Cultural Anthropology & Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 2; pp.: 22 - 29

Saeki 佐伯 is an ethnic group mentioned in Nihon shoki and Fudoki. According to Aston, they could b... more Saeki 佐伯 is an ethnic group mentioned in Nihon shoki and Fudoki. According to Aston, they could be a group of Ainu origin. In Fudoki they are described as robbers who walked the country. The kanji 佐伯 is a rather meaningless combination, they were chosen just to express the original sound of the name that evidently is not of Japanese origin. To get the reading of these kanji that were used in the period when Fudoki was created, we have to turn to the kan'on reading. The kan'on of 佐 is sa, the kan'on of 伯 is haku, and the original reading of 佐伯 is sa-paku. This word-form looks like a compound of the following Ainu roots: sa "side" + pa "to step" + kur "human being". And thus, sa-pa-kur can be translated as "people walking from side to side" or "wandering people".

How many voices are there in Ainu really?

Nonno T. 2023. How many voices are there in Ainu really? Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 1; pp.: 17 - 20

Japanese linguists usually describe Ainu as a language with a passive voice. One example consider... more Japanese linguists usually describe Ainu as a language with a passive voice. One example considered as passive is hapo or wa a-en=koyki-"I was scolded by mother". Such sentences can't be considered examples of passive since they contradict all conditions of the passive voice. Other items considered passive are personal markers enci= (1sg) and unci= (1pl) used in Ishikari/Asahikawa dialect. These markers show that the marked person is a patient/target/beneficiary of an action. When these markers are used, then other personal markers are absent. These markers could be considered as implementations of passive, but in Ainu there are no personal markers like enci= and unci= for other persons and numbers. A voice cannot carry out itself only for some persons and numbers, so this case also can't be considered a true passive. And thus, Ainu should be considered a language without voices.

A function describing the regularity of changes of the potential relative error that occurs in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2022. A function describing the regularity of changes of the potential relative error that occurs in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 3; pp.: 19 - 39

The error that occurs in estimating degrees of resemblance of randomly selected assemblages of po... more The error that occurs in estimating degrees of resemblance of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds depends on the ratio of the numbers of potsherds. Originally the error is determined by the following points: if the ratio of numbers of potsherds is 1 – 0.7 the error is 0.01 or less, if the ratio is 0.65 – 0.6 the error is about 0.045, if the ratio is 0.55 – 0.5 the error is about 0.075, if the ratio is 0.45 the error is 0.14, if the ratio is 0.4 and less the error is about 0.19. To derive a function from the above-shown data was employed an online calculator that used several regression models to approximate an unknown function given by a set of data points. The function that fits the above-shown data best way is the following quadratic regression: δ = – 0.88r2 + 1.52r + 0.35, r is the ratio of numbers of potsherds.

On the etymology of the Ainu word *emciu/*emciw

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2022. On the etymology of the Ainu word *emciu/*emciw. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8; N 4; pp.: 20 - 23

Japanese words emishi, ebisu and ezo were derived from Ainu *emciu/*emciw. In the wordform of emc... more Japanese words emishi, ebisu and ezo were derived from Ainu *emciu/*emciw. In the wordform of emciw can be singled out the suffix of-iw that is used in counting people: iwan-iw "six people", i.e.: the-iw suffix means "human being", or "people". We suppose that the wordform of emciw is an example of fusion: i belongs to the suffix and to the stem at once, so the stem is emci. This emci correlates with the personal marker of enci= that is used in Ishikari/Asahikawa and in Tokachi dialects. This personal marker expresses first person singular in the forms that can be interpreted as passive, it shows that first person singular is a patient, a target or a beneficiary of an action. In this enci= the attention is especially focused on the first person singular. And thus, the word emciw can be translated as "my people", "my group", "ours".

Androgynous deities/beings in mythologies and art of the Ainu-Minoan people as a sign of positive attitude toward variations of gender

Nonno T. 2022. Androgynous deities/beings in mythologies and art of the Ainu-Minoan people as a sign of positive attitude toward variations of gender. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 3; pp.: 45 - 51

If certain languages are related, i.e.: belong to the same family/stock, then the corresponding c... more If certain languages are related, i.e.: belong to the same family/stock, then the corresponding cultures share certain similar/look-alike conceptions/ideas/patterns. The more closely are certain cultures related, the larger is the set of their similar conceptions. In the case of such language unities as Ainu-Minoan only very basic ideas can be common. One of the common ideas of the people of the Ainu-Minoan stock is a pretty positive attitude toward variations of gender. This idea/tendency is expressed by the presence of androgynous deities/beings in the corresponding mythologies and art. In the most obvious form this tendency is expressed in Sumerian culture in the cult of Inanna. In Chinese culture this tendency is expressed by the figure of Lan Caihe. In Jōmon culture this tendency is expressed by clay figurines dogū depicting androgynous beings. In Minoan Crete this tendency is expressed by frescoes depicting people of ambiguous gender.

A modification of the formula used in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds

Nonno T. 2022. A modification of the formula used in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 16 - 31

The formula that was usually used in the comparison of two randomly selected assemblages of potsh... more The formula that was usually used in the comparison of two randomly selected assemblages of potsherds didn't account for the potential error, though the information about the possible error was reported separately. And so it is useful to have a formula that would account for the potential error. Previously in a special paper it was shown that the potential error is connected with the ratio of numbers of potsherds of the compared assemblages. The potential error can be accounted for if the (1-δ) coefficient is inserted into the formula (δ is the relative error). This parameter shows how close the compared collections are in the quantitative aspect, and to what extent the possibility of deviation is excluded. Also in the paper is shown a table containing values of the degree of resemblance which were given by a standard set of assemblages of the Pit-Comb Ware.

A formalization of rituals that allows estimating degrees of their similarity

Nonno T. 2022. A formalization of rituals that allows estimating degrees of their similarity. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 37 - 44

Any ritual is a semiotic system and can be formalized just like any other semiotic system, and af... more Any ritual is a semiotic system and can be formalized just like any other semiotic system, and after formalization, it is possible to estimate the degrees of similarities of different rituals. Any ritual can be considered as a play/performance and can be described by the following system of sets: Participants (P), Tools and locations (T), Actions (A), and Expected results (R). To estimate the degree of similarity of two rituals should be estimated the degree of similarity of P of one ritual with P of another ritual, T of one ritual with T of another ritual, and so on, finally should be taken arithmetic mean of four received values. The procedures of formalizing and comparison of rituals are shown on the material of the Ainu bear ritual - iomante, Ainu ritual kamuy nomi, and the bear ritual that was practiced in Lithuanian Panevėžys.

Some thoughts on the roots of the Ainu bear ritual iomante

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2022. Some thoughts on the roots of the Ainu bear ritual iomante. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 32 - 36

The Ainu bear ritual iomante, in our opinion, began when hunters killed a she-bear and brought he... more The Ainu bear ritual iomante, in our opinion, began when hunters killed a she-bear and brought her cubs to their settlement, raised them, and then killed them to get their meat; this happened in a very distant past, perhaps even before the Jōmon period. While the cubs were raised, the people began to treat them as beings that had ontological status close to human beings. These bears already were not just prey, and so the killing of such bears should have implied an apology for the murder. Gradually the practice of propitiating the souls of bears developed, and the rites became more elaborated. Bear rituals could exist at least in the late Jōmon: in some sites attributed to this time were found clay figurines depicting bears. These figurines mean that there were certain special notions about bears, and so it is possible to suppose the existence of some bear rituals.

The meaning of Sumerian culture for the reconstruction of cultural patterns existing in societies speaking languages belonging to the Ainu-Minoan stock

Nonno T. 2022. The meaning of Sumerian culture for the reconstruction of cultural patterns existing in societies speaking languages belonging to the Ainu-Minoan stock. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 1; pp.: 19 - 21

Sumerian language belongs to the Ainu-Minoan stock. The relatedness of languages supposes a certa... more Sumerian language belongs to the Ainu-Minoan stock. The relatedness of languages supposes a certain similarity of the corresponding cultures. Sumerian culture is especially valuable for understanding conceptions existing in cultures of the Ainu-Minoan stock because throughout its history it developed by its internal logic, without experiencing serious external influences, and also had a well-elaborated tradition of recording different aspects of its own life. The closer a certain Ainu-Minoan culture (in geographical, historical, and social aspects) is to Sumerian culture, the more it is possible to project onto it items of Sumerian culture. Cultures remote from Sumerian culture both in time and geographically have usually only the most basic features in common with it. However, if the question is a reconstruction of patterns/mechanisms of a certain culture of the Ainu-Minoan stock, then Sumerian culture can be used more as a certain ideal example rather than as a source of direct analogies/projections.

The semantics of the Ainu bear ritual iomante: bear as a kind of inaw

by Tresi Nonno and Alexander Akulov

Nonno T., Akulov A. 2022. The semantics of the Ainu bear ritual iomante: bear as a kind of inaw. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 1; pp.: 22 - 27

Bear was one of the most important beings for Ainu. Bears were not only named kamuy, but were con... more Bear was one of the most important beings for Ainu. Bears were not only named kamuy, but were considered as true kamuy by the Ainu. And bear ritual iomante was one of the most significant rituals in the system of Ainu rituals. In the system of Ainu religion inaw is a universal sacrifice, i.e.: a bridge between the world of people and the world of kamuy, a bridge through which ramat can flow from the world of kamuy to the world of people. And the iomante ritual serves to establish a connection/bridge with the world of kamuy, and grace from the world of kamuy flows over the bridge into the world of people: people become more successful in hunting. And thus, bear in the iomante ritual can be considered as a kind of inaw.

Emishi chief Ryōkō/Ri-o-kur 綾糠 from the scroll about emperor Bidatsu

Tresi Nonno. 2021. Emishi chief Ryōkō/Ri-o-kur 綾糠 from the scroll about emperor Bidatsu. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, N 4; pp.: 17 - 21

In the 20 th scroll of Nihon shoki there is a name of Emishi chief 綾糟 that is read as Ayakasu. Th... more In the 20 th scroll of Nihon shoki there is a name of Emishi chief 綾糟 that is read as Ayakasu. This reading is unlike typical Emishi/Ainu names of chiefs: Emishi were a branch of Ainu, and names of Ainu chiefs usually end with kur-"person". It seems that Ayakasu was ascribed to these kanji in late time. The kan'on of 綾糟 is ryōsō, but if a name ending with kur is recorded by kanji then such recording evidently should end with a kanji sounding like kur (with a kanji that is read as ki/ko/kō/ku). Probably the original kanji of the name were 綾糠 and it was pronounced as Ryōkō, later 糠 was mistakenly replaced by 糟. Ryōkō originally was Ri-o-kur; it consists of the following components: kur - "man/person"; ri - "to be tall/high", "to be growing"; o - "penis". Thus, Ri-o-kur means "A man with an erected penis".

On the Ainu origin of the ethnonym Emishi/Ebisu/Ezo

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2021. On the Ainu origin of the ethnonym Emishi/Ebisu/Ezo. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, N 4; pp.: 11 - 16

The main arguments of the Ainu origin of the name Emishi were presented by Kindaichi, however, th... more The main arguments of the Ainu origin of the name Emishi were presented by Kindaichi, however, that these arguments were presented rather haphazardly. This paper is aimed to represent facts found by Kindachi in a more systematic way. It is possible to say that the Japanese form emishi is the oldest form. Japanese emishi was derived from Ainu *emciu. The form ebisu came out from the form emisu. Key points of transformation of *emciu into ezo are the following: 1) emchiu became enju: [m] of emciu became [n] under the influence of subsequent alveolar/alveolo-palatal sound [t]/[tɕ]; 2) Ainu language doesn't distinguish voiced and unvoiced consonants, so enciu became enju; 3) enju was pronounced as enzo in Tōhoku. Ainu word-form enju can't originate from Japanese ezo: if ezo would be borrowed by Ainu it would become *ento. Also the word enciu/enju was used as self-naming by Ainu in sacral narratives/in tales.

Some place names of Ainu origin in the islands of Ryūkyū: toponyms with the component pira/hira

Tresi Nonno. 2021. Some place names of Ainu origin in the islands of Ryūkyū: toponyms with the component pira/hira. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, № 3; pp.: 25 - 34

In the islands of Ryūkyū there are some toponyms containing the component pira/hira that originat... more In the islands of Ryūkyū there are some toponyms containing the component pira/hira that originated from the Ainu word pira "cliff" / "rock": Kabiraiishizaki in the island of Ishigaki, the island of Hirari near Ishigaki, Kotohira in the island of Yoron, Takahira in the island of Takeshima, and Takahira in the island of Yakushima. The component pira/hira can't originate from any other language except Ainu. Toponyms with the same component pira/hira exist in Hokkaidō. Toponyms with the pira/hira component evidently should be traced back to the Jōmon language. The fact that toponyms of Jōmon origin can be decoded through modern Ainu means that the language of Jōmon and modern Ainu are pretty close. The fact that in the islands of Ryūkyū there are toponyms with the same component as in the island of Hokkaidō means that in ancient times Ainu inhabited the whole Japanese archipelago from Ryūkyū to Hokkaidō.

«Записки о людях ва из хроники Вэй»: перевод и комментарии

Нонно Т. 2021. «Записки о людях ва из хроники Вэй»: перевод и комментарии. Вестник Сахалинского музея № 35; сс.: 6 - 25

Статья представляет собой перевод и комментарии «Записок о людях ва из хроники Вэй»-исключительно... more Статья представляет собой перевод и комментарии «Записок о людях ва из хроники Вэй»-исключительно важного источника по древней истории Дальнего Востока. Данный перевод «Записок о людях ва» ценен и уникален тем, что в нем представлен оригинальный китайский памятник и каждое китайское предложение сопровождается переводом, цель которого не гнаться за литературной гладкостью, а по возможности точно и полно передать содержание оригинального китайского текста. Ключевые слова: люди ва, айны, Япония, китайские хроники.

Deciphering the Harappan script: the Harappan language is a dialect of Burushaski

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2024. Deciphering the Harappan script: the Harappan language is a dialect of Burushaski, Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol 10, N 3: pp.: 24 - 48

The language of the Harappan script is a dialect of Burushaski. The seal M308 has an image of an ... more The language of the Harappan script is a dialect of Burushaski. The seal M308 has an image of an anthropomorphic figure holding two tigers and an inscription describing the image: in the inscription there is a numeric sign "2" that correlates with two tigers. Also among the signs of the inscription there is a sign that is a schematic depiction of a yoke that evidently expresses the meaning "to hold"; and for Proto-Burushaski it is possible to reconstruct the form *nV (*na) for "to hold" that evidently is a cognate with the Burushaski word "yoke"-nal. The seal M306 also has an image of an anthropomorphic figure holding two tigers and an inscription describing the image, but in this case the sign "box" / "reservoir" is used instead of the numeric sign "2". The Proto-Burushaski word "pair" is *kum and it is homonymous to the Proto-Burushaski word "small cistern" *kur.

The Ainu-Minoan (Sino-Caucasian) substratum in Indo-Iranian languages

Nonno T. 2024. The Ainu-Minoan (Sino-Caucasian) substratum in Indo-Iranian languages. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N 2; p.: 32 - 38

In Sanskrit and in Iranian languages there are about 55 words that have no reliable Indo-European... more In Sanskrit and in Iranian languages there are about 55 words that have no reliable Indo-European etymology, but are supposed to have originated from the language of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC). The BMAC language seems to be quite close to Burushaski and Yeniseian. Burushaski and Yeniseian languages are quite close relatives, and both belong to the Ainu-Minoan stock / macrofamily. At least some of these 55 substratum words can be correlated with Burushaski and Yeniseian words. The most notorious examples are: the Sanskrit word atharvan – a legendary priest who, according to Hinduism, performed the first yajna – originally was the following word-form: a-th-a-r-u-an – “the one who performs rite”; the Sanskrit theonym Indra correlates with the Proto-Yeniseian form *tɨŋgVr “high”; the Sanskrit word nagnáhu “sourdough” and Persian nān “bread” correlate with Common Burushaski *naɣé “dung” (sourdough sometimes does not smell particularly pleasant and is similar in consistency to the dung).

New data on the etymology of the Ainu word kamuy

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2024. New data on the etymology of the Ainu word kamuy. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N1; pp.: 2 - 15

Previously it was shown that Ainu is a relative to the Sino-Tibetan family. The Ainu word kamuy i... more Previously it was shown that Ainu is a relative to the Sino-Tibetan family. The Ainu word kamuy is a compound of two roots: ka and muy. The component ka correlates with the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *-"tie", and *Kat-"adhere" (in historical Ainu exists the word ka "thread" "string"). The component muy correlates with the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *meɫ-"face" (in historical Ainu exists the word mau "state" / "condition"). Thus, ka means "tie" / "double"; muy means "state" / "figure" / "condition". The word ka-muy literally means "double figure" / "double nature" / "two figures" / two natures". Two natures mean: masculine and feminine natures, i.e.: kamuy is somebody/something that combines masculine and feminine natures. Kamuy is an androgyne. In the case of kamuy the ability to join two natures is an indicator / a measure of divinity. In other words: a deity is as deity as resembles an androgyne.

Some lexical correspondences between the Ainu language and the Sino-Tibetan family

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2024. Some lexical correspondences between the Ainu language and the Sino-Tibetan family. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 10, N 1; pp.: 16 - 39

In 2016 through an analysis of grammar has been shown that Ainu is a relative of the Sino-Tibetan... more In 2016 through an analysis of grammar has been shown that Ainu is a relative of the Sino-Tibetan languages. Although grammar is more important than lexis, but lexical similarities are also very important, so the current paper is aimed to demonstrate some lexical correlations between Ainu and Proto-Sino-Tibetan (PST) / Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB). In this article are shown 34 reconstructed lexical items of Late Jōmon Ainu (LJA) that can be correlated with certain lexical items of PST or PTB. The most illustrative correlations are the following: “child” LJA *po ~ PST *pōk / *poj, copula / “to be” LJA *ne ~ PTB *nay, “deer” LJA *yuk ~ PTB *d-yuk; “to dwell” LJA *ʔun ~ PTB *ʔum; “face” LJA *nan ~ PST ŋār, “to go” LJA *paye ~ PTB *pay, LJA “to be high”, “elevation” – *ri ~ PTB “mountain” – *ri; “I” LJA *ku ~ PTB *ka; “woman” LJA *mat ~ PTB *ma.

The Satsumon ceramics is a continuation of the Jōmon ceramics. Part I: Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon

Nonno T. 2023. The Satsumon ceramics is a continuation of the Jōmon ceramics. Part I: Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 4; pp.: 1 - 22

Using a method of comparison vessels shapes and ornaments that allows calculation of degrees of r... more Using a method of comparison vessels shapes and ornaments that allows calculation of degrees of resemblance, I want to show that the Satsumon ceramics is nothing else, but a continuation of the Epi-Jōmon ceramics. Having compared two vessels of Satsumon with two vessels of Epi-Jōmon I received the following values: Satsumon vessel 1 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 1 = 0.78; Satsumon vessel 2 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 1 ≈ 0.67; Satsumon vessel 1 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 2 ≈ 0.74; Satsumon vessel 2 ~ Epi-Jōmon vessel 2 ≈ 0.72. It is noteworthy that the highest value of the degree of resemblance received for pairs of Satsumon and Epi-Jōmon vessels is higher than the value received for the pair of Satsumon vessels that is 0.73, and significantly higher than the value received for the pair of Epi-Jōmon vessels that is 0.68. Thus, the Satsumon ceramics is just a local variant of the Epi-Jōmon ceramics.

Against the concept of archaeological culture

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2023. Against the concept of archaeological culture. Cultural Anthropology & Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 3; pp.: 12 - 14

The use of the concept of archaeological culture causes tangles and absurdity. Archaeologists oft... more The use of the concept of archaeological culture causes tangles and absurdity. Archaeologists often try to ascribe certain ethnic content to archaeological cultures, or simply replace the discourse about ancient ethnic groups with a discourse about archaeological cultures. Also, different archaeological cultures are frequently singled out within the material culture created by the same ethnicity. And among archaeologists there is a prerequisite to explain any change of archaeological cultures by the change of population. It is better not to use the concept of archaeological culture at all, the concept of technocomplex should be used instead. The concept of technocomplex is much more accurate than the concept of archaeological culture, since the concept of technocomplex designates a recurring assemblage of artifacts from a specific region and a specific time as a phenomenon of material culture only, and leaves aside the question of its ethnic content.

The etymology of the ethnonym Saeki/Sapeki

Nonno T. 2023. The etymology of the ethnonym Saeki/Sapeki, Cultural Anthropology & Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 2; pp.: 22 - 29

Saeki 佐伯 is an ethnic group mentioned in Nihon shoki and Fudoki. According to Aston, they could b... more Saeki 佐伯 is an ethnic group mentioned in Nihon shoki and Fudoki. According to Aston, they could be a group of Ainu origin. In Fudoki they are described as robbers who walked the country. The kanji 佐伯 is a rather meaningless combination, they were chosen just to express the original sound of the name that evidently is not of Japanese origin. To get the reading of these kanji that were used in the period when Fudoki was created, we have to turn to the kan'on reading. The kan'on of 佐 is sa, the kan'on of 伯 is haku, and the original reading of 佐伯 is sa-paku. This word-form looks like a compound of the following Ainu roots: sa "side" + pa "to step" + kur "human being". And thus, sa-pa-kur can be translated as "people walking from side to side" or "wandering people".

How many voices are there in Ainu really?

Nonno T. 2023. How many voices are there in Ainu really? Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 9, N 1; pp.: 17 - 20

Japanese linguists usually describe Ainu as a language with a passive voice. One example consider... more Japanese linguists usually describe Ainu as a language with a passive voice. One example considered as passive is hapo or wa a-en=koyki-"I was scolded by mother". Such sentences can't be considered examples of passive since they contradict all conditions of the passive voice. Other items considered passive are personal markers enci= (1sg) and unci= (1pl) used in Ishikari/Asahikawa dialect. These markers show that the marked person is a patient/target/beneficiary of an action. When these markers are used, then other personal markers are absent. These markers could be considered as implementations of passive, but in Ainu there are no personal markers like enci= and unci= for other persons and numbers. A voice cannot carry out itself only for some persons and numbers, so this case also can't be considered a true passive. And thus, Ainu should be considered a language without voices.

A function describing the regularity of changes of the potential relative error that occurs in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2022. A function describing the regularity of changes of the potential relative error that occurs in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 3; pp.: 19 - 39

The error that occurs in estimating degrees of resemblance of randomly selected assemblages of po... more The error that occurs in estimating degrees of resemblance of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds depends on the ratio of the numbers of potsherds. Originally the error is determined by the following points: if the ratio of numbers of potsherds is 1 – 0.7 the error is 0.01 or less, if the ratio is 0.65 – 0.6 the error is about 0.045, if the ratio is 0.55 – 0.5 the error is about 0.075, if the ratio is 0.45 the error is 0.14, if the ratio is 0.4 and less the error is about 0.19. To derive a function from the above-shown data was employed an online calculator that used several regression models to approximate an unknown function given by a set of data points. The function that fits the above-shown data best way is the following quadratic regression: δ = – 0.88r2 + 1.52r + 0.35, r is the ratio of numbers of potsherds.

On the etymology of the Ainu word *emciu/*emciw

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2022. On the etymology of the Ainu word *emciu/*emciw. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8; N 4; pp.: 20 - 23

Japanese words emishi, ebisu and ezo were derived from Ainu *emciu/*emciw. In the wordform of emc... more Japanese words emishi, ebisu and ezo were derived from Ainu *emciu/*emciw. In the wordform of emciw can be singled out the suffix of-iw that is used in counting people: iwan-iw "six people", i.e.: the-iw suffix means "human being", or "people". We suppose that the wordform of emciw is an example of fusion: i belongs to the suffix and to the stem at once, so the stem is emci. This emci correlates with the personal marker of enci= that is used in Ishikari/Asahikawa and in Tokachi dialects. This personal marker expresses first person singular in the forms that can be interpreted as passive, it shows that first person singular is a patient, a target or a beneficiary of an action. In this enci= the attention is especially focused on the first person singular. And thus, the word emciw can be translated as "my people", "my group", "ours".

Androgynous deities/beings in mythologies and art of the Ainu-Minoan people as a sign of positive attitude toward variations of gender

Nonno T. 2022. Androgynous deities/beings in mythologies and art of the Ainu-Minoan people as a sign of positive attitude toward variations of gender. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 3; pp.: 45 - 51

If certain languages are related, i.e.: belong to the same family/stock, then the corresponding c... more If certain languages are related, i.e.: belong to the same family/stock, then the corresponding cultures share certain similar/look-alike conceptions/ideas/patterns. The more closely are certain cultures related, the larger is the set of their similar conceptions. In the case of such language unities as Ainu-Minoan only very basic ideas can be common. One of the common ideas of the people of the Ainu-Minoan stock is a pretty positive attitude toward variations of gender. This idea/tendency is expressed by the presence of androgynous deities/beings in the corresponding mythologies and art. In the most obvious form this tendency is expressed in Sumerian culture in the cult of Inanna. In Chinese culture this tendency is expressed by the figure of Lan Caihe. In Jōmon culture this tendency is expressed by clay figurines dogū depicting androgynous beings. In Minoan Crete this tendency is expressed by frescoes depicting people of ambiguous gender.

A modification of the formula used in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds

Nonno T. 2022. A modification of the formula used in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 16 - 31

The formula that was usually used in the comparison of two randomly selected assemblages of potsh... more The formula that was usually used in the comparison of two randomly selected assemblages of potsherds didn't account for the potential error, though the information about the possible error was reported separately. And so it is useful to have a formula that would account for the potential error. Previously in a special paper it was shown that the potential error is connected with the ratio of numbers of potsherds of the compared assemblages. The potential error can be accounted for if the (1-δ) coefficient is inserted into the formula (δ is the relative error). This parameter shows how close the compared collections are in the quantitative aspect, and to what extent the possibility of deviation is excluded. Also in the paper is shown a table containing values of the degree of resemblance which were given by a standard set of assemblages of the Pit-Comb Ware.

A formalization of rituals that allows estimating degrees of their similarity

Nonno T. 2022. A formalization of rituals that allows estimating degrees of their similarity. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 37 - 44

Any ritual is a semiotic system and can be formalized just like any other semiotic system, and af... more Any ritual is a semiotic system and can be formalized just like any other semiotic system, and after formalization, it is possible to estimate the degrees of similarities of different rituals. Any ritual can be considered as a play/performance and can be described by the following system of sets: Participants (P), Tools and locations (T), Actions (A), and Expected results (R). To estimate the degree of similarity of two rituals should be estimated the degree of similarity of P of one ritual with P of another ritual, T of one ritual with T of another ritual, and so on, finally should be taken arithmetic mean of four received values. The procedures of formalizing and comparison of rituals are shown on the material of the Ainu bear ritual - iomante, Ainu ritual kamuy nomi, and the bear ritual that was practiced in Lithuanian Panevėžys.

Some thoughts on the roots of the Ainu bear ritual iomante

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A, Nonno T. 2022. Some thoughts on the roots of the Ainu bear ritual iomante. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 2; pp.: 32 - 36

The Ainu bear ritual iomante, in our opinion, began when hunters killed a she-bear and brought he... more The Ainu bear ritual iomante, in our opinion, began when hunters killed a she-bear and brought her cubs to their settlement, raised them, and then killed them to get their meat; this happened in a very distant past, perhaps even before the Jōmon period. While the cubs were raised, the people began to treat them as beings that had ontological status close to human beings. These bears already were not just prey, and so the killing of such bears should have implied an apology for the murder. Gradually the practice of propitiating the souls of bears developed, and the rites became more elaborated. Bear rituals could exist at least in the late Jōmon: in some sites attributed to this time were found clay figurines depicting bears. These figurines mean that there were certain special notions about bears, and so it is possible to suppose the existence of some bear rituals.

The meaning of Sumerian culture for the reconstruction of cultural patterns existing in societies speaking languages belonging to the Ainu-Minoan stock

Nonno T. 2022. The meaning of Sumerian culture for the reconstruction of cultural patterns existing in societies speaking languages belonging to the Ainu-Minoan stock. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, N 1; pp.: 19 - 21

Sumerian language belongs to the Ainu-Minoan stock. The relatedness of languages supposes a certa... more Sumerian language belongs to the Ainu-Minoan stock. The relatedness of languages supposes a certain similarity of the corresponding cultures. Sumerian culture is especially valuable for understanding conceptions existing in cultures of the Ainu-Minoan stock because throughout its history it developed by its internal logic, without experiencing serious external influences, and also had a well-elaborated tradition of recording different aspects of its own life. The closer a certain Ainu-Minoan culture (in geographical, historical, and social aspects) is to Sumerian culture, the more it is possible to project onto it items of Sumerian culture. Cultures remote from Sumerian culture both in time and geographically have usually only the most basic features in common with it. However, if the question is a reconstruction of patterns/mechanisms of a certain culture of the Ainu-Minoan stock, then Sumerian culture can be used more as a certain ideal example rather than as a source of direct analogies/projections.

The semantics of the Ainu bear ritual iomante: bear as a kind of inaw

by Tresi Nonno and Alexander Akulov

Nonno T., Akulov A. 2022. The semantics of the Ainu bear ritual iomante: bear as a kind of inaw. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 8, № 1; pp.: 22 - 27

Bear was one of the most important beings for Ainu. Bears were not only named kamuy, but were con... more Bear was one of the most important beings for Ainu. Bears were not only named kamuy, but were considered as true kamuy by the Ainu. And bear ritual iomante was one of the most significant rituals in the system of Ainu rituals. In the system of Ainu religion inaw is a universal sacrifice, i.e.: a bridge between the world of people and the world of kamuy, a bridge through which ramat can flow from the world of kamuy to the world of people. And the iomante ritual serves to establish a connection/bridge with the world of kamuy, and grace from the world of kamuy flows over the bridge into the world of people: people become more successful in hunting. And thus, bear in the iomante ritual can be considered as a kind of inaw.

Emishi chief Ryōkō/Ri-o-kur 綾糠 from the scroll about emperor Bidatsu

Tresi Nonno. 2021. Emishi chief Ryōkō/Ri-o-kur 綾糠 from the scroll about emperor Bidatsu. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, N 4; pp.: 17 - 21

In the 20 th scroll of Nihon shoki there is a name of Emishi chief 綾糟 that is read as Ayakasu. Th... more In the 20 th scroll of Nihon shoki there is a name of Emishi chief 綾糟 that is read as Ayakasu. This reading is unlike typical Emishi/Ainu names of chiefs: Emishi were a branch of Ainu, and names of Ainu chiefs usually end with kur-"person". It seems that Ayakasu was ascribed to these kanji in late time. The kan'on of 綾糟 is ryōsō, but if a name ending with kur is recorded by kanji then such recording evidently should end with a kanji sounding like kur (with a kanji that is read as ki/ko/kō/ku). Probably the original kanji of the name were 綾糠 and it was pronounced as Ryōkō, later 糠 was mistakenly replaced by 糟. Ryōkō originally was Ri-o-kur; it consists of the following components: kur - "man/person"; ri - "to be tall/high", "to be growing"; o - "penis". Thus, Ri-o-kur means "A man with an erected penis".

On the Ainu origin of the ethnonym Emishi/Ebisu/Ezo

by Alexander Akulov and Tresi Nonno

Akulov A., Nonno T. 2021. On the Ainu origin of the ethnonym Emishi/Ebisu/Ezo. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, N 4; pp.: 11 - 16

The main arguments of the Ainu origin of the name Emishi were presented by Kindaichi, however, th... more The main arguments of the Ainu origin of the name Emishi were presented by Kindaichi, however, that these arguments were presented rather haphazardly. This paper is aimed to represent facts found by Kindachi in a more systematic way. It is possible to say that the Japanese form emishi is the oldest form. Japanese emishi was derived from Ainu *emciu. The form ebisu came out from the form emisu. Key points of transformation of *emciu into ezo are the following: 1) emchiu became enju: [m] of emciu became [n] under the influence of subsequent alveolar/alveolo-palatal sound [t]/[tɕ]; 2) Ainu language doesn't distinguish voiced and unvoiced consonants, so enciu became enju; 3) enju was pronounced as enzo in Tōhoku. Ainu word-form enju can't originate from Japanese ezo: if ezo would be borrowed by Ainu it would become *ento. Also the word enciu/enju was used as self-naming by Ainu in sacral narratives/in tales.

Some place names of Ainu origin in the islands of Ryūkyū: toponyms with the component pira/hira

Tresi Nonno. 2021. Some place names of Ainu origin in the islands of Ryūkyū: toponyms with the component pira/hira. Cultural Anthropology and Ethnosemiotics, Vol. 7, № 3; pp.: 25 - 34

In the islands of Ryūkyū there are some toponyms containing the component pira/hira that originat... more In the islands of Ryūkyū there are some toponyms containing the component pira/hira that originated from the Ainu word pira "cliff" / "rock": Kabiraiishizaki in the island of Ishigaki, the island of Hirari near Ishigaki, Kotohira in the island of Yoron, Takahira in the island of Takeshima, and Takahira in the island of Yakushima. The component pira/hira can't originate from any other language except Ainu. Toponyms with the same component pira/hira exist in Hokkaidō. Toponyms with the pira/hira component evidently should be traced back to the Jōmon language. The fact that toponyms of Jōmon origin can be decoded through modern Ainu means that the language of Jōmon and modern Ainu are pretty close. The fact that in the islands of Ryūkyū there are toponyms with the same component as in the island of Hokkaidō means that in ancient times Ainu inhabited the whole Japanese archipelago from Ryūkyū to Hokkaidō.

«Записки о людях ва из хроники Вэй»: перевод и комментарии

Нонно Т. 2021. «Записки о людях ва из хроники Вэй»: перевод и комментарии. Вестник Сахалинского музея № 35; сс.: 6 - 25

Статья представляет собой перевод и комментарии «Записок о людях ва из хроники Вэй»-исключительно... more Статья представляет собой перевод и комментарии «Записок о людях ва из хроники Вэй»-исключительно важного источника по древней истории Дальнего Востока. Данный перевод «Записок о людях ва» ценен и уникален тем, что в нем представлен оригинальный китайский памятник и каждое китайское предложение сопровождается переводом, цель которого не гнаться за литературной гладкостью, а по возможности точно и полно передать содержание оригинального китайского текста. Ключевые слова: люди ва, айны, Япония, китайские хроники.